Category: Columnists

  • Power of mercy

    Power of mercy

    The President was only doing his job by granting state pardon to some convicts. But, he unknowingly stirred the hornet’s nest. Some queried the rationale for his action, wondering why pardon was granted  to Herbert Macaulay and Maryam Sanda, especially. As the President, he has the power to exercise the prerogative of mercy. It is not about justice which had already been served, but about the constitutionality of his action, which is beyond reproach.

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    According to the Bible, “mercy triumphs over judgment”. The President did not quash the courts’ judgments, he only had mercy on convicts who had served part of their punishment. As Shakespeare wrote: “the quality of mercy is not strained; it drops as the gentle rain from heaven upon the place beneath. It is twice blessed: It blesses him that gives, and him that takes”.

    It is the prerogative of the President to do what he deems fit. God put it this way: “I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy…”  It is easy to criticise these things when the shoe is on the other foot. Ask Maryam Sanda’s father-in-law who has been pushing all these years for her pardon despite being convicted for killing his son, who was her husband.

  • Spotless

    Spotless

    Since Prof Joash Amupitan’s appointment as the nation’s new chief electoral umpire last week, he has come under intense scrutiny by politicians and their paid agents. They have tried and are still trying to rake up muck against him.. In their desperate search for a non-existent ‘skeleton’ in his cupboard, they have been hitting a brickwall. They are not going to relent and the earlier Amupitan knows this the better. His resume, his professional and social life, and his ancestry will come under attack, as we argued here last week.

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    He has to develop a thick stick to absorb whatever may be thrown at him. So far, the traducers have failed in their missions. But as long as he occupies the INEC Chair for which he would soon be screened and be likely cleared by the Senate, he must watch his back. I do not envy you, Prof.

  • God’s chosen

    God’s chosen

    War breaks out in Ethiopia, and a faction of self-identifying Zionists, aka Beta Israel, flees grievous persecution. The United States and Europe intervene, pleading with Nigeria to temporarily harbour them.

    They are relocated to key parts of Nigeria, namely: Abuja, Lagos, Borno, Kaduna, Plateau, Sokoto, Taraba, Oyo, Kogi, Ogun, Niger Delta, Calabar and Akwa Ibom.

    The refugees apply for citizenship, and approval is expedited – thanks to Western diplomacy and Nigeria’s overzealous Zionist divide. Predictably, the new Nigerians are affectionately called “God’s Chosen.”

    A few months after they attain citizenship, skirmishes break out between them and their “non-chosen” host communities over political privileges and economic resources. The conflicts are stoked by local and international actors into religious wars between Muslims and Christians on one hand and indigenes-settlers crisis on the other hand.

    You reprise your role as devil’s advocate, defending the predatory sweep of the refugees turned God’s Chosen, across Nigeria’s fertile tracts, claiming that since they have been granted citizenship, they may call dibs on privileges, land, and resources, even over their native hosts. You argue: “People must welcome progress…The resources were there all along, and we did nothing good with them.”

    You cite God’s Chosen’s exploits in the extractive industries, financial, agricultural and technological sectors, to rationalise their more daring sweep across the socioeconomic and political circuits.

    Like an over-exuberant choirboy, you validate the ‘seizure’ by proxies, of public governance, business and politics by God’s Chosen, arguing that its in Nigeria’s best interests. “We must let more able hands exploit our industries and manage our affairs,” you claim, amid the scariest forms of media and state capture.

    God’s Chosen permanently displace over 30 million Nigerians from their homes in resource-rich regions. They demolish 8,000 towns and built an apartheid structure that relegated Nigerians to state-sanctioned categorisation as “cattle” and imposed citizenship at a subhuman level.

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    Yet, you condemn revolt, justify apartheid and the cleansing of indigenous peoples by  God’s Chosen as an expedient measure. In over two decades of oppression, Nigerians suffer segregation, state-sanctioned murder and incarceration of children, youths and the elderly.

    Justifiably, the oppressed rise in rebellion on Nigeria’s Independence Day, October 1. Shots fired by the insurgents and friendly fire from God’s Chosen special forces kill hundreds of civilians and armed fighters on both sides of the divide.

    God’s Chosen seize the opportunity to assert absolute grip on the country. Snipers, proxy militia, and AI-guided killer drones are deployed to murder children, journalists, medics and aid workers. They carpet bomb schools, hospitals, churches, mosques and capital cities, displacing 70 per cent of targeted domains and killing over 10 million.

    As your reward for being unquestioning lapdogs, the God’s Chosen-led government grant you and fellow journalists residence in a less segregated section of the apartheid state, yet far from the boulevards of First Class citizenry.

    Then, the final phase of the cleansing begins. Bloody insurrections erupt and escalate across the Lake Chad region, Mambilla Plateau, Lagos, Niger Delta, and other resource-rich regions. You see God’s Chosen execute false flag attacks against their own: multiple explosions rock foreign consulates on Nigerian soil, killing scores and injuring more.

    Simultaneously, Western-sponsored ‘Islamist militia’ lay siege to Christian communities across the country. It’s a classic script used to justify pogroms, “the protection of Christians,” and ethnic cleansing in parts of the country deemed hostile to imperialist interests.

    Amid the siege, the press and intelligentsia are systemically purged: you see brilliant and defiant colleagues get murdered, and you embrace speaking doctored truths, in self-preservation.  You justify your cowardice as a “sensible” acceptance of what you cannot change, unlike Hamas, which poked the bear by attacking Israel on October 7.” 

     You soullessly applaud the occupiers’ tactics until your ancestral home gets bombed with your parents indoors. For inexplicable reasons, your neighbourhood gets invaded, on Christmas Day, by God’s Chosen forces. Your wife, daughters and sons are sodomised. You saw this happen to your Muslim compatriots during Eid celebrations and rationalised it with a slanted editorial and a shrug.

    Now, it’s your turn, and you are outraged. You wonder why such an attack was carried out on Christmas day, but the occupiers simply toss you a half-hearted “Sorry” and scoff at you, stating that to you it was Christmas, but to them, it was December 25, just another date of statutory siege.

    All pretensions cease, and the diplomatic mask comes off. You find that beneath every God’s Chosen smile is a sneer; whether Christian or Muslim, adult or minor, male or female, clergy or politician, you are all fair game to occupying forces.

    They call it reclamation, a divine repossession of ancestral land. Thus, on every hilltop and billboard, they hoist legendary totems of unfamiliar messiahs. As the terror persists, you seek global support, but the international community urge you to either accept bloody domination or a two-state solution. Either way, you lose.

    You learn to kowtow to external powers behind the throne at the Presidential Villa and several states of captured Nigeria. “We were promised Nigeria before your time. We have simply taken back what’s ours,” says God’s Chosen. Thus, over 200 million Nigerians, comprising 250 Nigerian ethnic groups, become mere tenants overstaying a divine lease as God’s Chosen collect rent in blood and precious tracts.

    The cameras roll, but you conveniently ignore the genocide and civil deaths as blind spots of your reportage, lest you suffer a grisly end as journalists in war-torn Gaza. You discover your true fate beneath the totem pole as a “disposable pawn” and “useful idiot.”

    Sadly, you experience what you call “justice” and “not genocide” in Gaza. The same murderousness you quoted scriptures and brazen lies to validate, now resonates to you in your native accent.

    “What’s our sin? All we did was offer you refuge?” you cry, as you are herded into a Nigerian equivalent of Gaza’s open-air prison.

    You forget that cruelty, once applauded, migrates to find new theatre, fresh flag and victims. Now, you understand why the Palestinians fought through seven decades of occupation till October 7.

    E gún esin ní keke, e ló ńt’àpá, baba ta ni won máa ki irin bò ní’kùn tí kò ní ju apá? (You spurred a horse and wondered why it kicked; who’d be struck with steel in the belly and not react?)

    You justified massacre abroad while sneering at the carcasses of the victims. So the heavens farmed karma into your soil.

    “No, it was different,” you claim. “I supported righteousness.” But righteousness wears many uniforms. Today, it wore occupier amulets. Tomorrow, it may resurge with Nigerian charm.

    Your torment persists like an unpaid debt as God’s Chosen proclaim, in the tenor of your oft misinterpreted scripture, that the Niger River must redden with sacrificial blood before peace could return.

    Across Nigeria, silence becomes a currency dearer than the proverbial black gold as once fiery patriots flee to undisclosed havens abroad. You witness, in real time, the complete suppression of the press and civil society.

    You, who once glorified siege in cocky and slanted editorials, have eventually savoured its flavour: the taste of ash and septic breath.

    You, who once flooded your timelines with praise for Israel’s bombs, fall disconcertingly quiet under Zionist occupation.

    Je kí ńfi ìdí hee, lálejò fi ńti onílé sóde: Let me hang in here is how a guest takes over the house from a host.

    The siege you once spiritualised has arrived at your doorstep. Now, you understand that in every occupied territory, there are no chosen people, only chosen victims.

  • Libraries + Computers +AI= 21st C Education

    Libraries + Computers +AI= 21st C Education

    As we celebrate the girl-child and remember the Chibok Girls, now women, held in captivity, we must ensure that all qualified girls register for the next election. It is their right and required to help right any wrong done them when growing up. New INEC chairman, Prof Joash Amupitan, please empower the millions of 2019-2027 14–18-year-olds who will have matured to voting age by 2027.

    Education is facing a tsunami change in information dissemination strategies with the advent of Artificial Intelligence, AI. Unfortunately, too many Nigerian students, now adults were cheated of library books throughout school life. Millions including teachers have never held a novel, encyclopaedia or a proper dictionary.

    Now the Federal Ministry of Education, UBEC and other government education agencies are jumping the void of no books and no libraries and no grants to buy books across the school spectrum. Just like with the cell phone, our education system appears to at last be going digital. Hurray and can one go without the other or should they go together- a good library system and a good computer, IT/AI system?

    Digitalisation of public schools with integration of Interactive Smart Boards spearheaded by the minister, Tunji Alausa is the way forward. The education tsunami is not partisan. Our children are not partisan; they are entitled to education, period!

    Just last week Governor Seyi Makinde launched a program to train 18,000 teachers on the use of teaching materials including tablets. Hopefully the teachers will receive their tablets and the tablets will not be stolen by criminals or taken back or diverted by supervising civil servant. We need regular weekly inventory checks. If this tech/AI project works and materializes along with other programmes nationwide, perhaps our youth will also leap onto the present wave of computer-powered knowledge sweeping the world. AI is being taught to kindergarten (KG) students in villages across China and even Vietnam with emphasis on science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, STEM, and AI. PhD graduates teach KG and primary school in many Western countries. Many of our KG and primary school teachers are not fit for purpose. Nigeria and its officials must take such giant leaps in education to catch up.

    As we stand on the brink of opportunity to leap into the new world of AI, it is worth remembering a similar time in history. In 1998 at Educare Trust at Brick House we set up the first Educare Trust Youth Exhibition Centre and put the first public access computer in the hands of the children of Ibadan with a computer then donated by Tunji Adepeju of Project Link. It was amazing then to see those children, now 35–45-year adults, gather around in wonder to navigate the new beast of technology presented to them. They cautiously typed their name and their faces lit up in huge smiles of wonder as they were surprised to see the letters appear on the computer screen. The rest they say is history. But it was never enough and government did not jump on the bandwagon to make its army of students in public schools computer literate then or even at this time -30+ years later.  As years went by, we trained over 8,000 youth in IT and many others indirectly. Nigerians are still waiting for the youth centres so desperately needed in each ward nationwide. Hopefully they will be part of the Ward Development Strategy promised by the Tinubu government.

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    There is a security and a power problem in most schools and these problems must be addressed if IT tablets and smart white boards are to replace or complement chalk and blackboards in public schools. Solar is the solution. Education strategies cost money and great moral willpower often lacking in politicians and governance structures.  Government must pursue this effort to its logical end- the empowerment of our teaming youth trapped in schools which are too often not fit-for-purpose. 

    Every youth in, or out of school, is the child of a mother with went through the agony of ‘The Labour War-d’, risking and giving their lives, so that the child would live to today. For tomorrow, the child needs good modern education today. Yet today we as government and private sector provide too little, too late support for those youth in unfortunate circumstances; private school facilities and teacher skills are fat better. Of course, some youth will excel even in public education because they are naturally brilliant. But a good education, like good governance, is also the right of underserved and underfunded students. Not everyone, rich or poor, is born brilliant.  Nigeria should use private and public sector partnerships to jump into the future, today. 

    The jury faces bitter conflict between the need for a library vs the need for computers. Most schools have neither but they should have both. They are equally essential in today’s education tapestry and equally valuable and not mutually exclusive stepping stones to a level playing field of educational knowledge empowerment. Schools need computers and also libraries with government bought Nigerian authored books.

    Some governments have policies to prevent parents contributing voluntarily to improve facilities in schools. This is taking politics too far into the classroom. Even the richest schools worldwide ask parents to contribute, so the poorest schools cannot meet international teaching levels if they are denied the huge input of volunteer parents into the ‘School Needs List’ that every school should have. We must stop this education treachery.  

  • Tinubu’s pardons: When mercy offends the self-righteous

    Tinubu’s pardons: When mercy offends the self-righteous

    When President Bola Tinubu announced clemency and pardons for 175 individuals – including posthumous gestures to figures like revered Nigerian nationalist Herbert Macaulay, General Mamman Vatsa, and the Ogoni Nine – the usual storm of outrage was triggered.

    Social media moralists, opposition opportunists, and even some well-meaning commentators cried foul. “Selective justice”, “outright injustice” some said; others dismissed it as “a political move.” Many scoffed at the symbolism, asking what good a pardon does for the dead. A popular joke online was “who will pardon the president?”

    As more details of the beneficiaries were released, critics lighted upon the case of one Maryam Sanda who, five years ago, was convicted of stabbing her husband Bilyaminu Bello, to death over a domestic dispute. This was clearly a tragedy that had torn immediate and extended families apart. The wounds are still raw as is clear from the emotional statement released by victim’s family denouncing the government’s action.

    For now, we may not know what made Sanda’s case so compelling that the committee chose her as a beneficiary given the gravity of her offence and the time spent so far in jail.

    But in a climate of intense cynicism and partisanship, the usual suspects have piled on the president as though he, personally, spent months wading through the 40,000-plus inmate population, just to favour a select group of convicts. Beyond mischief-making, the critics are yet to make a convincing case of how showing mercy to these people benefits Tinubu politically.

    Let’s be clear, this whole process is rooted in law – specifically, Section 175 of the 1999 Constitution, which grants the President the prerogative of mercy. The Presidential Advisory Committee on Prerogative of Mercy is chaired by the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi. It has as members eminent lawyers, jurists and representatives of the following: Nigeria Police Force, Nigerian Correctional Service (NCS), National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) and Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN).

    They reviewed nearly 300 cases, interviewed over 100 inmates, and made recommendations. The final list included 82 inmates granted clemency, 65 whose sentences were reduced, and seven death-row inmates whose sentences were commuted to life imprisonment.

    Among them were two living former convicts and 15 deceased ones who received posthumous pardons – including some whose names carry the weight of history: Macaulay, the nationalist branded seditionist by the British colonial government; Major General Vatsa, executed in 1986 on a treason charge; and the Ogoni Nine, whose execution under Sani Abacha remains one of the darkest moments in Nigeria’s history.

    It’s easy to forget that the prerogative of mercy exists precisely because justice, however well-intentioned, is never perfect. Courts can make mistakes. People have spent decades in jail only to have their convictions overturned. And even where guilt is established, punishment without redemption breeds bitterness, not rehabilitation.

    Clearly, imprisonment isn’t just about paying the price for crime it also aims at rehabilitating convicts. Little wonder the name Nigerian Prison Service (NPS) was changed to Nigerian Correctional Services (NCS) – highlighting this higher goal.

    Critics who call this president’s action a political stunt overlook a few basic realities. For one, the committee’s criteria were clear: age, terminal illness, exemplary conduct in prison, evidence of remorse, and recommendation by correctional officers. Many of the beneficiaries are poor, forgotten people – men and women who have spent time behind bars, often for minor offences, and who have long ceased to pose any threat to society. Some were convicted in their teens and have grown old behind bars. For them, clemency isn’t politics; it’s mercy long delayed.

    Periodic acts of mercy are not indulgences; they are necessary pressure valves in an overburdened justice system. It’s no coincidence that every democratic government since independence has exercised this power at one point or another. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo did. Umaru Yar’Adua did. Goodluck Jonathan did. Even Muhammadu Buhari – not exactly famous for sentimentality – did.

    In November 2002, Obasanjo pardoned 80 secessionist soldiers who fought against Nigeria during the 1967-1970 Civil War. On October 1, 2004, he showed mercy to 62 convicts. In March 2013, Jonathan pardoned his former boss, Diepreiye Alamieyeisegha, who had been jailed for two years for embezzling state funds. At the time of his arrest in September 2005, British Metropolitan police found about £1million in cash in his London home.

    All over the world presidential pardons are often controversial. Former U.S. presidents Bill Clinton and Joe Biden got many tongues clucking by granting clemency to relatives and dodgy characters. Donald Trump hasn’t been a slouch either in this department. Still, the tsunami-like criticism that has greeted Tinubu’s action just seems overdone.

    We can put that down to our selective outrage. We are perfectly fine when governors release prisoners during festive seasons, but become irate when the President does same on a larger scale. When our preferred political figures, “freedom fighters” and secessionist leaders are jailed, we demand mercy and beg for their release – even when their guilt is yet to be established in court or innocence proven. When the same mercy is extended to others, we sneer.

    Take the posthumous pardons. Some have dismissed them as empty symbolism – too little, too late. But it matters. Pardoning Herbert Macaulay or the Ogoni Nine isn’t about rewriting history; it’s about acknowledging it. It’s a way of saying: yes, the state once erred, and we recognise that injustice now. That has moral value. It’s an act of national memory – a small but significant gesture toward reconciliation.

    In a country where successive governments have buried their mistakes rather than confront them, such acts should be welcomed, not mocked. We cannot, on one hand, demand that Nigeria reckon with its colonial and military pasts, and on the other, scoff when it takes even a modest step toward that reckoning. That’s hypocrisy, plain and simple.

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    There’s also the criticism that some of the pardoned, like former House of Representatives member Farouk Lawan, don’t deserve mercy because their offences – in this case, bribery – represents the rot in our politics. Fair enough. But mercy was never designed for the innocent alone. The guilty, too, are human. If the law gives room for clemency, it’s because society recognises that punishment can correct but should not dehumanise.

    Those who worry that such gestures undermine deterrence misunderstand the balance between justice and mercy. Clemency doesn’t erase guilt; it acknowledges transformation. It says: “You have paid enough.” And that message, when applied transparently, strengthens rather than weakens the moral authority of the state.

    Of course, there’s always the danger of abuse – of political allies being rewarded under the guise of compassion. Nigeria has seen that before. But the answer to possible abuse is not to abandon mercy altogether. It is to ensure transparency, clear criteria, and a functional justice system that works fairly from the start.

    If anything, Tinubu’s move was balanced. It wasn’t a blanket amnesty. It mixed the symbolic with the practical, the famous with the forgotten. It reached backward into history and forward into the present. That’s not cynicism – that’s an attempt at a moral statement.

    We might also consider what kind of society we want to be. One obsessed with punishment, or one capable of compassion? For all our public displays of religiosity, we are quick to condemn and slow to forgive. The same people who chant “Lord have mercy” on Sundays become self-appointed hangmen by Monday. Yet no nation ever healed when obsessed with vengeance.

    In the end, the outrage over these pardons says more about us than about the President. We distrust power so deeply that we can no longer recognise sincerity when it appears. We assume every gesture has a hidden motive, every policy a sinister plot. That cynicism, understandable as it may be, sometimes blinds us to what is plainly good.

    Tinubu’s pardons will not fix Nigeria’s justice system. They won’t end overcrowded prisons or erase the wounds of the past. But they are a small reminder that mercy, too, has a place in governance.

  • Why I believe in polygamy – Comedian Alibaba

    Why I believe in polygamy – Comedian Alibaba

    Comedian Alibaba has explained he believes in polygamy because it offers practical and cultural benefits.

    In an interview with Nedu, he stated that having multiple wives can stabilise relationships by fostering cooperation among them as the presence of another wife discourages misbehaviour.

    He said: “Some people feel if it’s only one wife, you may not be able to control the wife. But if the wife knows that you have more than one, she will calm down. She will calm down because she knows that if she misbehaves, another person is available”.

    Drawing from historical practices, Alibaba cited examples from Ibadan where women encouraged their husbands to marry additional wives to prevent infidelity and maintain family unity.

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    “So there are different reasons for polygamy. I actually know of a woman in Ibadan who encouraged her husband to be polygamist. Most of them back then, I don’t know who wants to doubt this, the women marry a young girl and gift it to the husband. And they do that because they don’t want the man to have concubines,” he added.

    He also described traditional customs where widows with young children were married to a brother-in-law to ensure care, presenting this as a form of polygamy rooted in familial responsibility.

    “You have families where when the brother that married the woman dies, and she’s either just a new wife or she has just two children, and they need the children to be taken care of and you don’t want her to go to another family. 

    “They call all the brothers and say, which of you can take over this girl and take care of her? So if the man already had a wife, that’s the cause of polygamy. And as much as people try to say it is not right, like in your introduction, there are people who say no, it’s not right. The same person would have about like three, four, five children,” he said.

    While acknowledging differing views, Alibaba stood firm in his support for polygamy, emphasising its role in certain social contexts.

  • Gen. Irabor’s scars and Tinubu challenge

    Gen. Irabor’s scars and Tinubu challenge

    General Lucky Irabor (retd) can at best be described as intellectual in military uniform. But that only reminds us of the glorious days of the Nigerian military before criminals in uniform mindlessly murdered their colleagues and Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha turned the military into “an army of anything is possible”. Irabor speaking last week at the public presentation of his book, Scars: Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum reminded us of some of those truths about ourselves we have tried to ignore. He told us that the book is “not an indictment, but a national soul-searching presentation; an awakening reality to either act dutifully for progress, or do nothing and turn towards extinction”. He wants the book “to serve as an opportunity for Nigerians to reflect on past experiences and recommit to justice, equity, and peace”.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu  could not have agreed any less. Speaking as special guest of honour through his Minister of Defence, Mohammed Badaru during the launch, he admitted that Scars tells a story, reminds us of pain but it also proves that survival is possible adding that the book “will provide guidance and serve as a roadmap for the nation to build a safer future” because it reminds us that “the scar we carry as a nation are evidence of our resilience and of the sacrifice of our heroes past, soldiers, displaced families, and communities”. He therefore wants Nigerians to “use the occasion not only to acknowledge the book but also to affirm our commitment to working together toward a future where every Nigerian can live without fear, thrive in peace, and contribute to the nation’s greatness”.

    The book could not have come at a better time for embattled President Bola Tinubu. Those who love Nigeria and who understand that we have been fighting tribal wars by another name since independence, for two years have mounted pressure on him to address the national question. They have all argued that all our woes, including corruption, poverty, Fulani terrorism/banditry and economic crisis arising from fuel subsidy scam and foreign currency speculation, are all but symptoms of our failure to first seek the kingdom of politics, as advised by the great Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. We need to first define who owns Nigeria.

    The Patriots led by  Chief Emeka Anyaoku, an elder statesman and former Secretary General of the Commonwealth not too long ago visited the president making two demands. First, was: “The convening of a National Constituent Assembly of directly elected individuals, on a non-political basis, from the 36 states of the federation, possibly three individuals per state, and one from the FCT with the mandate to produce a draft people’s democratic constitution. And that  “the draft constitution produced by the constituent assembly, to be put to a national referendum and if approved, should then be signed by the president as the genuine Nigerian people’s constitution”. 

    The president while assuring them of “listening to their two major requests on the path to referendum which should lead to constitutional measures that will fit our diversity and governance so that we avoid conflicts and break-ups”, however insisted that he is “currently preoccupied with economic reform, his first priority after which he would “look at other options, including constitutional review as recommended along other options, as soon as possible”.

    Before the Patriots’ last call was Olu Falae, a former secretary to the government of the federation. Canvassing that the regions which used to be federating units, in today’s Nigeria, to now be called federal regions because states have been created in the regions, he wants us to go “back to that arrangement which all of us agreed at independence and not what Abacha imposed on us”.

    Of course we have had other groups including the late  nationalist, Pa Enahoro’s ‘Movement for National Reformation’ ( MNR), Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO),  National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), foremost socio-cultural  ethnic groups such as Afenifere, Ohaneze, Pan Niger Deltal Forum (PANDEF) and Middle Belt Forum, (MDF) for whom periodic agitation for restructuring of the country was a crusade.

    President Tinubu who is always working ahead of his colleagues probably understand better that the rain started to beat us since the run up to independence because of lack of elite consensus or consensus of military-baked newbreed that bred corruption.

     The three dominant Nigerian ethnic groups and their leaders have different worldviews of how Nigeria should be run. The Yoruba who by nature are federalist wanted federal arrangement, a social system that has demonstrated in Europe and in over half of the world where it is adopted as capable of ensuring unity in diversity in deeply divided societies like ours. In fact, Awo wrote his Path to Nigeria Progress in the late 1940s where he advocated for a Nigerian federation based on the major ethic groups.

    Of course, the Fulani hegemonic powers in the north have never hidden their desire to conquer Nigeria for their fellow stateless Fulani all over Africa. Uthman dan Fodio demonstrated this when after his 1804 Jihad and conquest of the Hausa states, 12 of the 13 people he appointed as Emirs were his Fulani compatriots while only one Hausa was found pious enough to be appointed an emir in an area where Islam had thrived for over 400 years before Dan Fodio, the Fulani revered Islamic teacher who first appeared in Gobir as the guest of the King Yuma.

    But Nnamdi Azikiwe, the foremost nationalist that up to 1959 insisted on unitary system for a multi-ethnic Nigeria was less sincere.  What he and his Igbo colleagues, from a landlocked country of hostile neighbours wanted in truth was a Nigeria where their highly resourceful youths who like the Jews thrive in other peoples land, can operate without hindrance.

    I am also sure he understood this is the source of periodic tribal wars in Nigeria since independence. The first victim was Awolowo and his Yoruba people (1962-63). With one leg of a tripod that held Nigeria together removed, the next tribal war was between Igbo and Fulani (1964-1970). In 1993 when MKO Abiola pan-Nigerian mandate was annulled, the victim was unarguably Yoruba with Arthur Nzeribe placing advert in various newspapers saying Igbo will not accept a Yoruba president.

    South-south was the victim between 2011 and 2015. The northern elite kept their peace when Boko Haram first started attacking Christians and churches. In fact, it was claimed that late president, Buhari insisted Boko Haram insurgents should be treated like Niger Delta freedom fighters with monthly stipend from government.

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    Of course Tinubu understands he and his Yoruba people are the victim since 2022 when Igbo, supported by Obasanjo and Pa Ayo Adebanjo, started to accuse him and his Yoruba people of betrayal for not ceding the presidency to the East. Even though he was out of power for 16 years while Igbo political elite ate with their 10 fingers. Two years into his presidency, the tribal wars has only become more fierce.

    But President Tinubu is a unique politician who has probably moved beyond call for a return to pre-independence constitution because he understands the need for an elite consensus. Today, he has sufficient support from the east and the north to be held down by old prejudices. He has quietly worked toward mobilization of the elite because he knows the elite that “often determine the direction of their country even for the purpose of self-preservation” (Yemi Osinbajo). And that democracy is best preserved, enhanced and stabilized on existing consensus among political elite (Rustow).

    While his opponents are busy abusing him, questioning the authenticity of his university degree and even his identity, he was busy and quietly trying to win the confidence of elected members of the elite. And today, with close to his party’s control of close to 80 members of the red chamber from its modest 59 in at inauguration in 2023, and about 265 in the Green Chamber from 175 in 2023, with about 22 governors, his labour has not been in vain. He now has an historic opportunity to take our country back to ‘the Path to Nigeria Progress’ never taken.

    With a rancorous National Assembly whose result will never be acceptable to those who have held Nigeria hostage for 85 years, I think his establishment of development commissions in all the six geo-political zones is a step in the right direction. For those who are passionate about their independence and who do not want anyone in Abuja to dictate to us the education of our children, the road we pass through or the water we drink, they have an answer in the development commissions which have the potential to become the building block for our new Nigeria. Just imagine if the states covered by each commission decided to come up with one police force with local police and community police running their states.

  • Ariya Eko!

    Ariya Eko!

    “Metal on concrete jars my drink lobes …” 

    That opening phrase, by Sagoe in The Interpreters (published 1965), Wole Soyinka’s first novel, said it all.  Lagos of the 1960s: a vibrant night life grooving with Highlife, the king of urban music and popular culture!

    That metal chairs screeched on bare night club floors sent Sagoe grumbling about his hearing health!  Lagos nights and happy chaos!

    Sixty years later (1965-2025), Afrobeats might have upset Highlife; as twinkling new generation star, Modola, proved on the nite.  For the more nativist, Fuji could have also elbowed aside Juju — that 1930s musical creation of Tunde King.

    The eternal Lagos vibes — Ariya Eko! — propelled the MUSON mirth of October 5: the Ariya Eko Independence Music Festival, to toast Nigeria; and honour those that merit it.

    Its theme: Musical Journey of a Nation at 65. Venue: Shell Hall, MUSON Centre, Onikan.  Organizers: Evergreen Musical Company, the treasure the late Femi Esho left behind, flowering and booming still, under her father’s daughter, Bimbo Esho.

    Sponsors: the Lagos State Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture and Pastor Daniel Olukoya’s Mountain of Fire Ministries (MFM) extremely rich musical arm.

    The honourees: Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey (Ariya Eko Timeless Contribution), Lemi Abiodun Ghariokwu, aka “King of Album Sleeves” (Ariya Eko Graphics Gifted Hands), Evang. Funmi Aragbaiye, JP, (Ariya Eko Gospel Pioneers), Uncle Toye Ajagun (Ariya Eko Muscial Peacemaker), Alhaji Kolington Ayinla, aka Kebe nKwara (Ariya Eko Fuji Revolution Doyen), Yoruba poet, Ajobiwewe: Baba Sulaiman Ayilara Aremu (Ariya Eko Esa Oriki Resilience), D Guv’nor, Ken-Calebs Olumese (Ariya Eko Night Life Legend), Mainframe genius, Baba Tunde Kelani (Ariya Eko Distinguished Film Maker) and Admiral Dele Abiodun (Ariya Eko Juju Leaders).

    The others: Dr. Ola Balogun (Ariya Eko Pioneering Film Maker), Samba Queen Stella Ada Monye (Ariya Eko Cultural Values), Mrs. D. A. Fasoyin (Ariya Eko Evergreen Gospel Anthems), Tee Mac Omatshola Iseli (Ariya Eko Distinguished Flutist), King Jossy Friday (Ariya Eko Cultural Innovator), Laolu Akins (Ariya Eko Multi-Talented Producer), Queen Salawa Abeni Ibiwunmi (Ariya Eko Waka Transformer), Evangelist J. A. Adelakun (Ariya Eko Evergreen Gospel Anthems) and Premier Music (Ariya Eko Musician’s Backbone).

    The list speaks for itself: the showbiz spirit of the age. MFM’s Pastor Daniel Olukoya, duly represented, also announced N500, 000 for each honouree.

    Ebenezer Obey, with King Sunny Ade (KSA) drove the longest musical hegemony in Nigerian contemporary history.  Such durable quality!  Such classy fecundity!

    Admiral Dele Abiodun, with his Adawa Super hits, carved out a fair share of the Juju market, striking a rivalry of his own, with the late Emperor Pick Peters, but no less vibrant in their own rights!

    But Elder Femi Akinmade told Ripples during that memorable night, that many of the Juju hits had the muse, Ambrose Campbell (1919-2006), to thank.  Campbell, a Lagos-born Saro, founded the West African Rhythm Brothers (formed 1940s), UK’s first black band.

    Obey’s philosophical monster hit, “Eni Ri Nkan He”,  was a re-make of the Campbell original.  So was Dele Abiodun’s “It’s Time For Juju Music”.  Both, of course, added own contemporary flavours!

    Kolignton, with the late Ayinde Barrister — both of them Civil War veterans — were able Fuji pioneers. They transformed the Muslim “Were”, performed at dawn during Ramadan, into dance-floor commercial music. KWAM 1, Adewale Ayuba and co were the younger Turks that have deepened that heritage.

    Were Fuji to have a female gender, Salawa Abeni’s Waka would certainly be it!  Both had Islamic roots.  As Afro-Juju’s Sir Shina Peters (SSP) under Prince Adekunle, Salawa was a teen-wonder, that carved out own niche, in the Lagos music world.  Ariya Eko!

    But on October 5, Alhaji Jamiu Salami’s Lefty Band also outed with “ijinle” — rootsy –Sakara music from Isale-Eko!  The original “Lefty”, Alhaji Salami Balogun (1913-1981) is dead and gone.  But his left-handed percussion genius continues to define the group.

    Left-handed Balogun would send his favourite tambourine into provocative messaging, getting instant responses from dancing patrons! The “Lefty” legend was born!

    On the night, Lefty leapt right from the dead, when his current inheritor ignored the compere’s appeal to wind down.  With Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu in-situ, as the White Cap Chiefs that represented the Olowo Eko, Oba Rilwan Akiolu and the Oniru of Iru, Oba Wasiu Lawal, the Lefty Band would be damned to let go its day in the sun!

    Pray, what with the ijinle groove, went on in the governor’s mind? His Okepopo, Lagos, nativity?  The Iga Jakande (Jakande Palace) just a stone’s throw away?  The Igunnuko Oshodi clan at Epetedo?  Or the “felele” football challenge at Onola?  Memories!

    Obey, at own investiture by the governor, turned the Owanbe house bard, praising the governor, Lagos State and President Bola Tinubu, with other honourees — Salawa, and the Gospel pair of Funmi Aragbaye and Mrs. Fasoyin — all on the charmed roundtable!

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    Mrs. Fasoyin and her CAC Good Women’s Choir, Ibadan!  It was the age of indigenous carol challenge at Yuletide.  Prof. Akin Euba (1935-2020), leading the likes of Richard Bucknor, Art Alade, Afolabi Alaja-Browne, Roseline Ngor and  Funmi Adams, outed with “Elu Agogo Keresimesi”.  That carol hit clawed for radio air space with the traditional foreign ones. 

    Then, out of the blue, came “Odun Nlo S’opin O Baba Rere …” from the Good Women, with sizzling dancing, native Pentecostal mirth, vocals, percussion and allied flavour! It has since become a yearly constant on radio, as the year rolls to an end!

    Stella Ada Monye, the Samba queen?  The globe-beater Afrobeats Stars of today have her and the likes of the late Sonny Okosuns and Bongos Ikwue — very much alive — to thank for their pioneering works.

    Fela, the Abami Eda! Whoever dares talk of Fela, the patron saint of Afro Beat, in the past tense!  Who? And who, more than Lemi Ghariokwu, gave graphic poetry to Fela’s irreverent and incandescent music, the blight of military tyrants?

    Laolu Akins brought SSP out of a musical death-at-noon with monster hits like Ijo Shina, Ace, etc.  After the pioneering efforts of Dr. Ola Balogun, Tunde Kelani and his Mainframe gave new depth and poetic technicality to the local Nigerian cinema!

    The sight-and-sound of Lagos — and Nigeria — at 65! 

    No wonder, the likes of Baba Eto, the late Adeolu Akinsanya, also leapt alive, from the back-up orchestras, replete with the MFM Highlife band, bending old secular classics, with today’s proselytizing, to win new souls for Christ — Ariya Eko!

    But then: those who make others happy, often bear deep personal woes. Dele Abiodun dedicated his award to his late daughter; and King Jossy Friday, to his late wife, who ironically died after sending a text message to her friend who just became a widow.

    Stella Monye too was there with her only child, Ibrahim.  Ibrahim has been battling to stay alive, after a horrendous teen accident at 11 in 1999, when his mother was away on a national assignment.  Ibrahim is now 36.

    Who will help fund Ibrahim’s life-saving surgeries, so Mum Stella is not fated to a future morbid dedication, after a future award?  Who?

  • World Bank and Nigeria

    World Bank and Nigeria

    It was inevitable that the Nigeria Development Update, the World Bank’s biannual flagship report will generate some talking points. Titled “From Policy to People: Bringing the Reform Gains Home”, it claims, as usual to be a broad overview of the economy in terms of trends, policy outcomes, and key challenges after what is arguably, the most aggressive reform path to be undertaken by any administration since independence.

    As far as its summary goes, it was particularly telling as it was instructive: “Nigeria has made substantial progress on macroeconomic stabilization”. The economy, it noted, expanded by 3.9% year-on-year in the first half of 2025, up from 3.5% in the same period of 2024. So was growth, driven largely by strong performance in services and non-oil industries. And just as oil production maintained a steady course, agriculture was also not left behind.

    It noted the steady rise in foreign reserves currently in excess of $42 billion with current account surplus rising to 6.1% of GDP – all of these thanks to higher non-oil exports and lower oil imports. On the fiscal side, it noted that despite lower oil prices, the federal deficit is projected at 2.6% of GDP in 2025, broadly unchanged from 2024, while public debt is expected to decline for the first time in over a decade—from 42.9 to 39.8% of GDP.

    While acknowledging these positive sides, it was also no time for fulsome praises for the administration’s reform efforts: “Stabilization gains”, it noted “have yet to substantially improve Nigerians’ livelihoods”.

    Food inflation and poverty both of which Nigerians already acknowledged as the country’s albatross, remains unbearably high, even as the report drew attention to the need for urgent action to reduce inflation, enhance public spending efficiency, and expand social protection. It referenced the estimated 139 million citizens, said to be living in poverty, even as it warned that the country risks losing reform gains if they fail to translate into tangible improvements in people’s welfare.

    Not surprisingly, the report has since torn Nigerians into two camps: the army of critics who couldn’t imagine the Tinubu administration ever getting anything right on the economy on one side, and the government and its hordes of supporters on the other, particularly with regards to the referenced 139 million citizens said to be living in poverty.

    Bolaji Abdullahi, the megaphone of the African Democratic Congress, the Special Purpose Vehicle cobbled together to realise former vice president, Atiku Abubakar’s presidential dream, has since gone to town with the claim that “the report exposes the widening gap between the government’s propaganda of progress and the harsh realities faced by millions of citizens whose lives and livelihoods have… been devastated under the All Progressives Congress-led government”.

    President Bola Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Media and Public Communication, Sunday Dare has also countered that the methodology used by the World Bank in its determination was not only dated but somewhat suspect given that the “figure was derived from the global poverty line of $2.15 per person per day, set in 2017 using Purchasing Power Parity”.

    Drawing opposing conclusions from the same set of facts being an old game is certainly not exclusive to politicians. It is nothing new particularly to development scholars depending of course on which side of the ideological spectrum that one belongs. And while it seems a fair game that a party like ADC, sworn to displace the ruling APC, will seek to weaponise that aspect of the report, I believe that the government spokesman has provided a robust rebuttal possible in the circumstance.

    Yes, the economic situation in the country is bad enough, without the World Bank compounding our misery with its mystery figures whose values are utterly questionable! So much for the Breton Wood institution’s age-long fixation with the orthodoxies of ‘single stories’ of which our own dear Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie in her 2009 TED Talk, warns – ‘creates and reinforces stereotypes, robbing people and cultures of their dignity and complexity’; it has become for most Nigerians, like an old wife’s tale to be recycled!

    So, Atiku and his ADC people as indeed those interested, may as well run to town with it! That is if it helps to supply the opposition with some oxygen at a time when everything else seems to be falling apart. The government on its part should move past the acknowledgment that things are bad to pressing the throttle. Like most Nigerians, I believe that the signs are clear enough that a lot is moving in the right direction. Time to move the needle to the micro-economy.  

    Away from hugging the headlines, I think Nigerians should take another look at the report to discover the one part of the report so easy to miss: the self-serving prescriptions that have, more often than not, defined the institution’s relations with developing countries. It calls it the three urgent priorities to address the problems of inflation and poverty.

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    I start with the first and perhaps the most curious of them all: the prescription that the government tackle food inflation by “removing trade barriers such as import bans and excessive duties, while addressing structural bottlenecks in seeds, input supply, security, logistics, and infrastructure (including transport, power, storage, and cold chains)”. Familiar?

    How about this in the age of Trumpism, of trade barriers and protectionist walls?  Imagine a hugely-endowed agrarian economy being asked to throw its borders open for unrestricted food imports so the army of its poor can avail of cheap foods!

    Yes, the prescription is right there in the book!

    So also is the other prescription: the removal of ‘structural bottlenecks in seeds, input supply’ – all in the guise of enhancing farmers output and productivity, policies that have proven over time to perpetuate the same old cycle of dependency and the despair that our farmers have suffered and continue to suffer.

    With friends like this, who needs an enemy?

    And finally, the same barely tolerable, long-winding, if meaningless sweeteners: improve the efficiency of public spending through greater fiscal transparency, stronger discipline in Federation Account (FAAC) deductions, and a national pact to align fiscal policy with development objectives, especially human capital investments, and, expanding and institutionalizing social protection, including regular, domestically financed cash transfers for the ultra-poor and a shock-responsive safety net system to help households manage crises – bland grammars which merely masks their true intent?  

    My question: What will it take for these busybodies to remove themselves from our national affairs so we can concentrate on fixing our broken parts?

  • Enugu ingests APC

    Enugu ingests APC

    Growing up in Enugu State in the 1970s, the commonest medicine for fever, cold, aches and pain was APC. Every mother had those over-the-counter, white looking tablets, handy in a small jar, at home. Our village dispenser, in charge of the community dispensary at Nwankwo, Ogwofia-Owa, one Romanus Ozobu (God rest his soul), would grind it, and with a little water, force it down our young throats to quench the fever and aches that followed the reckless plays and junkets.    

    That APC meant a combination of Aspirin, Phenacetin, and Caffeine, which is no longer in use. But the APC of my interest today, is the All Progressive Congress, a party formerly derided in the Southeast, as Janjaweed Ideology. Those who supported the party then, were reminded that the medical APC was no longer in use, and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), taunted the party as an expired drug. To propagate APC as an alternative to PDP, in the state, was considered an insalubrious anathema.

    A few ignored the abuses, and continued to support and propagate the party. Today, the governor of Enugu State, Barrister Peter Mbah, and majority members of the PDP at all levels in the state, have joyously ingested APC, and they are looking forward to the party returning them to power in 2027.

    This column which has for the past ten years recommended APC as an alternative to PDP, joyously welcome them to the progressive party. They must inculcate the Igbo saying: “Obialu be onye abiagbu kwe n’eya”.

    In my most recent piece on Governor Peter Mbah barely two months ago, which I christened: “Dilemma of Governor Mbah”, I had given ample reasons why Mbah should move over to APC. I quote extensively: “With the PDP doddering, Governor Peter Mbah who got elected by a controversial razor tin vote advantage in 2023 must be weighing his options, as the race to the 2027 general election dominates the political landscape. Mbah’s challenge is made worse by the fact that the politically conservative Enugu State voters, appears to have shown inflexibility with the recent result of the Enugu South Urban Constituency reordered election.”

    I went further: “Apparently, to the shock of Mbah and his supporters, one Bright Ngene, who originally won the state legislative assembly election in 2023, again won the reordered election after postponements arising from repeated disruptions. To make it more embarrassing for the ruling party in the state, Ngene of the Labour Party, who was sentenced to seven-years imprisonment for a community related dispute, won the election from the prison. It remains to be seen whether he will serve what is remaining of his tenure from the prisons.”

    I also stated: “From the whiplashing the PDP received in the 2023 general election in the state in the hands of the Labour Party (LP) and the recent mud on its face in the Enugu South Urban Constituency reordered election, the PDP on whose platform Mbah was elected is seriously in decline. The PDP which dominated the state like a colossus, making it nigh impossible for any other party to breath in the state must be wondering what happened to her glorious days in the sun.”

    As the new leader of APC in the state, Governor Mbah’s biggest challenge would be how to harmonize the interest of the decampees from the PDP with those of the APC members, which they met on ground. Of course, the temptation would be to hijack most of the available positions, and yield little to the old members of APC. I hope the governor also realizes that he needs all the help he can get, to move those who voted for him in PDP over to the APC.

    It will be poor appreciation of political idiosyncrasies for the governor and his team to think that moving from PDP to APC, automatically means the addition of the voters on both sides to become one. A lot of work needs to be done to convince the PDP voters that APC is not the demonized caricature that they painted it as, prior to this transition. One of the surest way to do this, is by ensuring a peaceful harmonization of contending interests, under the banner of new APC.

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    Those contending against the entrance of Governor Mbah into APC, led by the erstwhile state party chairman, Barrister Ugo Agballa, should not be discarded without giving them a hearing. Now that the tide has turned, may be they would be willing to make peace, if given a chance. While arguing that they be given a fair hearing, this writer urges them to appreciate the enormous advantage the governor brings to the party in the state. Without the combination of forces, there was no chance for APC to win over the state, all by its former self.

    Luckily, Governor Mbah has shown himself worthy of a second term, within two years of his administration. So, he should be encouraged to deliver on the great promises he has set for the state. It would be a great disservice to the state to undermine the giant infrastructural developments he has been pursuing, and so, I urge those opposed to his emergence to give peace a chance. Running to the court would only compound the situation for those accused of anti-party activities, even as they may make the party weaker.

    Again, the state APC needs peace within its rank to deliver a reasonable percentage of vote to the party at the presidential election in 2027. Such delivery would aid the receipt of greater federal interventions in the state. For instance, Governor Mbah’s promise of 1,000 megawatts of electricity through coal needs the support of the federal government to succeed. Since the right over coal, which is a mineral resource, falls within the exclusive legislative list, the governor needs the approval of the federal government to explore it.

    As I wrote earlier this year, in January, in a piece I tiled: “Two Ideas Men”, Governor Mbah and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu are men of ideas, and a synchronization of their God-given talents would benefit the state and the country at large. As I wrote back then: “So, when PBAT went to Enugu State, last Saturday, this writer was excited that a knowledgeable president was visiting a knowledgeable governor. Instead of a clash of ideas, there will be a synergy of ideas.”

    While President Tinubu is pushing to deliver $1 trillion national economy, Governor Mbah is working to move the state economy to $30bn. As the PDP flag is lowered for the APC flag, in my beloved Enugu State, we wait to see what further impetus it would wrought to the pace of governance. Congratulations NdiEnugu. Let President Tinubu’s renewed hope agenda join forces with Governor Mbah’s promise of tomorrow in Enugu State.