Category: Columnists

  • Nebuchadnezzar

    Nebuchadnezzar

    Before pouring jeremiads on Nigeria at 65, behold the parallels between Emperor Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (reigned: 605-562 BC) and US President Donald Trump, as America approaches its 250th year in 2026!

    Much more than a warrior-king, Nebuchadnezzar was a renowned builder.  His neo-Babylonian Empire, of course, provided a surfeit of forced labour.

    Trump is a real estate magnate.  But with Trump accused as a shark that often shirks payment for work done, duped labour is answer to Nebuchadnezzar’s forced labour.

    Nebuchadnezzar drove Jews into exile, among hated Gentiles, in his prized Babylon city, with his 586 BC razing of Jerusalem; and his capture and torture of rebellious Judah King Zedekiah.

    In a settler country with neither Jew nor Gentile, Trump is creating fake Gentiles of US illegal immigrants, and dumping them in fake Babylon: in Africa, South America and Asia, where as the ancient Jews in Babylon, they might not even know anyone!

    But it’s in preening hubris that the Trump-Nebuchadnezzar parallel is eeriest.

    At the zenith of his self-worship — even with a prophetic caution, by Daniel the Jew to humble himself — Nebuchadnezzar crowed: “Is not this the great Babylon I have built, as the royal residence, by my mighty power and for the glory of my majesty?”

    Compare and contrast that with Trump’s United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) September 25 conceit, and you’ll spot the tragic similarity between the two.

    Using his native New York and UN base as Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylon city, Trump bluffed and blustered, abused and traduced, cursed and smeared everyone in sight.

    The United Nations was useless for alleged escalator and TelePrompTer sabotage; and for not aiding him to stop “seven wars” — a brazen lie by the way — even though America picks up the biggest chunk of the UN tab, which is true.

    Global science is wrong on climate change, only because a loud Trump — even with combative ignorance — declared it’s “the greatest con ever perpetrated on the world.”

    Europe earned Trump’s ire, for not herding own “illegal immigrants” into human pens like hens; and, like the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), cart them off to wherever the wannabe emperor damn well pleases! 

    For shunning that icy savagery, Trump foreswore Europe would go to hell!  Besides, having numbed uppity America with his cocktail of bare-faced lies, and pushing his deep vices as high virtues, he pitches such vile claptrap to the globe.  What hubris!

    Prof. Wole Soyinka just christened Trump “Idi Amin of America”: after that odious 20th century military brute, that made Uganda — and Africa — a global laughing stock.  By his UNGA huff-and-puff, Trump further branded himself some neo-Nebuchadnezzar.

    But it’s all thanks to American democracy, just shy of its 250th year: returning the Idi Amin favour, and delivering America’s own 21st century global laughing stock!

    Dolly Parton, that great American country music megastar, with a sweet but haunting voice, once sang “It’s my time to cry …” in one of her fetching numbers. 

    Africa and the third world, often savagely caricatured by a condescending America and the rest of the West are, in Trump, grabbing their chance to laugh — or even gloat!  Indeed, Trump’s bubbly bumbling would have been so sweet, were it not so tragic!

    Nigeria is 65.  America, 249 years.  But its doubtful if a Trump, with his clear flaws, can gain the Nigerian presidency, even with Nigeria’s many challenges!

    Which is why, the world leaders at UNGA, condemned to enduring Trump’s tirade — at least the historic-minded among them — would not but wonder if this was not after all a 21st century Nebuchadnezzar eating grass, after burst hubris!

    To be sure, core historians claim that was a Jewish biblical fable — for in truth, no hard core historical account recorded Nebuchadnezzar as eating grass.  But it’s a powerful metaphor: pride goes before a fall.  That might just be America’s fate under Trump.  He radically disrupts the world.  Yet, his thinking — and whining — are baby-like!

    Still, an ambivalence gifts Trump apologists — quite a number! — some cold comfort.

    Nebuchadnezzar was the divine rod from Jehovah himself — thus goes the biblical account — to punish the decadence of Judah.

    Trump too, might just be the divine rod to conk the Democratic Party, often blamed for the moral decay of America. The grand irony, though: no single person epitomizes that decay more than Trump! 

    Still, never mind: Trump as divine rod is why America’s White Evangelicals support him — aside the snouting elephant of White racism in the room!  Some priggish Nigerians also buy into that “divine” apologia.

    Just as well Trump merrily emits raw American wrongs, buried under more than two centuries of — hypocritical (?) — breeding.  But it would appear crunch time!

    Still, America is famous for self-correcting, after major crises.  Might there then be redemption, after profane Divine Rod Trump is long gone?  Maybe! 

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    But a chilly video making the rounds, tracking a 250-year empire rise-and-bust cycle, suggests otherwise.

    On 4 July 2026, America will be 250 years.  Rome: 244 years from republic to empire.  Ottoman: 250 years from its rise to its peak.  Britain: 251 years from empire to a bust.

    What’s more?  America suffers socio-economic dissonance that bodes ill. Its rich 0.1%, claims the video, corral more wealth than the rest 90%.  Trust in institutions has fallen 54% from 1970.  By 2026, it would plunge below 20% — the Soviet Union sank at 19%.  America’s political polarization is almost at par with its civil war period.  By its 250th year — 2016 —  that fissure would reach nadir not plumbed by any modern democracy.

    Incidentally, Trump, the unfazed face of this rot, is here bang at the crunch: levying war against Congress and getting away with it, convicted on 34-point felony yet elected president, and whines regularly to divide, not unite, his country.

    Now, if he goes to UNGA to play Nebuchadnezzar, after wreaking the system at home, it’s signal to the rest of the world that America’s global awe is dated.

    That has started in earnest: Brazil’s President Lula da Silva, at those same UNGA portals, already told Trump to buzz off pushing political outlawry in Brazil, with his daft support for the jailed Jair Bolsonaro who, after defeat, staged a Trump-like siege on Parliament to stay in power. Unlike Trump, however, he just got tossed into the can.

    Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro, right there in New York, told American soldiers to, on Palestine, disobey outlawry orders from their commander-in-chief!

    Even the French, philosopher-Kings of America’s “liberty and fraternity” credo: their president had to abandon his car, and trek to own embassy, because insecure Trump must project raw power, and seal up the entire New York!

    For these diplomatic incivilities, Trump has the mandate of his people. They voted him.  So, if they drown, they drown in concert.

    The saving grace is America might not remain a global bully much longer, though it can continue ruling or misruling itself in its vast insular territory.

    So, how does Nigeria at 65 take advantage of this winking global opportunity?  Use natural and human resources to build Nigeria for formidable global trade — and peace.

    That — and not stale jeremiads at 65 — should drive Nigerian thinking.

  • The Jonathan attraction

    The Jonathan attraction

    President Jonathan’s last Thursday close-door meeting with David Mark, the ADC chairman in Abuja, was reported by The Nation and a couple of other newspapers. Jonathan wanted to be reassured he could secure the ADC presidential ticket before joining the party. Jonathan’s current gamble must have been encouraged by his several years of political engagement during which he has always had his palm kernel cracked for him by a benevolent spirit (apology to Chinua Achebe).

    Jonathan is a man who has always had all his battles fought on his behalf. He has never been called to take responsibility even for his follies. He was minding his business as a fishery lecturer in the university when he was summoned to come and become deputy governor. Not long after, with the impeachment of his principal, he became governor by providence. Just as he was settling down in his new position, he was named vice president by Olusegun Obasanjo.

    And when the Yar’Adua front led by Chief James Ibori raised the question of propriety about his becoming acting president following Yar’Adua’s illness , Pastor Tunde Bakare and a host of other civil society groups took over the street of Lagos and Abuja, forcing the National Assembly to come up with the ‘doctrine of necessity’. He became president in spite of resistance from the north because Obasanjo was on ground to carry him on his back across the north probably to assure them Jonathan would do only one term. Of course, the south rallied round him because they saw in Jonathan an underdog being bullied by an overbearing north with their usual sense of entitlement. If Jonathan made any contribution at all, it was his almost inaudible s shriek cries “I am a shoeless school boy from Otuoke village; I know your pains because I have been there”.

    In a nation where the national question has been compounded by the dominant ethnic groups, their political parties and their politicians who insisted no one gets what they cannot get, Jonathan changed the paradigm. He secured an electoral victory without having to be adopted by any of the dominant groups. Obasanjo his godfather had little or no electoral value in his home base where he could not win in his polling booth. On their part, the owners of PDP in the north- Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Aliyu Gusau, Adamu Ciroma and Atiku Ababakar built an alliance of opposition against Jonathan on the eve of an election. Of course the age-long rivalry between the southeast and south-south affected his level of support in the two zones. Added to these challenges was PDP, Jonathan’s platform which had become more of a liability than an asset, having misgoverned the country for 12 years. There was no doubt Jonathan won the election in spite of PDP.

    Unfortunately because others have always fought Jonathan’s wars, he was unable to manage victories that came his way so cheaply. His first political debacle was his appointment of secretary to government. It did not take time for his government to start taking an ethnic colouration. Even the ministry of finance office of our revered Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was taken over by one ethnic group and when confronted, she said her people got their positions on merit.

    President Jonathan unfortunately was unable to manage or confront the hijackers of his government. He could not do more than writhe his hands as Diezani Alison-Maduekwe, his minister of petroleum stole the country blind. There were institutional reports that questioned the aviation minister’s handling of the $360 subsidy to the airlines and the $500m Chinese loan out of which 30 brand new aircraft were to be bought for the ailing airlines. But to President Jonathan, Princess Stella Oduah who later accompanied him on a pilgrimage to Rome, remained untouchable.

    Depending on whose figure you are adopting between President Yar’Adua, Speaker Dimeji Bankole, Power Minister Lyel Imoke, government spent between $6billion and $16billion on unbundling of PHCN.   Under Jonathan administration, the unbundled companies were sold as discos to PDP stalwarts including his serving minister of power and others who knew next to nothing about electricity. A bank owner who later donated N3b to Jonathan’s presidential campaign fund bought one of the discos. Another went to a professor of Geography who had spoken for every government in power since Shehu Shagari’s 1979 presidency.  He served as the head of delegation of new disco owners seeking bail-out and equity participation from a government that had just privatized the discos while setting aside $500m for support.

    It is also on record that President Jonathan only paid lip service to fighting corruption. He had in fact dismissively said “if they have succeeded in fighting, corruption, corruption would not have been with us today”.

    It is therefore not difficult to understand why James Ibori who sponsored  the Yar’Adua and Jonathan’s presidential ticket in 2007 served jail terms in London for the same offence over which he secured reprieve from an Asaba High Court; why Edo governor, Lucky Igbinedion got a slap on the wrist for running the finances of Edo State aground and why a convicted felon who converted 70% of his state resources to personal use got presidential pardon in order to, in the words of Doyin Okupe “make more contributions to the development of his fatherland”.

    Under Jonathan, KPMG’s report on NNPC; the report on fuel subsidy regime; pending cases against prominent PDP members in the banking sector, those of oil subsidy fraudsters; the $10b NNPC missing fund President Jonathan said would be unravelled through forensic inquiry and the $30b from excess crude account consistently raised by governors Adams Oshiomhole and Rotimi Amaechi remained stalled because the “wheel of justice according to the president grinds slowly”.

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    Jonathan who has always overcome challenges through luck must have taken note of all the above personal failings before convincing himself that that today, fate beckons on him  as the only one who can bring back PDP years of the locust. Although all those earnestly praying for the return of President Jonathan including Bauchi governor Bala Mohammed and the embattled disco owners who for lack of technical knowhow and financial muscle, have lost their cherished discos to banks, have not denied being driven by self-interest. Jonathan however believes he is the one ordained to bring back the glory PDP lost as a result of their endless violent family dispute over the sharing of our resources.

    But just as Jonathan who is now convinced he has been called upon by destiny to trade his earned status of African statesman to joining the current toxic Nigerian political environment where an unthinking mob called ‘Obidients’ threaten to visit violence on critics of their leader who daily mouth democracy without a demonstration of democratic ethos such as congratulating a victorious opponent, let me call his attention to the implication of his rejection of the voice of reason.

    He will be haunted by the legacies of his five years of maladministration covering incompetence, his alleged sponsorship of militant groups as governor of Bayelsa and his mishandling of the power sector privatization which according to Punch newspaper “transferred most of the generation and distribution companies to untested, incompetent domestic consortia that have saddled Nigeria with a legal quagmire’.

    There was the report of an international judicial probe that claimed that Nigerian government was defrauded to the tune of $1.1bn through the Malabu oil field scam. The case of Jonathan’s unconstitutional removal of Lamido Sanusi as CBN governor for alerting Nigerians of missing $20b from NNPC account and the heavy price Nigeria paid for replacing him with unqualified, incompetent and a man without character like Godwin Emefiele .Of course, Jonathan will be reminded as soon as he joins the political fray that he an ethnic jingoist who came to Lagos to appeal to non-Yoruba residents to vote out the resourceful Lagos State governor; traded  Obasanjo he had earlier described as “after God and his father, Obasanjo is the next”, for Chief Edwin Clark, his fellow Ijaw man, and his deployment of the leadership of the Ijaw militant groups he had empowered through award of multibillion dollar contracts to unleash ‘verbal terrorism’ on the leadership of the Hausa Fulani.

    Finally, Jonathan will be haunted by his failed attempt to write his own account of his “five years of corrupt-ridden administration” dismissed by a Punch newspaper editorial as “a potpourri of falsehoods, hypocrisy and lame excuses”. And of course there was the London Economist’s damning verdict that Jonathan was the ‘most corrupt, most clueless government in Nigeria’s history”.

  • Lighting strikes again

    Lighting strikes again

    Nuhu Ribadu, the slim, sometimes soft-spoken, tall and deceptively quiet former police officer has a rare second act in public office. The first was as the pioneer head of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Even though he was not president, he was the most dreaded man in the country. He was not afraid to make enemies, but he was an easy man to befriend.

    His voice is soft until it is fiery. He did not worry that some accused him of going after Obasanjo’s enemies. A thief, whether Obj’s friend or enemy, was an enemy of the people. He did his job with verve, and often with class.

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     His foes tried to get him, but he was not only a survivor but also a triumph. Many a mighty man fell in his time and under his authority, including an inspector general and top politicians. Few know that he also did not spare one of his close relatives.

    There were two quotes I associate with his time as EFCC boss, one from him, and another on the streets. He once quipped when they accused him of not following due process: “Did they follow due process when they were stealing the money?” The other I heard from a young lady to her wooer who boasted he had money. “Ah, you don’t have EFCC money?”

    At last, conspirators got him out of the way. Let the thieves steal in peace, they said to themselves.

    Now, Ribadu’s lightning is striking again. It is another type of corruption: violence. This is a vaster and delicate responsibility. If he was the pioneer EFCC boss, he is the first police officer to be the national security adviser. He has carried that job with panache and severity, combining the ruthless with the graceful. The records are there as tell tales.

     He has downed many a mighty terrorist, the latest being the Ansaru wizards and the ironically named Gentle de Yahoo in the Southeast. In spite of critics, the story is clear. Under his watch, the criminals are on the run, like snakes on the wall.

    They strike but they are in danger. That is the untold story of the men of fear. Ribadu lightning is shedding light and burning the hoodlums.

  • Joe and Mefi

    Joe and Mefi

    I met a politician of high pedestal the other day and the question of former President Goodluck Jonathan came up. He composed the contradictory traits in the former president in one epithet: He called him an “innocent fool.”

     He did not say it out of contempt but out of pity bordering on affection. I thought that was a weighty onslaught on someone some have described as a statesman.

    In arriving at his characterization, he recalled some entanglements with the former president in his plumy days in Aso Rock.

    He was easily conned by the seductions and flatteries of fellow politicians, he narrated, and they conjured up billions of naira from him on flimsy promises to deliver some states for him during the 2015 election.

     Perhaps his loss as epiphany explained why Goodluck Jonathan lamented at a birthday bash recently that no politician could be trusted.

    That knowledge has not restrained him from his ongoing itinerary. Is the politician right, then, that he is an innocent fool? He has been flattered again into self-belief that he can be president again. We can call it an odyssey of contradiction in courtesy visits for apparent gestures to test his chances of return. He is hugging the same motley men of perfidy. Enter Peter Obi. Enter David mark. Enter Jonathan. Enter naivete.

    But as one reflects on the former president, another name comes to mind. He is Godwin Emefiele. Their resemblance in temperament is intriguing.

    They have the same mien, a look that is easily hostage to the mischief of conmen. The same naïve, groveling kindness that makes them seek approval through gestures of generosity.

     The same lack of rigour or intellectual curiosity that subjects them to the persuasions of thinking quacks. The same courage that ends up as mere bravado, like a bullet as empty shell.

    They are both funny but no fun. They exude comedy in spite of themselves as though asking the world to laugh at them. Playwright Samuel Bekett calls it risus purus, a laugh laughing at itself. It is an abysmal farce.

    Because of these traits, both men project the worst of all: a delusion of grandeur. It is that delusion that has given them the belief they have the right – scratch that -, that they have the ideas and charisma to be president. It is after this self-characterisation that they part ways. Jonathan condenses his ideas and characterization in his projection of humility.

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    Hence, he told of his ‘fable’ of a boy who grew up without shoes. It is a fable because, for those of us who were raised in the Niger Delta in those days, it was not a special endowment. It was routine. In Warri, we called it walking on 10 toes. I did it. My mates did it. Nothing for which to win any epaulette.

    As for Emefiele, the former CBN chief, he did not propagate humility. Rather he rode on defiance, the peacock dignity of appropriating a high office because he was a big man. It is the sort of trait we saw in classic heroes of history like Caligula and Commodus in Rome and, in the 20th century, King Leopold of Belgium, who was described, in his quest as an emperor, as the “big minded man in an insignificant kingdom.” Hence, in one of his court trials, the former CBN governor twirled a exaggerated bible as a marker of his great and extraordinary piety.

    Before the APC  primaries, he was notorious for the fleet of campaign vans, wild blossoms of campaign posters, and a speculated war chest. He predated this with his caskets of rice pyramids that mocked the genuine ones in Kano when he was a student.

    Emefiele was miffed by my mockeries in those days, and his minions bought two advert pages in this newspaper to sponsor a counterattack that was a casket of brilliance. Mefi, as he was known either out of mockery or affection, fizzled away easily. We sought him at the primary, and he could not be found.

    Both Jonathan and Mefi thought they had a meal before them, and fell to dinner until they learned they were gobbling a pottage of sacrifice, a meal of the gods. It was forbidden. It is what in the Bible is described as the abomination “that maketh desolate.” Prophet Daniel coined that phrase when the Roman army desecrated the temple at Jerusalem.

     And referring to a runup to what Christians call the great tribulation, Jesus cried, “when ye shall see the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the prophet, stand where it ought not to…”

    Well, that was on a higher plane. For Joe and Mefi, their ambition was like touching the unclean thing. Their ambitions are what in Niger Delta we called “over nikka, over shirt, or money miss road.” It means he is too small for his garments.

    Every political season throws up its own clown, and we have had them from the First Republic. Many would not know that S.L.A. Akintola was one of them, and hence his initials S.L.A was corrupted to ese ole in Yoruba, meaning the leg of a thief.

    I don’t know that I would call Joe and Mefi innocent fools. There was a character in Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s novel, The Brothers Karamazov, described as a saintly fool, or holy fool. But those persons are actually conscious mockers of society. They make fool of their societies by acting like fools. They are sublime characters like Feste in Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night. Philosophers, literary critics and psychologists have elaborated on this.

    I would not say Joe and Mefi are saintly fools either. They are not mocking their societies. They do not even have the talent to do that. Akintola and Olunloyo and even K.O. Mbadiwe will wear that laurel. Joe and Mefi are more sublime than that. Rather they are a mirror of a society. They are unconscious actors of a society full of men and women imagining themselves.

    Joe’s story is more terrible. He tasted the forbidden fruit, and he did not satisfy his soul. He was led out of the kitchen. He wants to return to the scene of the crime. Mighty Bible in hand, Mefi is pleading innocent in court.

  • Gombe’s out-of-school children

    Gombe’s out-of-school children

    Though eighth in the list of states in the country with the highest number of out-of-school children, Gombe State government appears sufficiently worried by its standing. This is evident from the measures it is undertaking to reverse the sliding trend.

    Kebbi, Sokoto and Yobe states respectively top the list of states with the highest number of out-of-school children while Imo and Anambra states occupy the 36th and 37th positions according to data provided by the Cable Index. The Federal Capital Territory, Abuja was counted as one of the states and listed in the24th position.

    Apparently dissatisfied with its ranking, Gombe State government last week inaugurated an elaborate School Enrolment Campaign for the 2025/2026 session with a threat to prosecute parents and guardians who fail to send their children to school.  The state government drew attention to Section 19(2) of the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) Amendment Law 2021 which prescribes punishment for defaulting parents and urged them to ensure their children or wards attend and complete primary, junior and senior secondary school education.

    “Any parent who contravenes section 19(2) of the law commits an offence and is liable upon conviction, to pay a fine or serve a one-month prison sentence. Subsequent convictions also attract substantial fine or imprisonment for a term of two months”, chairman of the state’s SUBEB, Babaji Babadidi warned.

    He said the state government adopted the measure to ensure that every child has access to quality basic education. That is not all. The state government also invested heavily in the sector, offering free education through which it targets enrolling 400,000 pupils into primary schools this session.

    This will entail supplying the children with free exercise books, school bags and other school materials as incentives for massive enrolment. The target is to give quality education to the children in addition to skills that will make them self-employed.

    If these investments and incentives fail to achieve the desired result, prosecution of defaulting parents and guardians will be the next line of action to ensure compliance.

    It is heart-refreshing Gombe State is so challenged by the rising number of out-of-school children that it decided to confront the scourge head on. Though the state ranked eighth in the scale of out-of-school children, figures furnished by its commissioner for education, Prof. Aishatu Maigari, put the number at over 700,000.

    This no doubt, is staggering given estimates by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) which put the total number of out-of-school children in Nigeria at 18.3 million. This figure confers on Nigeria, the unpleasant tag of harbouring the greatest number of out-of-school children in the world. In practical terms, it translates to one, out of three school children in the country not enrolled in school.

    The northwest and the northeast account for the largest chunk of the figure. It is little surprising that Gombe which harbour over 700,000 of these out-of-school children has taken measures to halt the drift. It did not only develop models to reduce the numbers but state-specific strategies to arrive at the same objective.

    The school enrolment campaigns which coincided with the new school calendar year are meant to sensitise the rural communities and boost the enrolment of children in schools as they resume the current session.  It also enabled them to sensitise and explain government’s investments in the field of education and the need for pupils to take full advantage of them.

    But the government also intends to wield the big stick if parents fail to enrol their children in schools. Though prosecution will throw up its own challenges, the essence is to draw the attention of possible defaulters to its consequences. One striking feature of the state’s-specific strategy by Gombe is the setting of benchmarks and targets on the number of school children it seeks to enrol in the current academic year.

    If the state is able to register 400,000 pupils, then it would have substantially reduced its share of out-of-school children to 300,000. That will be a remarkable feat. If that trend is replicated next session, Gombe should be on the path to eliminating the scourge from the state’s education system. That is barring other extenuating factors that incubate, propel and sustain the phenomenon especially in that part of the country.

    The example by Gombe State is noteworthy. Yet, there is little evidence of other infrastructural investments in technical education that gives some modicum of assurance that products of its 6-3-3-4 education will be able to use their heads and hands to create jobs instead of depending on elusive government employment.

    Free education and such incentives as free exercise books, school bags etc. are essential in addressing the challenge of low school enrolment. But that is not all there is to it. Whereas such incentives will enable the poor to have access to schools, they cannot address the root of the debilitating material conditions and dire privations in which a majority of our people live.

    Tackling out-of-school children challenge cannot make reasonable progress without evolving adequate therapeutic responses to the multi-facetted systemic dysfunctions that propel and sustain the malaise. Poor budget allocations to education at all levels of the government is a serious factor even as the little funds allocated suffer from the large scale corruption that hallmark public offices in this country.

    This reflects in the poor infrastructural facilities that have become the face of our public schools. In many states, children study in ramshackle buildings, some without roofs even as others sit on bare floors for their daily lessons. Such negligence acts as serious disincentive to school enrolment.

    So, governments must upgrade the level of facilities in their schools’ system to make them attractive and conducive for teaching and learning. That also brings in the importance of addressing issues relating to the welfare of teachers and other ancillary staff.

    Child labour, certain cultural and religious practices are other inhibitors which state governments must work to address. But by far, the greatest challenge to a quick reduction in out-of-school children is the multi-facetted insecurity tilting the country to the precipice.

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    This is especially so for the northeast and north-western parts of the country. That is where the Boko Haram insurgency that professes weird religious ideology holds sway. Boko Haram which literally translates to ‘education is evil’ speaks eloquently of the incalculable harm strange religious doctrines could wrought on school enrolment.

    Boko Haram and its splinter insurgent groups had severally demonstrated their strong aversion to western education in serial abduction and ferrying into the thin air of hundreds of school children. Schools in Chibok, Borno State, Kuriga in Kaduna State and Jangebe in Zamfara State were some of the key victims.

    The wider repercussions of these abductions propelled by strong aversion to western education are felt in the high number of out-of-school in those two regions. There are also other regular abductions in rural communities by the so-called bandits whose motivations are yet to prove different from those of the insurgent groups. These have resulted in mass dislocation of families with children of school age at the receiving end.

     Faced with cascading insecurity, many of the states with high out-of-school children have increasingly found it difficult to decisively tackle the monster. That is why the current war against all forms of insecurity in the country must be waged to its conclusive end. It will amount to grand illusion to expect drastic reduction in out-of-school children in states where the insurgent groups campaign against western education, abducting and killing those they find in schools.

    Besides, the various governments must work to reduce the debilitating poverty in the land through huge investments that will guarantee decent life to the greatest number of the citizenry. This will entail husbanding and harnessing the collective wealth which Mother Nature bountifully endowed this country to uplift the citizens from scorching poverty, misery and privation due to mismanagement by self-serving rulers.

     It is not a coincidence that Nigeria which had earned the unenviable rating of the world’s poverty capital, is also home to the highest number of out-of-school children in the world. Does that say something?

  • Nigeria at 65: Nation on the brink of uncertainty

    Nigeria at 65: Nation on the brink of uncertainty

    Afew Sundays ago, I got published on these pages, an article I titled: ‘The Coming Storm’.

    That was on the 17th August, 2025.

    Still shackled by the same fears for our country, especially given the toxic rhetoric of both former Vice- President Atiku Abubakar and his soul mate, the former Abambra state governor, Peter Obi, I am today examining how very close they daily draw Nigeria to the brink of uncertainty ahead the make or mar 2027 Presidential election.

    I believe the duo think it pays their adversarial politics to heat up the polity by being unnecessarily critical of everything the government, or somebody near government does.

    Worse, they even attempt to interpret anything that happens, elsewhere, be it in Jupiter or Mars, as having implications for the Tinubu government.

    Let’s take two examples.

    Atiku hears about an uprising in Nepal, and whether or not he can locate that tiny country of the map of Asia, prompto, he jumped out,  triumphantly, warning of “possible unrest or at best a revolution in Nigeria due to what he called hunger and starvation ravaging the country”.

    Atiku has easily forgotten how he masterminded the sale, in sweetheart deals, of about N100B national assets for less than N10B, working with (his hand-picked) El Rufai during his Vice- Presidency. Then there was no thought of a revolution even as thousands were made to kiss their jobs, and livelihood, bye.

    Then as if Atiku must not have one on him ahead their coming contestation for the ADC presidential candidacy, the political wanderer, Peter Obi also jumped, needlessly, into First Lady Remi Tinubu’s birthday Appeal for financial support for the completion of the National Library.

    Hear Peter in a critique he titled “We (they) are finished”,  criticising the request that birthday well-wishers donate towards completing the National Library in Abuja, as an indictment of Nigeria’s leadership priorities.

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    Writing on his X account he claimed that while the First Lady’s appeal was “noble and selfless on the surface,” it exposed the failure of government to fulfill its responsibilities”.

    Didn’t they say this man read Philosophy at the University or is Logic not a component of that subject at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka?

    Or please tell me: where is the Logic:rather than her well- wishers pouring billions on adverts, a thinking soul wants such funds put on a national asset, but a ‘brewery industrialist’ thinks otherwise, believing he knows better.

    For all⁹ Nigerians, these two incidents should be enough to seal the fate of ADC, come 2027.

    Let’s now get to brass tasks.

    As Nigeria celebrates its 65th anniversary, the country’s political landscape is bracing up for another crucial test in 2027.

    With the current toxic and divisive nature of the political opposition, concerns are rising about the potential consequences of their actions if they lose the upcoming presidential election, as they sure will. Will they torch the country, or find a way to navigate their defeat with civility?

    What’s the current state of our politics?

    Nigeria’s democracy has been marred by electoral violence, corruption, and insecurity. The 2023 general elections were characterised by reports of intimidation, vote buying, and sporadic violence. As the 2027 elections approach, tensions are escalating, with opposition leaders accusing the ruling party, albeit without any concrete facts,  of plotting to rig the elections. They even accuse President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of attempting to foist a one party state on the country, all because their parties are haemorrhaging as many of their top ranking members rush to join the ruling party.

    Any, or all of these could have serious consequences for the country.

    These include the following;

    Electoral Violence,  as protests and clashes between rival supporters could escalate into full-blown violence, undermining the country’s fragile democracy.

    Insecurity: The already precarious security situation could deteriorate further, with armed groups and bandits taking advantage of the chaos.

    Economic Instability: Investor confidence could be shaken, leading to economic instability and exacerbating the country’s existing economic challenges.

    These will worsen, without a doubt, the following factors presently  contributing to our current crisis:

    Economic Hardship: Nigerias economy is presently struggling with hìgh inflation, unemployment, and poverty.

    Polarisation: The country’s politics has become increasingly polarised, with politicians exploiting ethnic and religious divisions to mobilise support.

    Also,  our institutions,  the judiciary and electoral commission, inclusive, are facing challenges in maintaining their independence and effectiveness.

    To mitigate the likely risks to the 2027 elections, several steps should be taken.

    These include: deliberately

    strengthening the judiciary and the electoral commission just as our security agencies must be equipped to ensure their effectiveness.

    We must also promote  civic education whereby citizens will be educated about their rights and responsibilities, as well as the importance of peaceful coexistence.

    Here one must give kudos to the National Orientation Commission with its many ongoing advertorials.

    Our political leaders and stakeholders must learn to engage in dialogue to find common ground as well as promote peaceful coexistence.

    Concluding, our 65th anniversary presents an opportunity for reflection on the country’s progress and challenges. As the country approaches the 2027 elections, it is crucial for stakeholders to prioritise peaceful coexistence, strengthen institutions, and promote civic education.

    The fate of Nigeria’s democracy hangs in the balance, and it is up to all of us, the citizenry,  and leaders alike, to ensure that the country emerges stronger and more united. By working together, Nigerians can build a brighter future and avoid the pitfalls of violence and instability.

  • Congratulations to my brother and friend Bishop Mike Okonkwo

    Congratulations to my brother and friend Bishop Mike Okonkwo

    I write to salute and congratulate my Lord Bishop Mike Okonkwo, the  Presiding Bishop of The Redeemed Evangelical Mission, Bishop Mike Okonkwo, on the occasion of his 80th birthday which, incidentally,  coincides with mine.

    My Lord congratulations.

    Yes, we grew up together on Apapa Road, Ebute- Metta, Lagos.

    The Lord Bishop and our other friend, now Chief Bayo Famotibe, were working with the African Continental Bank, Martins street, while I was with the Bank of West Africa. Marina, Lagos.

    Our other friend, Ayo Omowumi was in one of the ministries.

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    My Lord showed early, that he is a Chosen of God.

    No matter how late we returned from our every Saturday Night crawling, and no matter how tired, and feeling sleepy, the FUTURE BISHOP will drive his parents to church.

    Morning, indeed, shows the day.

    Congratulations Sir, my Lord Bishop.

    The Almighty God will continue to increase your Church.

    Amen.

  • Why Anambra State deserves Ukachukwu: The case for pragmatic leadership

    Why Anambra State deserves Ukachukwu: The case for pragmatic leadership

    Anambra State stands at a critical juncture in its developmental trajectory. Despite receiving unprecedented resource allocation under the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration—quadruple what the last three administrations received in 19 years—the state’s performance under Governor Chukwuma Soludo has been deeply concerning. The recently released 2025 State Performance Index starkly illustrates this decline, with Anambra plummeting from 8th position in 2024 to 34th out of 36 states—a precipitous fall of 26 positions representing one of the steepest declines in the index.

    This dramatic ranking decline reflects systemic failures across multiple governance indicators. In Education and Infrastructure, Anambra ranked a distant 33rd relative to population size, indicating substantial gaps in educational facilities and resources. Capital Expenditure placed the state in 33rd position for per capita capital spending, suggesting severely limited reinvestment in critical infrastructure despite the massive federal allocations received.

    Public Health Delivery, a cornerstone of effective governance, witnessed the state lagging at 30th place. Most damning is the “State Attractiveness” metric, where Anambra was identified among the least preferred destinations for relocation, sharing this dubious distinction with Bayelsa and bandit-ridden Zamfara states. Perhaps most telling, despite the state’s immense potential and human capital, Anambra has failed to attract a single dollar in foreign direct investment since Soludo’s administration began.

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    Security remains paramount across southeastern Nigeria, yet Governor Soludo’s approach has been particularly troubling. While counterpart governors have deployed comprehensive security strategies, Soludo has relied on deploying untrained youths as his answer to the security conundrum. These operatives, lacking proper training and oversight, have been documented harassing innocent citizens and denigrating women through degrading searches. This approach has transformed Anambra into what resembles Hobbes’s description of life as “nasty and brutish.”

    Governor Soludo’s development philosophy raises serious questions about resource allocation. An academic leader touting a refurbished New Government House and Amusement Park as important to the state’s development index, while neglecting to build power plants that could serve Anambra’s industrial and commercial capacity, represents a fundamental misunderstanding of development priorities. States like Akwa Ibom have demonstrated the importance of addressing energy poverty through strategic power projects—a lesson seemingly lost on the current administration.

     The Ukachukwu Alternative

    Prince Dr. Nicholas Ukachukwu (MFR) represents a dialectical opposite to the current technocratic model that has failed Anambra. While he may not possess the academic hauteur of his opponent, history demonstrates that brilliant administrators were often not intellectuals in their own right, yet they achieved marvels where intellectuals failed. What benefit derives from having an intellectual governor whose theoretical frameworks have consistently failed to uplift Anambra society?

    Ukachukwu’s approach emphasizes practical problem-solving, stakeholder management, and resource allocation wisdom—qualities essential for effective governance. His track record speaks volumes: aside from his tenure as Chairman of Abuja Municipal Area Council and four years as a Representative member, no politician in the state, save the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, has touched lives like Ukachukwu has consistently done.

    His selection of Senator Uche Ekwunife as running mate further demonstrates strategic political wisdom, creating a formidable ticket that has clearly unsettled the current administration, as evidenced by recent smear campaigns—the desperate lurch of a failed administration running scared of being voted out.

  • Rivers State’s bloodied bowed and unbowed heads

    Rivers State’s bloodied bowed and unbowed heads

    As literature enriches life and life enriches literature, the feud between the suspended-and-now-reinstated Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, the House of Assembly, Fubara’s immediate predecessor Minister Nyesom Wike, who is now of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), and Rivers State’s elders, cannot but bring to mind the following 1875 poem, by William Ernest Henley, titled “Invictus”:

    Out of the night that covers me,

          Black as the pit from pole to pole,

    I thank whatever gods may be

          For my unconquerable soul.

    In the fell clutch of circumstance

          I have not winced nor cried aloud.

    Under the bludgeonings of chance

          My head is bloody, but unbowed.

    Beyond this place of wrath and tears

          Looms but the Horror of the shade,

    And yet the menace of the years

          Finds and shall find me unafraid.

    It matters not how strait the gate,

          How charged with punishments the scroll,

    I am the master of my fate,

          I am the captain of my soul.

    Fubara and Wike had been soul-mates of sort and, in fact, in street parlance, had been ‘five and six’ with respect to politics and governance. However, Satan found itself a comfortable seat between them, and in no time, again using street imagery, created enough gulf between the former buddies and a trailer passed through.

    One of the causes of the crisis was, allegedly, Fubara’s desire to take control of the House of Assembly by getting his trusted aide to take over the speakership of the House. This boomeranged and created a schism in the House which saw him have only four loyalists, and with twenty-seven or so others supporting Wike. This made the fear of Fubara’s impeachment real. To forestall that fate, it is alleged that Fubara caused the House of Assembly’s chamber to be set on fire.

    Rather ill-advisedly, he directed that the whole structure be pulled down on the ground that it had been compromised. Moreover, possibly to demotivate the majority in the House of Assembly from using the Sword of Damocles hanging over him, Fubara withheld salaries and allowances of the members. The non-Fubara loyalists of the House therefore seemed to have metaphorically suffered bloodied heads. But their bloodied heads were unbowed. They continued to challenge Fubara in spite of their pitiable fate.

    Even Wike, believed to be the patron of the majority legislators, suffered a bloodied head. Possibly due to the magnet of incumbency, some of Wike’s erstwhile backers (or flatterers) gravitated towards Governor Fubara and overlooked the former governor where he had hitherto been pumped up. Not known to hide his feelings, in one of such cases where he was not given accustomed recognition at a church programme, Wike lamented and lambasted the officiating clerics. Wike also became a punching bag of sorts for some media houses, media personalities and sundry political analysts.

    In a pitiable moment, Wike said: “The governor, unknown to me, gave himself to be the tool for those who couldn’t fight me to fight me. You see, … sometimes when I go back in my quiet moment, I play the video of speeches of the governor, what he said, what he did to me, I weep. … This is somebody who brought you, gave you food, gave you everything, did this for you, and then you became a tool for his enemies to fight him. … We are all human. …  How do you feel? You know what you passed through to send your son to school. You know what you passed through to make him be a human being. All of a sudden, in the night, your son came with people with gun to shoot you. … Your son is the one carrying the gun. He said your time is up.”

    The elders of Rivers State have also had their heads bloodied in all sorts of ways. On 7 May, 2024, Governor Fubara told a delegation of Bayelsa State elders who had come to him on a solidarity visit: “It’s unfortunate. Let me also say this, what brought us to this level, we don’t have elders in Rivers State. Let’s not pretend. What is happening in Rivers State even happened in Bayelsa State, but people could call and say, don’t do this, don’t do this, and they said let’s let it go. It was done here, but nobody listened, because the leaders have sold their conscience.”

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    Moreover, on former Governor of Rivers State and elder statesman, Sir Peter Odili, Wike was reported by The Nation to have said on 29 December, 2024: “You know, I didn’t want to say anything. But somebody called me last night, and told me what someone said in the social media. I said until I read it myself. This morning, I read in the newspapers what our former Governor, Sir Dr Peter Odili, said. What did he say? He said that the present governor has been able to stop one man who wanted to convert Rivers State to his personal estate.”

    Wike was further reported to have said: “Between him and myself, who has turned Rivers State to his personal estate? His wife is a Chairman of Governing Council, his daughter is a commissioner, his other daughter is a judge and he is the general overseer. Who has now turned Rivers State to his private estate? I am sure if care is not taken, if there is a chance, he can even arrange a marriage for the governor. It was his nephew, his late senior brother’s son, that was recommended for commissioner. He took the slot and gave it to his own daughter. Someone who didn’t remember to stand for the son of his late elder brother, is that an elder statesman?”

    But the most bloodied head of all was Fubara’s. His administration was distracted, and some alleged that significant sums of money were frittered away on legal and other efforts to gain the upper hand in the Rivers State feud.  The most tenure-threatening bloodied head that he got was the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension from office as the governor for six months. And, he did not hide his discomfiture. In fact, on one occasion, he cautioned his supporters against using incendiary rhetoric, noting that the way some of them were antagonising his presumed ‘enemies’ was worsening his condition.

    It is hoped that Ijaw elders would cut Fubara some slack. They should stop taunting him over his conciliatory choices. Politically, he should be allowed to be the master of his fate and the the captain of his soul, adopting the words of William Ernest Henley. In this regard, considering the highly critical views of Ijaw elder, Ms Ann Kio-Briggs, in a 12 September, 2025 interview with Symfoni Television tellingly titled “’Fubara Is on His Own’ – Ann Kio-Briggs Says Wike & Tinubu Will Force Fubara to Work with His Rivals,” a special appeal needs to be made to her to be sofer with him. In any case, Fubara’s capacity to work seamlessly with his rivals, for example members of the Rivers State House of Assembly who were democratically elected in their own right, would be a measure of his political competence.

    It is a thing of joy that Rivers State is now attracting positive headlines again. Of particular note is the following from Channels Television on 22 September, 2025: “ECOWAS Parliament Opens 2025 2nd Extraordinary Session in Port Harcourt.” Another salutary headline, from The Port City News of 23 September, 2025, is “ECOWAS Parliament Meet in Port Harcourt, Call for Utilization of AI in Strengthening Accountability.”

    Both the Deputy Governor of Rivers State, Professor Ngozi Odu, representing Governor Siminalayi Fubara, and the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Mr Martins Amaewhule, delivered endearing speeches at the ECOWAS event, regarding the theme which is “Harnessing Artificial Intelligence for Parliamentary Efficiency, Ethical Governance and Development in the ECOWAS Region.” Those are the kinds of endearing speeches that should be associated with principal actors in Rivers State politics.

    While the feud lasted, Wike had declared that he would ensure that Fubara did not get a second term in office as governor. That declaration was made in a fit of anger, of righteous indignation, but the declaration cannot, by any stretch of the imagination, be called an empty threat. Notably, Fubara was and is Wike’s creation. And Fubara’s failure is as such Wike’s failure. For Wike to do anything inimical to Fubara would therefore be like using your hands to work and then using your legs to scatter and destroy the enviable product of that work.

    So, unless it becomes apparently or absolutely impolitic, Wike should watch the flower he planted bloom. In other words, unless anything happens, going forward, to show that the fear of mischief or treachery is real, Wike should not work against Fubara’s emergence as a candidate for second term. However, should it become impossible for a Fubara second term to be pulled off, Wike should work towards ensuring that Fubara’s political career does not end with the end of the ongoing first term.   

    In striving to ensure that Fubara stays afloat politically, Wike should discountenance those who would be crouching in wait to remind the FCT Minister of his earlier threat and dramatise his ‘inconsistency’. This column has always been of the opinion that every promise comes with an unstated proviso – “All things being equal.” Senator Biodun Olujimi of Ekiti State validated this thinking in a 31 July, 2025 interview on Channels Television.

    After defecting from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Party (APC), Seun Okinbaloye, in the Channels Television interview, reminded her: “You said there was nothing good coming out of the APC, but now you’re joining APC. What happens to everything that you have said in the past?” Senator Olujimi responded: “The APC we talked about in the past, the government that was in power then, is not the current one in power. … There is a different APC now.”

    In the past two or so years, Rivers State politics has thrown up politicians with bloodied but unbowed heads, as well as those with bloodied and bowed ones. In the particular case of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, as a Yoruba proverb says, “Ikú tó lóun ó bé ni lórí, tó bá sín ni ní fìlà, ká maa dúpé ló tó” (‘If death set out to cut off your head but ended up merely removing your cap, the right thing is for you to be grateful.’) As another one says, “Ajá tó relé ekùn tó bò ká kii pé ó kú ewu” (‘When a dog enters a lion’s den and comes out alive, we need to congratulate it.’) So, hearty congratulations, SIM! Make the best use of this second chance.

  • Tinubu’s week of speaking truth to power, healing old wounds, renewing friendships

    Tinubu’s week of speaking truth to power, healing old wounds, renewing friendships

    When history recalls the 80th United Nations General Assembly, Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will not be counted among the absent voices, nor among those that spoke in measured clichés. Instead, he will be remembered as the conscience of the assembly, the leader who held up a mirror to the world’s most powerful body and asked it whether it still has the moral courage to lead. Though his words were conveyed by Vice President Kashim Shettima in New York, they bore the unmistakable mark of a man unwilling to court silence in the face of injustice.

    Tinubu’s UNGA address was no ordinary diplomatic outing. It was a stinging rebuke of institutional lethargy and selective empathy. At a time when global conflicts ravage lives from Palestine to Sudan, when sovereign debt strangles economies in the Global South, and when multilateral forums increasingly resemble echo chambers, the Nigerian President warned that the United Nations risks irrelevance unless it reforms fundamentally.

    “For all our careful diplomatic language, the slow pace of progress has led some to look away from the multilateral model,” he charged. He reminded world leaders that events were increasingly taking place outside the UN’s hallowed chambers and the world’s most critical conversations were no longer centered on the institution meant to embody global fairness.

    But the harshest lines were reserved for the plight of the Palestinian people. “They are not collateral damage in a civilisation searching for order,” Tinubu declared. “They are human beings, equal in worth, entitled to the same freedoms and dignities that the rest of us take for granted.” Few African leaders have been this blunt, naming the injustice rather than cloaking it in evasive language. In so doing, Tinubu spoke truth not only to global authorities but also to history itself.

    The Nigerian leader’s reform prescription was detailed and pragmatic. He demanded permanent Security Council representation for Africa, with Nigeria taking its rightful place. He called for a new international financial court to manage sovereign debt, stressing that relief should not be treated as charity but as enlightened self-interest for global stability. He pushed for equitable access to Africa’s critical minerals, insisting that the continent must not remain a raw material appendage in the global value chain. And, looking to the digital frontier, he insisted that “AI must stand for Africa Included.”

    This was more than rhetoric. It was an assertion of Nigeria’s readiness to lead—not by begging for inclusion, but by offering its reforms and resilience as a blueprint for others. The UNGA platform allowed Tinubu to position his country not as a victim of global inequities but as a bold reformer calling others to higher standards.

    While his voice thundered in New York, back in Abuja President Tinubu was quietly deploying a different kind of leadership: empathy. Receiving the report of the Presidential Committee on Ogoni Consultations, he chose not to approach the decades-long oil impasse merely as an economic issue. Instead, he framed it as a human tragedy that must be acknowledged before healing can begin.

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    “We are not as a government taking lightly the years of pain endured in Ogoniland,” he said with deliberate solemnity. “The Federal Government truly acknowledges the long suffering of the Ogoni people, and today we declare with conviction that hope is here and is back with us.”

    By mandating the National Security Adviser to begin immediate engagements with NNPCL, local leaders, and stakeholders, Tinubu signaled urgency. Yet beyond bureaucratic steps, what stood out was his symbolic act: conferring national honours on the “Ogoni Four” and other heroes who paid the ultimate price in the struggle for environmental justice. It was a gesture that told the people of Ogoni that the nation remembers their sacrifice, and that the new relationship being forged will be one of dignity and partnership.

    Friday took Tinubu to Mapo Hall, Ibadan, where the coronation of Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja as the 44th Olubadan became more than a cultural event—it was a reunion of friendship and a reaffirmation of hope.

    The President, recalling their shared days as senators in the early 1990s and as governors a decade later, drew attention to the resilience that defined Ladoja’s political career. He reminded Nigerians that when political storms threatened to swallow the Oyo leader, it was across party lines that they found solidarity. Now, at 81, Ladoja’s elevation to the throne of Ibadan was a crowning vindication, especially considering the fact that those who orchestrated the tribulation of the then Oyo Governor were not at the very colourful coronation ceremony, which stood Ibadan still. They are either dead or too shamed to join the memorable event.

    But Tinubu did not merely celebrate a friend. He seized the occasion to assure Nigerians that the painful economic surgery his government embarked upon was beginning to bear fruit. “The economy has turned the corner,” he declared to a jubilant crowd. “There is a bright light at the end of the tunnel.”

    The choice of Ibadan—a city with deep political and cultural significance—as the venue for this message was no accident. Ibadan was the administrative seat of the Old Western Region, the place you will call the capital of the Yoruba states. Where better could he have reminded his kin and the entire citizenry that the endurance of today is the seed of prosperity tomorrow?

    Earlier in the week, the President had welcomed Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara back to Aso Villa, days after the expiration of the six-month state of emergency that had temporarily sidelined his administration. For Fubara, it was more than a routine visit; it was an expression of gratitude to the man whose wisdom and political dexterity helped preserve his office in turbulent times.

    For Tinubu, it was another affirmation of his style: resolve crises firmly, then return to the path of reconciliation. His open-door reception for Fubara signaled that the President views Rivers not as a battlefield of political contests but as a vital partner in Nigeria’s stability and prosperity.

    The week had, in fact, begun on a personal note. On Sunday, Tinubu celebrated his wife, First Lady Oluremi Tinubu, at 65, paying her one of the most heartfelt tributes of his presidency. He spoke of her as “confidant, counsellor, and steady flame illuminating my path,” and went further to say Nigeria owes her more than many will ever know, for she has carried sacrifices of statecraft without podium or fanfare.

    It was a reminder that behind the sternness of reform and the rigours of diplomacy lies the anchor of family, faith, and devotion.

    A Week That Spoke Volumes

    Even with UNGA diplomacy, Ogoni reconciliation, and the hope-laden message in Ibadan defining the headlines, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s docket still pulsed with quieter but telling engagements—some delivered personally, others by trusted lieutenants—that pressed the same levers of governance: merit, morality, unity, productivity. These were the steady beats that gave the week its rhythm.

    Monday opened with salutations that doubled as civics. Tinubu hailed former Katsina Governor Ibrahim Shehu Shema at 68, citing a record that treated education, health, and infrastructure as non-negotiables of responsible government—an ode to discipline and patriotism as working gears for a reforming republic. He also celebrated Spectrum Engineering’s chairman, Engr. Abubakar Isa, locating manufacturing and engineering at the heart of recovery, and congratulated Damilola Ogunbiyi on her inclusion among Forbes’ Sustainability Leaders 2025, affirming an equitable energy transition that prioritises the underserved and accelerates access for millions across Africa.

    If Monday framed the cast, Tuesday supplied the continental brief. At the Africa Minerals Strategy Group roundtable in New York—conveyed by Vice President Kashim Shettima—Tinubu urged Africa to finance its mineral destiny through sovereign funds, blended vehicles, and innovative instruments such as an Africa Mineral Token. The thesis was blunt: sovereignty cannot be pawned for capital. Control of critical minerals, processed at home and priced with leverage, is how the continent enters supply chains as owner rather than onlooker; anything less is dependency by another name.

    Wednesday blended character, culture, and civic discipline. Tinubu saluted Dr. Femi Orebe at 80, honouring a columnist whose pen steadied democratic advocacy and sharpened public debate across decades. In Owerri, he cautioned Christian pilgrims against absconding, defining pilgrimage as a battlefield of conscience—not a visa strategy—and urging travellers to return with their groups in dignity. He also celebrated Abdullahi Tijjani Gwarzo at 65, praising a politics rooted in principle and proven in service from local government to the federal cabinet.

    By Thursday, the spotlight swung to performance. Senator Saliu Mustapha drew presidential praise as one of the legislature’s “bright lights,” a reminder that agriculture and rural development must be mission, not mantra. In the oil patch, Tinubu’s tribute to NUPRC chief Gbenga Komolafe underscored regulatory reform as nation-building by other means: predictable rules, transparent oversight, investor confidence—and continental coordination through AFRIPERF—to lift standards, output, and credibility.

    Friday stitched community, memory, and nationhood. Tinubu celebrated Honourable Adebisi Yusuff, the Alimosho organiser whose politics is spelled in ward meetings and social relief. At the National Mosque, through the Information Minister, he opened Independence week with a call to unity—one country, one project—despite the trials of sixty-five years. In Otukpa, he honoured Chief Audu Ogbeh, a bridge-builder whose imprint “will be felt for generations.” He also mourned Chief Oludolapo Akinkugbe, pharmacist, publisher, and philanthropist—one of the sterling hands that helped shape modern Nigeria. And he saluted Bishop David Oyedepo at 71, noting decades of impact across faith, education, and social investment.

    Together, these strands formed the understory to the headline week: reward excellence, reject ethical shortcuts, centre production, and call the federation to shared effort. Reform is policy; nation-building is posture. Both require stamina—and they are won in the steady work between the big moments.

    In all, the week of September 21–26 painted a portrait of a leader navigating multiple fronts with one unifying theme: truth. At the UNGA, Tinubu told the world’s most powerful nations that their selective morality is unacceptable. In Ogoniland, he told a people that their pain is not forgotten and that partnership is the way forward. In Ibadan, he told Nigerians that the storm clouds over the economy are breaking, revealing light. In Rivers, he told a governor that reconciliation trumps division. And at home, he told his wife, and through her the nation, that service is most potent when anchored in love and sacrifice.

    The coming weeks will test whether these words translate into lasting change. But for now, President Tinubu has reminded both Nigeria and the world that leadership is not about silence or convenience; it is about speaking truth to power, healing old wounds, and carrying the people’s hopes with both conviction and compassion.