The Nation Newspaper

Category: Columnists

Hostage season (2)

Long before bandits preyed on schoolchildren, long before ransom notes began to read like market lists including palm oil, dried fish, onions, and yam tubers, Nigeria itself had been taken hostage.

Thus, what we now call an epidemic of abductions is merely the physical manifestation of captive Nigerianness: with our consciences bound, institutions gagged, and the citizenry caught between fraying morals and failing structures.

Truth is, the hostage crisis did not begin at gunpoint. It began in the dumbing down of Nigerian character; in the fragmentation of our family systems; in the erosion of public trust, and in the corruption that has become as ambient as the air we breathe.

Nigeria’s kidnap-for-ransom enterprise has matured into a grotesque industry, sprawling from forest corridors to the fringes of urban life. Between July 2023 and June 2024 alone, SBM Intelligence reports that 1,130 kidnapping incidents were recorded, involving no fewer than 7,568 victims.

In that period, abductors demanded N10.99 billion, but received only N1.048 billion, a mere 9.5 per cent of their outrageous demands. This gap reveals a frightening evolution: rather than targeting only business magnates, politicians, or oil barons, kidnappers have shifted their sights to the masses: to farmers, market women, students, commuters, villagers, minors, and the elderly.

Yet the absurdity has assumed darker shades. In one widely reported case in the South-West, kidnappers demanded N3.5 million plus a carton of Schnapps, 30 litres of palm oil, 10 tubers of yam, and a keg of vegetable oil before releasing three captives. Elsewhere, abductors have asked for cooking oil, dried fish, garri, power banks, phone chargers, items required to restock a household inventory rather than a ransom ledger.

This is what happens when criminality fuses with hunger; the consequence is a madness that confounds profit logic. It feeds, ultimately, an ever-widening maw of need.

Yet, beyond the abductions that dominate news cycles, Nigeria suffers from a deeper, subtler captivity. Every Nigerian, in some form, is a hostage: hostage to creed, weaponising faith to justify bigotry; hostage to ethnic and religious loyalties; hostage to greed, that turns public office into a private empire.

Many are hostage to hypocrisy, condemning loudly in public what they cuddle in private; hostage to poverty, which renders dignity an unaffordable luxury; hostage to materialism, chasing wealth with the desperation of a drowning man gasping for air.

Some are hostage to sexual lust, weaponising desire to destroy marriages, careers, and destinies; hostage to rage, exploding at the slightest provocation because Nigeria heats everyone, like a pressure cooker; hostage to daily needs, locked in a battle that yokes survival to the next meal.

Many more are hostage to imperialist agendas, gorging on colonist doctrines at the expense of indigenous wisdom. And perhaps most tragically, we are hostage to sentimentality, defending leaders who impoverish us, praising institutions that betray us, and romanticising the very dysfunctions that hold us captive.

Amid this moral malaise, corruption manifests as a social ill and a vehicle of national dysfunction. Recent 2023 data reveal that 32.3% of Nigerians reported personal experience with bribery while dealing with public officials. In total, an estimated 87 million bribes were exchanged that year—approximately 0.8 bribes per adult. Among those who admitted paying bribes, the average number paid within 12 months was 5.1.

The import is alarming: about US $1.26 billion in cash bribes changed hands in 2023; that is roughly 0.35% of Nigeria’s GDP.

The citizen pays bribes to secure what is already his by right. The official extracts bribes to perform what he is already paid to do. And the system, greased by these transactions, chugs out detritus of misgovernance.

To mend all that we have broken, we must rejig our cultural foundations. No society reforms itself without reshaping its stories; the narratives it consumes often become the beliefs it normalises, and the beliefs it normalises form the culture it lives by.

Essentially, patriotism thrives on cultural standards. The politics we espouse and our lore of nationhood manifest the kernel of our sovereignty. A similar dynamic undergirds our politico-literary traditions. Politics thrives on artistic vistas and vice versa.

What shouldn’t we do for an evergreen story? What shouldn’t we give? The evergreen story, if progressively spun, yields fresh insights through the imagination of the writer or filmmaker, who milks history and recalibrates reality to espouse a positive national lyric.

What is the Nigerian lyric? What is our reality? What do our artists project about us to our internal and external publics? Filmmakers, for instance, possess a critical tool: storytelling. But too often, this instrument is pointed inward to glamorise crime, trivialise trauma, and distort our image in the pursuit of box office glory. A recent film, for instance, irresponsibly romanticised kidnap-for-ransom while maligning Islam, thus reinforcing stereotypes that worsen social fissures. This is artistic sabotage masquerading as creativity.

It’s about time the government partnered with filmmakers to produce hard-hitting political thrillers, social dramas, and moral epics that diagnose Nigeria’s ailments and offer a path to healing.

Hollywood perfected this strategy decades ago. Between 1911 and 2017, over 800 feature films received support from the U.S. Department of Defence. More than 1,100 television titles enjoyed Pentagon backing. These ranged from Iron Man and Transformers to Homeland, 24, NCIS, and others.

The United States’ democratic enterprise is one of the most profitable constructions via art, in its bid to “make America great again,” at any cost. It is both music and philosophy, a sensory stream of thought feeding generations of writers, political activists, filmmakers, politicians, gender rights activists, academia, and so on.

Hollywood, democracy and foreign aid do for America what painting and sculpture did for the Italians. They are potent tools for wooing and recolonising the world. Also, both China’s and South Korea’s cultural ascents were deliberately constructed around cinematic narratives aligned with national philosophy. Likewise, Nigeria must birth an artistic movement that elevates, not erodes, the collective psyche. The country’s creative economy stands at an inflection point. With projections estimating a leap from $5 billion in 2022 to $25 billion by the end of 2025, there is an undeniable hunger for indigenous storytelling. Yet, economic prosperity must not overshadow ideological direction.

Read Also: 28 million Nigerian students lack access to digital skills – UNICEF

Nigeria must fuse state power with cultural influence to dismantle the criminal economy, using cinema, storytelling, and public-facing art to drive awareness while strengthening intelligence systems with drones, satellite surveillance, digital tracking, and community-powered reporting tools that predict and prevent abductions.

The government, in partnership with the creative sector, must spotlight the importance of state policing, securing forest corridors and rural communities, using film, radio dramas, and digital content to mobilise public vigilance, while a national forest security command, integrated with trained community vigilante units, constrains bandits’ operations.

Through socially conscious art and nationwide cultural programming, the government must help citizens understand that no crime thrives where jobs, education, and social welfare exist, and the government must walk in virtual lockstep with what it preaches.

A nation’s heart beats in its stories. A country without a socially responsible literary and artistic community is a body without a soul. Our filmmakers must move beyond the monotonous tropes of gender wars, feminist-misandrist vendetta-laden plots. Our novelists must cease writing solely for Western patronage and pity.

Shall we script a new national narrative? One that does not lament Nigeria but reimagines her. One that does not beg for Western approval but commands global reverence.

It’s about time we resolved the maladies that make the Nigerian dream the fantasy of thieves, kidnappers, and blinkered murderers.

November 27, 2025
Lessons from Delta’s century of flight (2)

Delta began operations on the Lagos-Atlanta route in 2007 just as it was coming out of Chapter 11 bankruptcy, after completing the reorganization of the company. Delta has serviced the route continuously for 18 years. Today, it is one of their most profitable routes. From its Atlanta headquarters and main operational hub, Delta can take Lagos passengers to nearly 300 other cities in the United States and, indeed, many other cities worldwide. It is, therefore, a very convenient port of entry into the United States for Nigerian travelers.

By contrast, Nigeria’s national carrier, Nigeria Airways, was liquidated in 2004, having gone into total bankruptcy the previous year. At the time of its death, Nigeria Airways had only one serviceable plane, over 4,000 staff, and owed over $500 million. The deceases were classic and typical of Nigerian government ventures—corruption, mismanagement, overstaffing, and heavy debt. Part of the management incongruities of Nigeria Airways was the disjuncture between its management headquarters in Abuja and its main operational hub in Lagos.

Delta’s operation in Nigeria is defined by several features. One, the operation is headed by a Nigerian and run by Nigerians. This facilitates smooth transactions between the Nigerian workers and the Nigerian customers. Compare that to a time when Nigerian Airways had to hire staff from TWA or KLM to manage its operations, despite having thousands of Nigerian staff on its payroll.

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Two, although tickets may be sold in local currency, Delta has an agreement with the government, as do other foreign airlines, to collect airfares in dollars. To Delta’s credit, the airline never stopped operation on the Lagos-Atlanta route when the Nigerian government defaulted on payment before the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu paid off the arrears. Delta’s capacity to absorb such shocks is due to the volume of its operations and high profitability: In 2024 alone, the airline operated over 4,000 flights a day and declared a record high revenue of $57 billion. The pretax income stood at $5.2 billion and free cash flow at $3.4 billion.

Three, to be sure, Delta makes astronomical profit from its Delta One and First Class fares, not only in Nigeria but worldwide. For example, Delta One fare for a return flight from Lagos to Atlanta over the holidays, ranges between $8,000 and $10,000, depending on the dates and how soon the ticket is booked. Nevertheless, Delta’s profitability on the Lagos-Atlanta route is not limited to passenger load alone. Delta also makes money from cargo freight, taking advantage of the huge volume of trade between Nigeria and the United States. To date, Delta has flown about 2 million passengers and about 25,000 tonnes of cargo in 18 years on the Lagos-Atlanta route.

Four, Delta is not just pocketing the profit. It also spends on improvements to the aircraft, passenger comfort, and overall customer experience on the Lagos-Atlanta route. For example, this year alone, Delta switched to its flagship, wide-bodied, long-haul jet, the A350-900, offering more comfort throughout its four-cabin setup.

Earlier in July 2025, Delta opened a premium lounge at the Murtala Mohammed International Airport in Lagos. The problem, though, is that it appears to be an exclusive lounge that admits only Delta One and certain VIP travelers, for example, in the oil and gas industry. I once enquired from an agent at the reception counter if the Delta Skymiles American Express Reserve Card was good enough for access to the lounge as it is for other Delta and Centurion lounges worldwide, provided the traveler has a same-day Delta ticket. I was shocked by the negative response, but I hope the agent was wrong, because the card comes with a very high annual fee to compensate for all the perks that come with it, including 15 annual visits to Delta lounges. Such cardholders are admitted, without question, to such lounges in the United States and whereever Delta flies. How could the few Nigerian holders of the Delta Skymiles American Express Reserve Card be discriminated against in their own country, when the same card admits them to similar lounges in the United States?

Delta has also been working since 2023 on free WiFi on their planes in association with T-Mobile, a global mobile phone and WiFi access provider. It is now available on flights on the Lagos-Atlantic route. A welcome addition to the capabilities on newer planes is bluetooth, which allows customers to sync wireless headphones for listening pleasure. The WiFi service is free for those with Skymiles account, while those without an account can purchase WiFi access.

As indicated last week (see Lessons from Delta’s century of flight (1), The Nation, November 19, 2025), the Delta experience offers lessons in management, customer service, and staff relations. Its profit-sharing program is unparalleled in the industry. Every year they make profit, eligible employees receive a payout equivalent to about 10% of their annual pay or five weeks of pay. Furthermore, eligible employees, including ground workers receive a pay raise equivalent to 4% of their base pay. I hope Delta workers in Nigeria are availed these financial benefits.

The principal founder of Delta Airlines, Collett Everman Woolman (1889-1966) died in 1966, but the business continued. Its management struggled to keep it afloat, wading through obstacle after obstacle until it stabilized. Today, Delta Airline is the largest airline in the world by revenue. It has received numerous industry awards, including best US airline; best US business class; and best in operational management, employer reputation, and customer experience. It is also best in innovation, including best airline App. How many Nigerian businesses have survived their founders and thrived afterwards? This is a question the Dangotes, Otedolas, and others should begin to ponder.

I cannot but repeat my assessment of two of the airlines CEO, who, in my estimation, revived the company from Chapter 11 bankruptcy and are largely responsible for its present fortunes. They are Gerald Grinstein and Edward Bastian. The former was CEO, while the latter was Finance Director during the bankruptcy hearings. Ed took the company’s case to court to seek its protection, while Jerry defended the company before Congress from takeover by US Airways. Today, Ed is the company’s CEO. What is remarkable about both men was their recall to work again for the company. Jerry had retired in 1996, while Ed resigned out of anger with the direction of the company. Both were recalled to manage the company. Their contributions will remain indelible in the aviation industry.

November 26, 2025
Progressive LGAs: cooperate with institutions

While many LGAs are facing terrorist-led war-like destruction, others have new life because of two great things. One is the Supreme Court judgement reiterating the constitutionally guaranteed financial independence of the LGAs from the state governments in terms of direct allocations from the federal government. The second reason is the dedication of some LGA chairmen who service the needs of their LGAs for inner roads, Primary Health Care, primary schools and markets, some LGA chairmen are building LGA estates and providing small scale business support. Hurray!

Of course, there are some LGA chairmen who will continue the old bad ways and just call party, political and traditional rulers to merely divide the citizens’ budget among themselves, effectively stealing development money. This disgusting action by elected officials deprives LGA populations of normal LGA-led development even though the money is there. This is outright common theft.

We must call theft stealing and not politically palatable names like corruption, fraud, padding, misappropriation, inflation of contracts, diversion or round-tripping.

Such criminally minded thieving LGA chairmen and their councils require regular forensic audit to stop the stealing in the bud -before N1million is missing, not when N1billion is long gone. Our citizens can no longer afford the situation where many more millions are stolen from 2025 LGAs only to be ‘revealed but not retrieved by ICPC or EFCC years after the criminal chairmen have left office and corruptly used the stolen money to illegally further ‘water the road’ of their political ambition.

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We must catch, try and punish any criminal LGA chairmen while in power. These same wayward thieving politicians will demand that the market thieves in their LGAs are jailed.

On the political front such wayward money-grabbing politicians need to be reminded that every project completed at LGA reduces the financial and political burden on state and federal government- exactly why the LGAs were created. The citizens need to refocus their very valuable and voluble political and financial management criticism for good governance and demonstrable financial honesty in their LGAs.

Now there is much more money to spend at LGA level, in most LGAs at least, Nigerians and monitoring bodies need LGA based websites and citizen feedback social media, not in conflict or political opposition but in a cumulative information and action synergy, to achieve what is good for the citizenry and monitor the achievement of SDGs.

The vast majority of the Nigerian population lives and work in one or two LGAs. That is all they will ever see of Nigeria, and they make up their minds about every level of governance through the goings on in their limited domain. Abuja and state upheavals are WhatsApp oddities. The states of affairs in those LGAs are the focus and limit of their knowledge. Also, there is a limit to the knowledge input by staff of most LGAs which lack the engineering, architectural, administrative and technical skills to make the ‘Grand 4 or 8-year Plan for XYZ LGA SDGs’.

Fortunately, but sadly, Nigeria is blessed with an untapped civilian army of professionally knowledgeable dedicated serving and retired -but not tired of their country- Nigerian citizens, men and women, seeking only development, who live in or are connected by family to every LGA. Forward-looking LGA chairmen should mobilise such ‘LGA Senior Citizen Think Tanks’, or the retirees should visit the LGA chairman. Their meetings should identify the top 10, 20, 30 projects which the LGA chairman would not have thought of. For example, there are many badly built or decaying bridges which could cut travel time and improve travel safety and open up new areas, if they are rebuilt, upgraded and maintained.

Many LGAs are blessed with untapped incalculable wealth as they host, ignored or even harassed, institutions like universities, polytechnics and other tertiary schools, teaching hospitals and research institutes. Sadly, many such centres of knowledge -if not excellence- uniformly have absolutely zero consultation, interaction or impact on the host LGA, starting at the institution’s gate.

Many years ago, I sat briefly on an intellectual committee set us by LGA chairman, Bayo Beckley. Late Professor Shridar from the University of Ibadan set up a waste management project in Bodija market – a gateway but daily time-consuming traffic bottleneck to the University of Ibadan and NISER-Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research, both prestigious and iconic intellectual flagships whose staff get regularly stuck in Bodija market traffic.

Even with the just concluded widening, reconstruction and super-upgrade of the Bodija market road, the market population still manages to fight change and shrink the road to one-and-a-half usable lanes by spreading tomatoes et cetera on the costly second lane wasting the valuable upgrade. Tomatoes on very expensive market real estate!!

Yet the NISER, which has a transport development focus unit and brain-packed UI, could cooperate with government to address the embarrassing and needless problem of access to those VIP institutions through the Bodija market. Problem – markets and junctions everywhere cannot accommodate all traders or all okada or keke seeking a spot. Solution: Supervise, set and enforce roadside, market trader and junction okada and keke numbers; keep market traders off the new multi-billion expensive two lanes asphalt road up to 6.30pm daily. Let LGA chairman, UI and NISER and state government meet to create an exemplary off lane third lane for parking. Enforce decisions.

Cooperation on mundane problems is the key to LGA citizen happiness with all government branches.

November 26, 2025
Insecurity as tsetse fly

The tsetse fly is the harbinger of a disease commonly known as sleeping sickness which could eventually kill the patient if not treated. One can therefore describe the tsetse fly disease as a lullaby to the grave when ignored. Google describes it as a parasitic disease spread by the bite of an infected tsetse fly. The early symptoms include fever and joint pain, while advanced untreated stages lead to confusion, sleep disruption and eventual fatality. Has the resurgent insecurity in our dear country been infested by enemies determined to upend Nigeria?

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) at the beginning of his administration in 2023, told fellow compatriots not to feel pity for him despite the gargantuan challenges facing the country, particularly the economic chaos left behind by his predecessor. He had argued that he campaigned for the job and that it is his responsibility to deliver on promises made during the campaign. In fairness to the president, against all odds, he has reasonably stabilized the economy and the nation is on a growth trajectory.

But the lull in insecurity appears to have ended with multiple bangs and our nation has become the object of international pity or scorn depending on the assessor. As if on cue, the security challenges keep mutating. Not long after the loquacious pseudo-democrat president of United States, Donald Trump, undiplomatically called our country a nation of disgrace, the Nnamdi Kanu debacle reached its crescendo. While Nigerians were struggling to digest these hard rocks, triple cases of kidnapping assaulted the sensibilities of every patriotic Nigerian.

With the resurgent security challenges coagulating after Trump focused the international scrutiny on Nigeria, this column wonders whether the PBAT would still say he doesn’t need our pity? Of course it is hard work, and not a pity-party that would solve the myriad of security challenges facing the country. But there appears more than meets the eye in the sudden resurgence of kidnapping in Kebbi, Kwara and Niger states, necessitating the closure of many schools in the northern part of the country, to stem the crisis.

The least the president should demand from the military hierarchy within few hours is who authorized the withdrawal of troops from Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga, Kebbi State, before the terrorists struck. The allegation by the Kebbi State Governor Mohammed Idris, that the terrorist struck 30 minutes after the troops left, if followed rigorously by the military intelligence, may unravel the double-dealers working from inside, to upend the country. The effort by the defence hierarchy to treat it as a routine review to ascertain circumstances surrounding troop redeployment and movement should be with caution.

This writer recalls similar explanations in the past, when grave security challenges happened few hours after the withdrawal of troops during the regime of former President Goodluck Jonathan. Is the redeployment and movement connected with the allegations that some unpatriotic members of the Armed Forces treat the grave security challenges facing the country as a business, from which they profit? According to such claims, that explains why the insurgency, kidnapping and other security challenges facing the country, has lasted for more than a decade. So, it is important that these allegations are thoroughly investigated and if there are elements within the military undermining the efforts of our gallant soldiers, they should be uprooted and thrown out.

In the past week, PBAT treated the kidnapping incidents with all the seriousness it deserves, and his military foot-soldiers must act in similar stead. He delayed and eventually cancelled his trip to South Africa for the G20 summit and the Angola AU-EU Summit. These two summits would have further buoyed up the resurgent economic revival of Nigeria, through direct foreign investments, economic cooperation and other gains associated with bilateral economic engagements. The potential gains from the two summits are enormous, likewise the losses.

Of course, the greatest loss is the reason the president did not to attend the two summits, which will flash across the diplomatic channels of many countries. The fact that because of resurgent insecurity in Nigeria, the president could not attend the summits, speaks volume to potential foreign investors. But of course, no one should blame the president for staying back to deal with the enormous challenges thrown up in the days leading to the summits. As if orchestrated by actors, within few-days apart, the kidnappers stuck at the Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga, Kebbi State, Christ Apostolic Church, Eruku, Kwara State and the St. Mary’s Catholic school, Minna, Niger State.

While the kidnapped persons from CAC Eruku, has gained their freedom, over 270 kidnapped from St. Mary’s, and about 25 from Maga, are still with the kidnappers. It is strange that instead of concentrating his energy on recovering the children and others kidnapped from St. Mary, the governor of Niger State, Mohammed Bago, is expending energy trying to shift the blame for the kidnap to the proprietors of the school. He even said the matter should be treated as cases of missing persons.

The governor should talk-less and join forces with security agencies to ensure the children and their teachers are freed and returned to their parents. He should know that the world is not interested in his tales by moonlight, and as the governor and chief security officer of the state, it is his duty to ensure the security of persons and properties in the state, and where he fails, he cannot blame the citizens for engaging in their legitimate daily enterprise.

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He should emulate the governors of Kebbi and Kwara states and stop the rhetoric that could represent him as treating the matter with less seriousness, because it happened in a private Christian school. Those on the same page with President Trump and the strong lobby in the US Congress, who had accused Nigeria of engaging in Christian genocide, could latch on the governor’s uncaring statements to further their contention of genocidal practices against Christians, by some states in the northern part of the country.

The past week, Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, shunning all distractions from the defendant, Nnamdi Kanu, went ahead to deliver his judgment and handed a life imprisonment to the separatist agitator for Biafra, the defunct state for which the Nigerian civil war was fought between 1967-1970. The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) leader, has since 2015, been like an infested tsetse fly perching on the scrotum of Nigerian leaders at the federal and state levels. Of course, Kanu’s imprisonment would not end the agitation by those who have lost faith in the Nigerian project.

While Kanu’s followers are awaiting an appeal against the judgment of Justice Omotosho, the nation awaits PBAT’s sagacious intervention in due course. As this column had cautioned in the heat of the agitation, violence can never solve the challenge bedeviling Nigeria. This writer trusts in the capacity of PBAT to dismantle the many scarecrows making Nigeria unattractive to many of its citizens, as the consequences of his failure will be very grave.

November 25, 2025
Tinapa: The jewel returns?

While the news of its ‘resurrection’ may not have competed with others on the front pages as it ought to in some respects: yet, it needs to be said that something happened to the once-famous jewel in the Cross River economic firmament on November 7 that is deserving of a more than a passing attention. On that day, Tinapa, the multi-billion naira complex that once projected the state as a potential global powerhouse of business and tourism was finally repossessed from the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria, AMCON.

This was how an elated Cross River State Governor, Bassey Otu captured the moment: “Today’s event has finally removed the legal lacuna on the ownership of Tinapa, which is now the bona fide property of the Cross River State government…We are not only reclaiming the facility, but also increasing the stock of our enduring infrastructure. The return of Tinapa is not merely an event; it is a rebirth, the triumph of faith, patience, and resilience…This is more than reclaiming an asset; it is the revival of a vision that once placed Cross River on the global economic map”.

Talk of the resurrection of a dream long given as ‘interred’; something of an eight wonder in the world!

Governor Otu and his team not only deserve commendation for retrieving the complex from the hand of the undertaker – the Bad Bank better known as AMCON, but refusing the Tinapa dream die. With good structures properly deployed going forward, there is yet a chance that the state might yet recover not just the value already poured in by way of investments and goodwill, but possible realignment with the founding ideals which the receivership may have aborted along the line.

Yet, if the truth be told, the story of how the 265 hectares property Leisure Resort, situated in Adiabo on the outskirts of Calabar, originally conceived by the Donald Duke administration to be a world class tourism, investment and leisure hub, whose breaking ceremony was performed in 2005, fell into the hand of the ‘Bad Bank’ deserves to be fully captured if only for its enduring lessons. A typical misshapen that is peculiarly Nigerian; on the one hand is the tale of a business ecosystem whose processes are more often than not, a recipe for failure; and on the other is the issue of continuity that has remained the bane of governance in these parts.

Tinapa’s problems were said to have started soon after the inauguration of the first phase of the resort in 2007. First was the issue of its legal status as a free trade zone, when only the federal government could operate a free trade zone. Liyel Imoke, who succeeded the visioner – Donald Duke, had, reportedly appealed to the federal government to take a stake in the project and to remove uncertainty about its status said to be hindering investment, all to no avail. Convinced that private investors could do at least a better job of putting the project on track through capital injection and managerial expertise, his overtures to them also reportedly hit a brick wall. While these were going on, the Nigeria Custom Service would insist on charging duty on purchases as they were brought out of the zone thus rendering businesses in the resort generally unprofitable. Of course, it was a matter of time before the shops within the complex started drawing the shutters, with other facilities such as the exhibition space and movie studio soon following!

To compound this was the issue of mounting debts, which at some point climbed to N18 billion for a state that was resource-challenged. Realising that the burden had become too much for the state to bear, the then governor, Imoke was said to have turned the resort over to AMCON; (the latter expected to inject about N29 billion to revive business activities in Tinapa before inviting investors to take over majority shares). That, as it turned out, never happened. Imoke’s successor, Ben Ayade, unfortunately did nothing to help the situation and so Tinapa’s fortunes further dipped. The final damage came with the EndSARS protest of 2020 during which damages said to be in excess of N100 billion were recorded.

That was the mess that the current governor, Bassey Otu, met on ground. Evidence that the governor has been working round the clock is the seal marking the repossession of the facility. Now the governor can claim that his quest to restore trust among investors and his government’s readiness to drive socio-economic renewal is well on course.

However, as I noted earlier, that act, of restoration that is, in itself can only be the first step in the journey to the resuscitation of a dream that was nearly aborted. To be sure, the achievement ought to be seen beyond the mere premise of increasing the stock of strategic infrastructure available to the state, (which is important), but rather in terms of how much value it will be able to deliver to the state and its people in terms of jobs and value creation across the board. That seems to yours truly, the best validation for the restoration of the complex as bona fide asset of the state government.

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Yet, true as the words of an observer is, that the repossession marks a decisive step towards ending years of redundancy and abandonment, the big task in my view, which is one of actualising the original vision of Tinapa as a transformative business and leisure hub, is still, at least at this point, a long way ahead.

Notably, the government is said to be in discussions with potential partners in the agro sub-sector and manufacturing, to demonstrate Tinapa’s renewed attractiveness. Surely, the good people of Cross River cannot wait to see the fruits of the engagement blossom. Even in this, it seems to me also that the Bassey Otu administration would need to provide further clarification on what this means in concrete terms to potential investors, particularly in those areas they might wish to collaborate with the state government.

Surely, it is one thing for the state to have crawled out of the clutches of the creditor, ensuring a vastly improved business environment is however a different kettle altogether. In other words, the other question of what has changed in the status of the complex remains largely unanswered. As it is, one expects that the experiences of the past years will guide the state government in coming up with a direction, going forward. That way, the state and its people wouldn’t have to relive the nightmarish date with the Bad Bank.

November 25, 2025
Life for an ‘international terrorist’

An uncouth child, untrained and untrainable, is fated to a harsh tutorial outside — Yoruba saying.

It was “Six for the PM” (September 9): Simon Ekpa’s terrorism conviction in Finland. Now, it’s “Life for an ‘international terrorist’”:Nnamdi Kanu’s life jail for terrorism, on November 20.

As Ekpa’s Finland canning, it’s Nigeria’s renunciation of atavistic savagery, veiled as self-determination. Any polity, ruled by law, logic and decency, has no other way.

So, if some South East elite still huff and puff; and the ignorant hoi polloi spewing emotive rubbish — both on X and allied social media — can’t still see the clear folly of terror tactics clothed as “self determination”, then the cruel joke is on them.

Even if the rest of Nigeria, victims of Kanu’s violent ethnic chauvinism, decide to “move on” (and that is far from certain!), what of his fellow Igbo: from Orsu, Ozubulu, Agulu, Orlu, Okigwe and Arondizuogu, hacked and slain by Kanu and his IPOB/ESN terrorists?

Their lives are worth nothing, so long as Kanu and co-criminals claim they shed their blood to water a neo-Biafra — a neo-Biafra where the Igbo, under whatever guise, are free to slaughter fellow Igbo? How long will such an enclave even last, before sinking in its own violent contradictions?

Besides, the South East elite should explain: how a rogue Eastern Security Network, busy devouring its own, thrived; and the Ebube Agu (Igbo for “Fear/aura/glory of a lion”) hardly made it beyond the conception slate, despite the opening salvo of ex-Ebonyi Governor, David Umahi?

Indeed, Ebube Agu, a regional security bloc, was to the South East, what Amotekun (Yoruba for Leopard, but formally: the Western Nigeria Security Network) is to the South West; just as the numerous Joint Civilian Task Force (JCTF) cadres are to the North — already integrated into that region’s anti-terrorism/banditry security buffer.

So, the South East orchestrated anguish, loud and tactless, echoes the opening quote of this piece: a child with no home training is yoked to a shattering lesson outside.

That essentially is the Kanu tragedy: loud, rude, uncouth, cocky and insufferable! He just birthed where he belongs. Good riddance!

So, those claiming his jailing is tantamount to jailing the entire Igbo are entitled to their self-deceit. They should walk their talk, though: join him in the slammer!

Besides, has it ever happened anywhere: that a docked person would bawl at his trial judge: “Omotoso, show me the law!”? — and all that from what has turned out to be no more than combative ignorance? In the open court too! What heresy!

Now if after, the South East elite still deign to muster such indignation at a criminal getting his glaring desert, they must accept they have been horrible “parents”, that unleashed such a horrible — nay, evil! — “child”, on their entire Nigerian “neighbours”.

Instead of this empty blather and bluster, they should show contrition and — pronto — apologize to other Nigerians!

Indeed, for an elite ever eager to clamber on tales of victimhood, they show pretty little sensitivity on how, by their reckless jibes, they routinely bruise others.

Which takes the matter to another post-jail campaign: instant mercy and pardon — an unthinking call, after the illogical pre-trial thunder: “Release Kanu unconditionally!” Isn’t it sheer lunacy to do exactly the same thing, yet expect a different result?

Even if you were to credibly beg for Kanu, where would you begin?

The courts whose sedate practitioners he throatily traduced, in his empty attempt to subdue? Remember these four Justices: Ahmed Mohammed, John Tsoho, Binta Nyako and James Omotoso, all sitting as justices of the Federal High Court, Abuja?

Kanu bludgeoned three out of the four to recuse themselves. Justice Omotoso, that eventually convicted him, was patient and long-suffering to defeat Kanu’s stalling tactics. Even then, he cursed, yelled and growled at the judge like some mad dog!

Chief Adegboyega Awomolo, SAN, Kanu’s prosecutor-in-chief? He insulted him twice — first, with Justice Nyako; and after with Justice Omotoso, after Kanu’s unruly conduct earned him expulsion from the courtroom on judgment day!

Yet, the same court, peopled by same jurists, will handle his appeal, after his crude boast that no court could convict him!

The security agents that he goaded his goons, via his insane EndSARS broadcasts in 2020, to go slaughter during the EndSARS riots?

The sitting President, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, whose alleged assets he told his IPOB thugs in Lagos to go raze, or possibly kill him if they could get him?

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The late President Muhammadu Buhari, a proud son of the North who, when ill, Kanu’s evil tongue floated the morbid lie that he had “died”; and that the “clone” that made it back as President was some Jubril of Sudan?

Pastor Enoch Adeboye, of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), who he cursed, dubbed his church a “Yoruba church” and every Igbo that worshipped there, an “imbecile”?

Will Lagos ever forget the evil of the atavistic savage that incited an IPOB mob to set on fire its historic monuments and landmarks, aside razing a new fleet of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) buses — among other investments Lagos made to ease life for his fellow Igbo and other ethnics in the Lagos cosmopolis?

Will the Igbo ever tolerate a non-Igbo savage, direct his co-savages to go on an arson spree, on the Igbo cherished landmarks, in the Igbo homestead? That’s what Kanu did to Lagos — and jail is where he eternally belongs!

Indeed, which section of Nigeria has Kanu not profaned? Where will this so-called “political solution” issue from — his rogue exceptionalism that because he is Igbo, and he’s fighting for Biafra, so he can destroy others’ lives and livelihoods, and walk free?

How would that even sound with victims in Kanu’s Igbo homeland: Miracle Nwobodo, Dr. Chike Akunyili, medic and spouse of the late but impactful Dora Akunyili, and the Army couple, Gloria Matthew and her beau, Linus Musa Audu, humiliated, beheaded and desecrated by IPOB, among thousands of nameless others? And Ahmed Gulak, will Adamawa ever forget?

Again, those who continue to mouth “injustice against Kanu” can enjoy their wilful lies. But even his lawyers knew he had absolutely no defence for his terrorist acts — so did Kanu himself. Thus, their stalling tactics that dragged the case for 10 years.

Fittingly on judgment day, his loose tongue nailed him — and spectacularly so. Indeed, had Justice Omotoso handed down the death penalty, that tongue would have handed the authorities a long rope to hang the condemned.

All of a sudden, the scriptures become so haunting: it’s the nonsense you spew that nails you, not the chaff you eat! The blood of his IPOB/ESN victims cried for justice –and secured judgment.

Let the lifer endure his life jail. But that’s even his least worries. The blood of his terror victims cry, will taunt him and challenge him for the rest of his life. It’s hard, lonely, miserable road to travel!

November 25, 2025
What ails Trump and his allies

Of all post-independence Nigerian leaders, President Tinubu is perhaps the only one who has a clear idea of the forces that have held our nation down since 1960.

First, as a nation with nominal independence, we cannot be talking of sovereignty when neo-colonialism, which Kwame Nkrumah described as “the last stage of imperialism”, a situation where our economic system and political policies are dictated from outside, was what replaced colonialism.

Many even believe neo-colonialism is worse than colonialism. At least with the latter we could report the misdeed of their satellite based official to political office holders in the metropolitan. It is on record that Herbert Macaulay once took the case of land grabbing by British officials to London where he secured victory for his client. Unfortunately, the multinationals that took over from the colonial masters are driven only by profit motive and responsible only to the metropolitan power.

As a first step towards reclaiming our sovereignty, President Tinubu without upsetting our traditional friends that have exploited us for decades, quietly diversified our economy by focusing on other areas than oil. He also diversified our friends by moving closer to Russia and China.

Why many concerned Nigerians were calling for restructuring and a return to 1963 constitution, Tinubu understands tribes and religion are relics of colonial rule. He did not think that was the best road to take especially since it is the legacies of colonial rule that shape our today’s political landscape.

For him, our problem since independence has been that of governance. For instance, all his predecessors embraced inherited colonial government model that promoted ethnic rivalry, inequality and allowed primitive accumulation by the elites who openly pillaged our resources.

His answer to self-serving critics of his fuel subsidy removal was simple: Nigeria cannot continue to spend the future of their children’

In any case, the wailing elite were prominent in the fuel subsidy scam, the sharing of power sector assets after government injection of billions of tax payers’ money, the collapse of the banking sector where they have refused to pay millions of naira AMCON deployed to save some of the banks, etc. Tinubu understands these greed-driven elite operate above society and its government. What was needed was persuasion to let them see the need to be on the side of Nigeria. The president stooped to conquer to do exactly that.

With solid home support of those who own society, he was ready to take on the multinationals. He embarked on diversification of the economy and our friends. He shifted attention to gas and paid less attention to oil where the multinationals have ensured the more oil we sell the poorer we become. In no time, President Tinubu announced to Nigerians that the country now makes more money from other areas of the economy than oil.

Dangote’s refinery, the biggest in the world became symbol of our independence and sovereignty by meeting our domestic need and exporting aviation fuel to Europe. Dangote stopped the tragic situation where, because we could not refine our own oil, we sell to multinationals at $60 per barrel and buy it back as refined PMS at $840.

This is not just our victory but victory for Africa where Ivory Coast, the highest world producer of cocoa gets for one year’s pain, about ten percent of the profit of just one chocolate manufacturer in USA.

There is massive infrastructural development going in the areas of railways, roads, communication etc. courtesy China who did not give us conditions that will compromise our sovereignty. These are facilities we could not secure from our western friends who often referred us to IMF and World Bank that have only prolonged the misery of customers from the third world nations.

Our ability to stand on our own is Donald Trump’s anguish. America and the West will not mind creating chaos or even regime change to end our current efforts to end decades of exploitation.

Insurgency has been with us for over 15 years. American Special Forces involved in training have worked closely with our security men in the area of training technic in fighting insurgency.

Unfortunately when immigrant Fulani herdsmen and their local promoters engaged in periodic mindless killing, their victims are often Christians because the area is inhabited by predominantly Christians. For the same reason, victim of Boko Haram insurgents in the northeast are both Muslims and Christians while the victims of the of the civil war between Fulani and their Hausa kinsmen, in the Northwest will be Muslims.

Unfortunately these are facts not known to Trump who supporters of jailed IPOB leader Kanu with permanent lobby group in the US and those of: Peter Obi who campaigned in 2023 exploiting tribal and religion sentiments, are inviting to Nigeria to fight their battle. .

But let us remind those who refuse to learn from history.

Those calling for Trump’s help must be reminded of the tragedy that befell nations where opposition elements have, because of social dislocations, sided with American invasion of their countries. The first victims are the people, who often end up without a country,

Bush in 2001 heading a US military coalition of Great Britain, Canada and allied forces went to Afghanistan to overthrow Taliban and dismantle al Qaeda. America was frustrated out after 20 years .and succeeded by the Taliban.

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Libya under Muammar Gaddafi where newlyweds were provided with new government apartments, where education within or outside Libya was free, where there was full employment because all university graduates secured job after graduation and where salaries, allowances and pensions allowed people was the envy of the world.

But claiming Gaddafi broke the ‘no flying zone over rebels trying to bring his government down, NATO’s embarked on indiscriminate bombing of Libya in violation of the mandate of the UN Security Council. NATO aided rebels to capture Gadhafi as he tried to escape. After his summary execution by rebels who wanted freedom from his tyranny, they discovered there was no more Libya which had “by 2011 achieved economic independence, with its own water, its own food, its own oil, its own money, and its own state-owned bank” to return to. At the end they settled for the caves where they and their grandfathers lived before Gadhafi transformed a desert to a paradise

It is instructive to note one of the first things to be bombed by NATO was Gadhafi irrigation program,” the Great man-made River (GMMR)” an enormous engineering project considered the world largest irrigation system.

But we now know from 2016 publication of Hillary Clinton’s emails that he was killed “to prevent the creation of an independent hard currency in Africa that would free the continent from its economic bondage under the dollar, the IMF and the French African franc. That hard currency would have allowed Africa to shake off the last heavy chains of colonial exploitation”.

Saddam Hussein in an effort to annex the oil-rich Khuzestan province of Iran, launched an invasion of Iran on September 22, 1980. He was armed by America while the war went on for eight years. It was not until Saddam’s nationalization of Iraq oil that America remembered he was a dictator who killed close to 200 of his Barth Party opponents to remain in power. They knew Saddam did not have weapon of mass destruction, but they lied to the UN and the world. They needed to kill Saddam, destroy Iraq and create chaos in Iraq society in order to take over Iraq oil. And that was exactly what they did after the execution of Saddam Hussein on December 20 2006.

Riley Moore who on November 7 introduced a resolution in the house “condemning the ongoing persecution ….after meeting Nigerian delegation led by Ribadu issued a statement on the 19, talking of opportunities to strengthen cooperation and coordination between US and Nigeria”. Last week’s special house special sitting on Nigeria was deadlocked. There are also testimonies by those who know the complexities of a nation of 240million, speaking over 500 languages. But Trump on Fox last Saturday still accused Nigerian government of not doing enough, a narrative he must have got from a section of Nigeria media. “What is happening in Nigeria is a disgrace”, he said.

Everything must be done to stop disturbed Trump from coming gun a blazing.

Proponents of the theory of ‘Comparative Advantage “are also unhappy that we are doubly favoured by same law by virtue owning our raw materials and the capacity to add value. Promoters of globalisation as the new god we must all worship are in panic because Nigeria now exports aviation fuel to Europe. If trump is allowed to come gun a blazing, his target will be Dangote’s refinery, the symbol of our freedom and source of his anguish.

November 25, 2025
Trying times

What could be the motive behind the rising insecurity in the country? This question appears to have gained traction with Nigeria’s designation as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) by the United States of America (US) for alleged Christian persecution and genocide.

Since then, events have occurred in several fronts in quick succession to inject complications into the country’s insecurity matrix. Curiously, these are taking place at a time the authorities have been striving to correct the narrative of Christian persecution and genocide.

The issues may not all have to do with Christians. But they revolve around terrorism, the malfeasance on which the allegation of persecution and genocide by the US was predicated. There was a re-enactment of the Chibok school girls’ saga of 2014 when a couple of days ago, 25 girls from Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School in Maga town, Kebbi State were abducted by terrorists.

The bandits invaded the school at midnight, killed the vice principal in the presence of his family before absconding with the poor school girls.

As the country was brooding over the incident, another set of terrorists again abducted students at St Mary’s Catholic School Papiri, in Agwara Local Government Area of Niger State. The number of abductees was yet to be released as at the time this article was being put together.

Terrorists unleashed mayhem inside Christ Apostolic Church (CAC) in Eruku, Kwara State killing three worshippers, abducting several others including the pastor. A video footage of the incident showed worshippers including an elderly woman who could hardly walk scampering for safety inside the church.

And in Kano, bandits abducted five nursing mothers in the Faruruwa community of the Shanono Local Government Area.

Catholic clerics and community groups in Southern Taraba also raised an alarm over what they described as coordinated attacks by armed herdsmen leading to widespread killings and displacements. Director of Social Communications, Catholic Diocese of Wukari, Rev, Fr. John Laikei said dozens have been killed and several communities abandoned as the attackers continue to occupy farmlands.

Within the same timeframe, Islamic State of West Africa (ISWAP) ambushed Nigerian military along the Damboa-Biu axis in Borno State, killed and abducted some soldiers. In the ensuing confrontation, the terrorists captured and killed the brigade commander, Brigadier-General Musa Uba after a failed attempt by his colleagues to rescue him from where he managed to escape.

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Not unexpectedly, the upsurge in terrorism has raised speculations regarding the motive. Could it be a mere coincidence or choreographed to give the dog a bad name so as to hang it?

Before the recent escalation, some commentators had linked the upsurge in violent killings to the 2027 general elections. Parallels were quickly drawn between the renewed attacks and the escalation of terrorism before the 2015 elections-a period hallmarked by serial abduction of school children. Could it be a case of self-fulfilling prophesy or deliberate attempt by politicians to instigate violence for some foggy selfish interests?

New ideas seem to be creeping into these puzzles especially with the US designation of the country as CPC and threat of military action against terrorists. Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) George Akume toed this line when he sought to link the upsurge in violent attacks by extremists to the US action.

The SGF had said profiling the crisis in Nigeria “as genocide against Christians fuels religious tension, emboldens extremists and criminal factions seeking to exploit sectarian narratives, undermines Nigeria’s longstanding efforts to build constructive internal security and partnership”. Can this angle be reasonably sustained?

There is nothing that has happened in the insecurity dynamics of the country since the US action that is new to us, except the capturing and killing of a general by ISWAP. Acts of terrorism and killings witnessed in the last couple of weeks followed the same pattern as the previous ones. School children had been serially abducted in larger numbers in Chibok, Jangebe and even in some higher institutions around the states most prone to the attacks. Neither is the attack at CAC Church, in Kwara State the first of its type.

Perhaps, Akume’s claims may find some support in the call by the factional chairman of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), Kabiru Turaki on President Trump to intervene and save Nigeria’s democracy.

Apparently piqued by the fracas at the national secretariat of the PDP, Turaki accused Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike of leading thugs in connivance with the police to create the mayhem. “So, we are now calling on the international community. I want to call on President Trump. What is at stake is not just genocide against Christians. He should come and save democracy in Nigeria. Democracy is under threat” Turaki cried out loudly.

By extrapolation, Turaki tacitly admitted claims of genocide against Christians in Nigeria as well as serious threat to democracy. Had the US not designated Nigeria as CPC on account of alleged religious persecution with a threat of military action, Turaki may not have found a handle to call for Trump’s intervention.

In a sense, it could be argued that Turaki’s call may have been emboldened by US position on the crisis in Nigeria. If the US could intervene to degrade terrorism and protect Christians, it could as well protect Nigeria’s democracy when it is under threat, the argument further goes.

Yet, the issues that led Turaki to that desperate call are quite different from those Akume said are bound to worsen due to US characterisation of Nigeria’s crisis as genocide against Christians. But who is to blame? Definitely not the US government. Acts of terrorism have in the past decade or so tilted the country to the precipice. They had nothing to do with US characterisation of the Nigerian crisis.

The brand of politics at play in this country is at issue. The earlier we come to terms with that reality the better for all. Before now, copious attention had been drawn to the increasing slide to one-party state.

But the trend continued even as the government at the centre rationalises it on the lure of its policies. Almost all the major political parties are entangled in one crisis or the other. The PDP which is the major opposition party is a ghost of its former self as virtually most of its governors have decamped to the ruling party.

Yet, a serving minister remains a leading figure in the crisis rocking the PDP. Wike cannot be the new face of PDP in his current official position. He cannot represent credible opposition. His activities in the PDP do not help the image of the government he serves. That is why Turaki spoke in a manner that sounded unpatriotic. He did so out of frustration.

Trump spoke the way he did because we could not find a handle to the suffocating terrorism. Turaki spoke unpatriotically because of the seeming emasculation of credible opposition – the lynchpin on which the wheels of democracy revolve. The problem is within, not outside!

November 24, 2025
Dan the Man

One afternoon, my phone buzzed.

“Hello sir,” I said.

“Hi Sam, this is Dan the butcher calling.” The great Dan Agbese’s voice was unmistakable, and so was his cheer.

He was responding with thanks to my short tribute on his 80th birthday.

I was a staff member of Newswatch, a magazine that revolutionsied the journalism craft, in writing style, investigation and essays. Above all, it endowed a generation with courage in the written word.

Ahead of the cream of its editors was Dele Giwa, perhaps the most colourful journalist we have ever had. I knew Dele Giwa from a distance, meaning I read all his columns I could access. I joined the magazine after his tragic passing.

My first experience in the company was not with Newswatch, though. When I was hired, Newswatch had been proscribed by the IBB regime, and the editors floated a soft sell known as Quality under the editorship of May Ellen Ezekiel, who tugged the popular fancy with her edgy column under the name MEE.

I worked with her as a rookie but hoping to join Newswatch when it was reborn. One afternoon, all the staff were summoned to the office of editor-in-chief Ray Ekpu. Word had reached the company that the IBB regime would unban the paper the next day, and we had to be ready for the new edition. I had seen the other top editors and reporters around, but I never had real interaction, including Yakubu Mohammed, Soji Akinrinade, Dele Omotunde, who left for the Alfred Friendly Press Fellowship that this essayist would also attend later in his career, Nosa Igiebor, Dare Babarinsa, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, Chuks Iloegbunam, Anietie Usen, Ben Edokpayi, Louisa Aguiyi-Ironsi (daughter of Nigeria’s first army chief) and fellow reporters like Peter Ishaka, Janet Mba and Sam Loco Smith.

As Ekpu presided, I was like a fly on the wall, observing for the first time the interplay of ideas that brewed the magazine on the stands every Monday. It was the first time I saw Dan Agbese up close. He was in his element, cracking jokes and sizzling with ideas simultaneously, and it was on his lips I was reminded of the phrase Kwarangida, which I first heard from the lips of good friend Solomon Olaniyan during my youth service in Kano.

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After various writers had been assigned their stories, Ray brought up the society page known as Newsliners. Dan edited the page, and he looked towards me and said “Sam, who do you have?” I was flummoxed, though he said it with a smile. How was I to have candidate for that page? He asked me to see him later, putting me at ease.

I was not yet a staff, but on a stipend. I was just happy to be there. When I met Dan in his office on the top floor on Oregun Road, he asked me to read past issues, and he suggested a few names I should follow, including Alao-Aka Bashorun, who had just become the president of Nigerian Bar Association, Oprah Benson – the Iya Oge of Lagos. I dropped down to the newsroom with no clue how to proceed. I asked someone for Alao Aka-Bashorun’s office address. I had it and was on my way to the bus stop when I saw a Volkswagen Beetle pull up just beside me and it was the actor Funso Alabi, Mr. Gyang in the hugely popular Teevee show Second Chance and perennial Soyinka favorite on stage.

I said hi and told him casually where I was headed. And he said, “That’s where I am going.”

He was a godsend. He saved the sweat and ache of bus ride and the intellectual toil of mapping the office in a geographic chaos of Lagos. Alabi was also a candidate for Newsliners, and once we arrived at Aka-Bashorun’s office, I interviewed him. Femi Falana was a lawyer in his chambers. What a miracle. A free ride, freedom from Lagos wear and tear, and two celebrities for my page. The next day, I clasped Iya Oge at an event at Airport Hotel. A day after I met the owner of Supreme Stitches, a fashion designer who is now Nigeria’s wealthiest woman, Folorunsho Alakija.

I was told in the newsroom that Dan was the most difficult editor to impress. Having had a hard time with May Ellen in Quality, I was expecting Dan to query me on my first copy. Moments later, I saw his personal assistant come downstairs but he never looked my way. I was waiting for him to make the turn at the end of the newsroom but he proceeded into the compugraphy room. When he returned, I looked away nervously, hoping to hear my name. When I looked back, he had disappeared.

I was even more nervous for it. I walked to the compugraphy room to see if he had rewritten everything. I saw my copy. Clean almost as I had written them, except the part about Aka-Bashorun being married with children. I asked the staff there whether there was any problem with the script. He was aghast at my impudence. Dan had sent a copy and I was asking if there was a problem? I walked away, my nerve more powerful than my whole body.

I was to learn that Ray loved elegance, Dan poetry, and Yakubu a straight story. Agbese was my real first editor. I would not say I learned how to write from him. I would say, he gave me the confidence to write on my own terms. I had a problem with May Ellen because she had no patience with a rookie. I had to ask Iloegbunam and Usen to show me the Newswatch style. I came off understanding that I had to be myself. I had to forge my own personality on the page, in diction, rhythm, cadence and angles.

Agbese let me be. Since I was writing mainly cultural stories, he was my boss. I remember his knack to cast headlines. I did a story on monitor lizards, a totem in Orogun village in Delta State, and he headlined it: Gods on Four feet. Another story marked the 9th edition of the Trade fair, and he titled it: Fairer in the Ninth. I enjoyed Newsliners, and my constant critic and appreciator was Femi Macaulay, now an essayist and editorial board member of The Nation, who was at the ready with a comment. I was always on the move, at night, at parties, offices, sports arena, et al. I was doing other stories, but my impulse for politics was overpowering. I wanted to write a cover, preface to cover, etc. I was getting ahead of myself. I had not spent a year.

One evening, Nosa Igiebor then observed why I was not paying more attention to the page. “Since we started that page, you are by far the best who has handled it,” he said.

I thought I was just doing a routine job. I had read that page from outside and I was wowed by my predecessors.

To be the best? I was emboldened, not to continue but to move on. “Sam, I know you are deliberately doing a bad job.” That was Dan. He did not tell me I was the best, he merely said he had not had a problem with my script since I started doing it. A rare compliment from the butcher. Yakubu – we called him Yaki -, echoed Nosa’s sentiment.

Dan presided over our editorial meetings every Friday, and I also learned how stories were minted, perspectives born, and how a fest of ideas led to big stories. In one edition, I wrote the first story in the magazine under the Life section, and the last, Newsliners, one in the nation section, a Noriega piece in the International section and a culture story on fights in the music industry.

One evening, Dan’s assistant came to me with a post-it note with words of commendation from Agbese. It ended with congratulations. That was the clincher when Lewis Obi hired me as staff writer in African Concord.

I had learned from Dan the butcher, who was so called because he had a knack for tight editing. I was in heaven with him. I never experienced such cuts. You might write a 1000 word- piece and he could cut it to 300 and you would not query his skill. You admired your butcher, blood and all. He cut not to slaughter but to heal.

He wrote with poesy. When Kogi and Akwa Ibom State were created. He described Kogi’s sound: “just like tin drum.”

For Akwa Ibom, he wrote Akwa was like the sound of a stone released from a catapult. Ibom the sound of the pebble dropping into the pond. In recalling Giwa’s death he sang, “in this business of minding other people’s business, tragedy is a way of life.”

I met with him quite a number of times after I left Newswatch, and his bonhomie and visceral charm remained unassailable. I recall seeing him at a party in late Joe Agbro’s home in Lagos, and he would not live down his experience with starch and banga soup, and wondered when we would relive the experience. We would never share starch again but his memory sticks forever. Good night, Dan the man.

November 24, 2025
Goodnight, Georgie

The news broke my night. Georgie Gboyega Oguntuwase is dead. My fingers tremble on the keyboard. It cannot be.

He was spry, funny and lived with the fun of life. We were classmates at Obafemi Awolowo University. I was not close to him until our second year.

We sparred at times at tutorials, especially on issues of philosophy of history.

In his third year, he wanted to be the students’ Union president. I keyed in with a slew of like-minded men like Tive Denedo, Femi Ojudu, A.B. Okauru and Austin Onuoha.

Once we left school to spend a night out of town in his home, where we debated all night to produce a manifesto. I had never had such a collective exercise before except as a member of God’s Kingdom Society.

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But this was secular with great worldly allure. I remember suggesting the preface quote from Edmund Burke: “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.” He told me his father, a well-known lawyer, was enamoured of that line.

It was an irony that his foe, also from History department with us, Chris Fajemifo – from Ekiti like Georgie – framed his candidacy as money politics. The truth was that we contributed from our little stipends to fund his campaign. He lost, but we were not broken, and the friendship lasted forever. Chris won the crowd with flimsy line: “John Locke said.”

One day, when I wrote a piece anonymously to berate his politics, he called me and said. “Sam, you wrote that piece.” He was a topflight Ekiti politician with the PDP, a commissioner and party chair.

“How did you know?” I responded.

“Everyone knows your style, and again, no one in The Nation knows me by the name Georgie.”

We laughed over it at lunch.

“How shall we move on, /when you, Georgie,/ a pearly part of us,/ precious sliver of our soul/, have dropped like a pebble off our seacraft,/ if you sounded plum on the eternal waves/ you remain a plum above, in our mind.

November 24, 2025