Category: Columnists

  • Lagos factor in Nigeria’s quest for global power

    Lagos factor in Nigeria’s quest for global power

    The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) was finally moved from Lagos to Abuja over 30 years ago. But the Atlantic Ocean, the ever-busy port, and indeed, other vast economic potentials, have remained immovable, drawing constant attention to the vast city as the business capital and economic nerve centre of the country.

    Although 75 per cent of the state is water, which earns it the sobriquet, ‘The State of Aquatic Splendour’, its recurrent ecological challenges, flash flooding, and overcrowding have not eroded its magnetism to people from diverse backgrounds. It has also remained a vital and viable destination for domestic and foreign investments.

    Lagos is the city of small and big commerce; a unique melting pot, an industrial and manufacturing hub, banks’ headquarters, host to representatives of all families in Nigeria, the preferred location for foreign embassies, home of modern theatre, host to the busiest airport, and a preferred tourist destination. These and many more account for its indisputable status as the fifth-largest economy in Africa.

    Lagos is the target of many youths seeking real and imagined greener pastures; it is a place to live, work, raise families and prosper. It is also, like other thriving cities, a hidden place for homeless deviants and the pride of miscreants appropriately labelled as ‘area boys’.

    How Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has been able to tackle the mounting security challenges, like his predecessors, attests to the wonders of the Centre of Excellence.

    A diplomat, Dr. Dere Awosika, who chaired the recent Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) maiden Distinguished Lecture delivered by the governor, paid tribute to the city’s resilience and its capacity to withstand the threats by the men of the underworld who trouble other states and make them unsafe.

    The lecture, titled: ‘Lagos and Nigeria 2030: Projections of a World Power, offered a veritable opportunity for the assessment of the “Lagos factor” in the making of Nigeria and how it can contribute more meaningfully, based on its endowment, to the nation’s latent ambition to be a world power.

    In the 1950s, the United Kingdom (UK), the United States (U.S.A.), and other world powers envisioned that by the mid-seventies, Nigeria, due to its vast natural resources and rising human capital, would have, at least, become a medium-ranking power and clear African leader in the comity of nations. It was a promising country that had television service before France got one.

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    However, its leaders never measured up after independence, causing the country to regress from the progressive ladder. While the Asian countries that were at the same level of development in the sixties rose to become tigers on the wings of visionary, dynamic, determined, dedicated, and transformational leaders, the opportunity eluded Nigeria.

    Historically, nations that have achieved prosperity endeavoured to lean on their resources, better managed by their leaders, before attracting partnerships with other forward-moving countries. There is inter-dependence among nations, but only healthy, resourceful and well-managed entities have the chance of survival. The motivation for development should come from within.

    It is by mobilising and maximising the human and material resources to fuel development that a country can achieve a breakthrough.

    The NIIA Director-General, Prof. Osaghe Eghosa, drew national attention to what Lagos can consistently contribute to making Nigeria a world power in the future – the quantity and quality of population, now put at 220 million, which makes it Africa’s growth centre. Thus, Lagos becomes the leading commercial city on the continent; a typical model mega city; a hub of civilisation, enterprise and culture; a sports city and producer of sports giants; the seat of judicial innovation; pioneer of the Alternative Dispute Resolution and Sexual Offences Court; the cradle of nationalistic struggle, civil society onslaughts and pro-democracy agitators who laid down their lives; the root of the private sector, big banks and systems that run African finance and the core of creative leadership.

    Lagos, perhaps, is far beyond what people see and how they perceive it. Its image, in every context, looms larger in national and continental reckoning than the residents might be able to decipher. Alas, a prophet is not sufficiently honoured in his domain.

    Echoing the political scholar, Sanwo-Olu alluded to the economic realities and potentials that make the former federal capital a factor in national growth.

    These include the Lekki Free Trade Zone, Dangote Refinery and Petrochemical plant, Eko Atlantic City, the Coastal Road, Badagry-Sokoto Road, Lagos-Ibadan Standard Gauge Rail, the Proposed Fourth Mainland Bridge, and the Lekki International Financial Centre, which make Lagos a hub of global commerce and finance.

    In addition are “the mass of undersea cables and state-of-the-art data centres heralding a digital revolution; the array of poise for unicorn status, an expanding light rail system that has carried over five million passengers so far without a single incident, and a network of stock and commodity exchanges that are driving unprecedented wealth creation, entrepreneurial and financial innovation.”

    The state has also set the pace in sub-national security trust fund, sub-national leadership in tax reform, and traffic management emergency response, which are being replicated in other states.

    Thus, as Sanwo-Olu contended, Nigeria’s economic ambitions will be enabled by industrial and free trade zones, logistics infrastructure, financial centres and 21st-century urban developments – all areas in which Lagos is showcasing leadership.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has declared the goal of making Nigeria a $1 trillion economy by 2030 and reiterated the national commitment to the Paris Climate Agreement that would halt gas flaring and the generation of electricity through renewable sources.

    In Lagos, the Sanwo-Olu administration has also unfolded the ‘Lagos State Development Plan 2052, which is a 30-year plan launched in 2022. It articulates the goal of Africa’s Model Mega City and a Global Economic and Financial Hub that is safe, secure, and productive.

    The Lagos 30-Year Plan is anchored on four pillars – thriving economy, modern infrastructure, human-centric city, and effective governance.  To the governor, Nigeria can actually become a global power in economy, diplomacy, technology, culture, defence, demography, resources, and endowment.

    Alluding to human capital development, he said if the human asset, which should be prioritised over and above oil and gas, marine and forest wealth, is properly harnessed, the country may as well be on the right path. Also, Sanwo-Olu said Nigeria should fully embrace tech knowledge and make itself felt in the areas of cutting-edge technical competencies, including cloud computing and artificial intelligence, adding that the state should become producers instead of consumers of foreign technology. The audience nodded affirmatively.

    Sanwo-Olu renewed the call for a special status for Lagos, not because other states do not matter. The governor stressed that the country can scale up its growth and development by treating the state as a pivotal leverage that can help unleash collective national potential.

    Long before he became governor,  Lagos leaders had intensified the agitation for special economic assistance to the state. The First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, sponsored a Bill on the matter when she was a member of the Red Chamber some years ago. However, the proposed legislation was frustrated by other interest groups, even though many of them have family and business roots in the city-state.

    Since the Bill was rejected, no other federal legislator has attempted to renew the struggle. They limit their interventions to barking without biting; not thinking about raising a meaningful dialogue with their colleagues from other zones to see reason and buy their understanding on this issue.

    Many Nigerians and foreigners troop into Lagos daily, putting pressure on its social infrastructure and housing facilities. Most of them do not return to their roots. They join numerous others in the struggle for daily bread.

    A major challenge in Lagos is the refusal of many people and organisations to pay tax. Many companies operate in Lagos through the cul-de-sac. They neither have signboards or other means of showing their locations. They deliberately do this to evade the state’s signage agency.

    Lagos shoulders enormous national, regional, and continental responsibilities due to its distinct and peculiar position. This was among the reasons the Committee on the Relocation of the Federal Capital, chaired by the eminent jurist, the late Justice Akinola Aguda, recommended that Lagos should be accorded a special status along with Abuja, Kaduna, and Enugu. After the Federal Government officially relocated the federal capital to Abuja on December 12, 1991, it has failed to implement the recommendation.

    Why can’t Nigeria emulate Germany, Brazil, Malaysia, Australia, and Tanzania, all of which, after relocating their former capitals, never abandoned the old ones but have continued to develop them simultaneously?

    The pressure on Lagos as the first choice for economic survival makes it compelling for the public and the private sectors to work together in providing modern amenities that would make life easier for the residents. This should not be an issue for debate but a necessity to strengthen the nation’s economic nerve centre to absorb the daily influx of opportunity seekers and accommodate people of diverse characters.

  • Super Eagles: story, story…

    Super Eagles: story, story…

    I broke the story of Eric Chelle‘s appointment as Nigeria’s next Head Coach two weeks before it was made public. I knew he wouldn’t rescue our 2026 World Cup quest because those responsible for our precarious outing so far were also the brains behind his recruitment. I thought we would have truly gone for a grade A manager, and tell Nigerians that his recruitment was to reinvent the team, not to salvage our World Cup from its abyss. It would have made a lot of sense if those who brought Chelle had left him where they found him after his voyage in Mali didn’t lead the Malians anywhere.

    A grade A manager wouldn’t have been assuring us of the World Cup ticket. It would be apparent to everyone that he is rebuilding the team with every game the Super Eagles play. The grade A manager would introduce new players whose contributions would excite Nigerians during matches.

    Yes, I wrote off Chelle after the CHAN Eagles’ shambolic outing, one of which was Sudan beating Nigeria 4-0. Our team was clueless. It lacked character. Most of the players failed the basic test of trapping the ball, just as they could hardly string together six passes progressively. How can Sudan beat Nigeria using a Ghanaian coach, with due respect to the Sudanese? It is absolutely unacceptable for an age group that is awash with boys playing on grounds and streets all over the 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs) in Nigeria. All you will need to do to attract people’s attention is to bounce a brand new ball on any empty school field and see the number of people who would rush out eager to play the beautiful game.

    Drive around the country during election days, public holidays, environmental days, and see what kids and adults do on the streets playing football after voting. The CHAN age group category is where the nursery of our football resides. How do you keep a coach who couldn’t qualify out of the group stage of an age-group tourney? It is like asking an adult without a primary school certificate to teach medicine in the university because of his physique? Need I name Nigerian coaches who got to the finals of CHAN in their first attempt, though some others were awful. They were like the last group that won one group stage game?

    Had Chelle been a clever coach, then he ought to have whispered into his employer’s ears to allow the Nigerian coaches who qualified the team for the CHAN competition to complete the job and not steal their thunder. Having worked with coaches at the Super Eagles, Chelle ought to have had enough confidence to allow our coaches do the job, even if our federation’s chieftains insisted. At best Chelle should have stood his ground. He didn’t. He chose to write the rule over the Nigerian coaches. Pity.

    This is the reason we are always in Europe searching for Nigeria-born boys and girls for our national teams. However, Chelle gets my applause for introducing Benjamin Fredrick ahead of Troost Ekong in the last game in Uyo, which Nigeria won 1-0. I was, however, taken aback that Ekong started the away game against Bafana Bafana in South Africa on September 9. I had also thought that Chelle would have started his second-half team in Uyo in the next away game against  South Africa, especially with the way Tolu Arokodare played.

    Nigeria lost the best chance to beat a seemingly frightened Bafana Bafana side when Chelle didn’t stick to his winning team. The tales that he was forced to play Ekong by some people or senior members of the squad are laughable and show the quality of the coach he is. Again, we need to ask Chelle who stopped Arokodare from starting the September 9 clash against Bafana Bafana in South Africa. We need to know the other details ahead of a post-mortem. We also need to know how well or how badly Super Eagles prosecuted Nigeria’s 2026 World Cup qualifiers.

    Speaking on Nigeria’s recent qualifier against South Africa, former Nigeria international, Jonathan Akpoborie questioned the planning and logistics.

    “We played our game on a Saturday, why not on Friday? South Africa played on Friday and were already waiting for us at home. We had to travel on Sunday, then trained just once on Monday, and played on Tuesday. That’s not preparation.”

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    He dismissed complaints about the quality of the pitch in Bloemfontein: “It’s not about the field. South Africa took us to the hottest part of their Country because they know our boys play in Europe and can’t cope with the heat.

    “When we were playing, if we had a game in Zambia, we’d camp in Kenya for 10 days to adjust to the climate. What’s missing now is proper planning. These are all management issues,” Akpoborie waxed lyrically.

    May I humbly ask Akpoborie, whose duties it is to prepare the team’s plans for competitions and insist on its full implementation? Clemens Westerhoff, Johannes Bonfrere, White Witch doctor, Phillipe Troussier chose their different camping sites, with Troussier opting for Sol Beni. Westerhof made Papendal, the Netherlands, the Super Eagles’ abode in preparation for the 1994 FIFA World Cup. Papendal was Nigeria’s magical hub during his reign as the country’s Head Coach.

    Players competed for first team shirts because the parameters for picking the final 22-man list for the Mundial in 1994, were known through the rulebook. Of course, Westerhof held court in Papendal and kept his employers at arm’s length when in camp. The hallmark of good tacticians is their strength of character that drives everything they do. What drives Chelle to succeed isn’t enough to lead Nigeria to the Promised Land. Coaching Nigeria isn’t one for lilliputian managers. Most Nigerians are ‘fantastic’ coaches. To stop their tantrums, the Super Eagles’ outings must show signs of improvement. The present crop of players are lucky that Nigeria no longer plays soccer matches in Lagos. Otherwise, they would have been served the wrath of the fans in matches where their outings were awful. They got a dose of the fans’ angst after Nigeria led Sierra Leone 4-0 at half-time, only to finish the game at 4-4 inside the late Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia Stadium complex in Benin City. It took the effective security architecture set up by the Edo Government and the alertness of the Nigeria Police Force to evacuate the players, coaches, and officials out of the stadium unhurt.

    One isn’t an advocate of crowd violence, but our players’ lifeless performance over time needs that kind of wakeup call for them to play with zest and determination. Nigeria has lost the fear factor associated with the Super Eagles before matches, such that minnows in African football come to Uyo to mesmerise the Super Eagles during games with Nigerians watching in trepidation. We need to use the October games to reconfigure the Super Eagles with our target being to lift the Africa Cup of Nations diadem in Morocco in December. It is doable, but not with the people ruining our sports.

     If we organise ourselves and run our soccer in a transparent, business-minded way, it will thrive enough to attract juicy corporate sponsorships. Then those firms whose sponsorship offers don’t hit the mark with soccer, could be enticed to sponsor other sports such as basketball, athletics, badminton, tennis, table tennis, to mention a few, which are also money spinners in other climes.

  • Atiku, Jonathan and 2027 (1)

    Atiku, Jonathan and 2027 (1)

    Although they are impelled by divergent motivations and actuated by competing strategies, the emergent variegated opposition to a second term for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is united by a common loathing bordering on hatred for a man who, against all odds, beat them to the electoral crown in the 2023 presidential polls. Perhaps that is not too accurate after all. For, the opposition waged a most intense and unprecedented campaign of calumny against his election before and during the campaigns, worked assiduously to delegitimize the contest after his triumph, tried without success to blackmail and intimidate the judiciary into nullifying the election based on fragile and untenable evidence that the jurists found unconvincing, instigated calls for military intervention to abort his being sworn into office when the courts ruled in his favour and have unceasingly demonstrated their utter disregard for the expressed will of the electorate since PBAT’s assumption of office.

    Barely two years into his tenure, they announced the formation of a coalition to unseat him at the next election in 2027, even though moves towards this end were said to have commenced well before his administration had clocked even one year in office. Congregating ultimately in the existing African Democratic Congress (ADC), which had a leadership enthusiastic to sell its platform to the highest bidder, the likes of former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar;  presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 election, Peter Obi;, former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir ‘el-Rufai; former Rivers State governor and Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi;  former military administrator in the inglorious era of praetorian dictatorship and Senate President, David Mark; former governor of Osun State and Minister of the Interior, Rauf Aregebesola; former Sokoto State governor, Aminu Tambuwal; former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal; and former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, among others have been vocal in propagating what they perceive as the strength of the party.

    The outcome of the recent by-elections across the country, however, indicates that the media prominence and assumed political status of leading lights of the ADC are at variance with their actual electoral value in reality. Alhaji Bolaji Abdullahi, the National Publicity Secretary of the coalition, has deftly tried to play down the import of those polls as a credible measure of the political weight of the coalition, but he would no doubt have been singing a different tune had the ADC lived up to its pre-election boast of demonstrating its emergence as a major electoral force in the exercise. Despite its poor showing in the by-elections, at which it won only one seat in Oyo State, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) affirmed its position as the main opposition party in the country even though it has been embroiled in a debilitating crisis.

    Even as the prospects are bright that the successful holding of its National Convention slated for November in Ibadan may usher in the restoration of normalcy and stability to the PDP, it is instructive that the opposition may be heading into the 2027 elections even more divided than it was in 2023. Against a ruling APC rendered more cohesive by the power of incumbency and the advantage of patronage which this confers in Nigerian politics, the opposition is splintered along PDP, ADC and an embattled LP lines. It is instructive that the ADC on Thursday directed that its members still in other parties resign and formally join its ranks, indicating a lack of confidence of some of its key sympathisers in the efficacy and sustainability of the coalition.

    Interestingly, at the end of its last caucus meeting, reportedly attended by former Vice-President Atiku; its National Chairman, David Mark; National Secretary, Ogbeni Aregebesola, Mallam Nasir ‘el-Rufai, Chibuike Amaechi, Aminu Tambuwal and with Peter Obi absent but sending his apologies, it was agreed that they would all support whoever emerged as presidential candidate in the primaries. According to Bolaji Abdullahi, “All the presidential candidates have agreed to support whoever wins the primaries election”. This appears to be an astute move by Atiku, who is believed to be the moving spirit behind the ADC coalition and seems poised to clinch its presidential ticket, although it is unlikely that Mr Obi, in particular, will agree to play second fiddle to the emergent candidate if he does not win the ticket. For if he does, he is not unlikely to lose political traction and relevance in his South-East Igbo ethnic redoubt and among his truculent ‘Obidient’ base.

    Although Atiku and his minders have tried to routinely punch holes in the economic policies of the PBAT administration, he has not come up with any coherent alternative policy framework that indicates what he would do differently from and better than the incumbent administration if elected. The former Vice-President, who has been attempting to be elected the country’s President since 1993, cross-carpeting from party to party in the process, seems obsessed with realising some mystical/spiritual prophecy as revealed by his nemesis, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, in the latter’s autobiography. To achieve this end, he would make any promise, such as his sudden declaration of support for restructuring of the country in the 2019 and 2023 presidential elections, even though he gave no indication of any such ideological inclination throughout his eight years as vice President of Nigeria.

    Atiku’s frequent moral strictures against the PBAT administration sound hollow as his track record in public life, particularly his role in the dubious privatisation exercise under the Obasanjo administration, or the sordid revelations as regards the handling of the funds of the Petroleum Trust Development Fund (PTDF) under his superintendence, preclude him from any ethical grandstanding. He is just another grasping member of the Nigerian predatory political class and with no redeeming record of any transformative role in public service. In 2023, he sought to contest the country’s presidency against the unwritten credo of commitment by the political class to rotation of the presidency between the North and the South in the interest of national cohesion and stability. His Machiavellian success in deploying all means, no matter how gross, to the attainment of his goal not only cost his party the election but was fundamentally responsible for the protracted crisis from which the PDP is only gradually recovering.

    The Waziri Adamawa did not hesitate at several fora to call on northerners to vote only for a northern candidate in the 2023 elections and he succeeded in winning in key northern states, including Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina, Bauchi, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto and Taraba states. Osun and Bayelsa were the only southern states in which Atiku won. However, not only did Tinubu win in such northern states as Jigawa, Kwara, Kogi, Benue, Borno, Niger and Zamfara, he came a close second in those core northern states where Atiku won. Although he is too astute to openly accuse PBAT of discrimination against the North in appointments and infrastructure projects, Atiku has left that distracting lamentation that flies in the face of the facts to the likes of his one time trenchant traducer and now fellow traveler in the ADC, Nasir ‘el-Rufai, Babachir Lawal and those socio-cultural groups in the region known to be sympathetic to his cause over the years.

    However, prominent voices in the North, including el-Rufai’s successor in Kaduna State, Senator Uba Sani; Niger State governor, Umar Bago;  Nasarawa State governor, Engineer Abdullahi Sule; Speaker, House of Representatives, Honourable Tajudeen Abass; Deputy Senate President, Jibrin Barau; Senator Kabiru Gaya, as well as such former governors as Umar Ganduje, Aminu Bello Masari and Umaru Tanko Al-Makura, among others, have risen to debunk the allegations against Tinubu and counter the orchestrated campaign against the PBAT administration in the North. Just as in 2023, eminent northern politicians insist that the principle of rotation of the presidency must be respected till the South’s turn ends in 2031 and declared their support for the re-election of the President.

    Still pushing an essentially northern electoral agenda, Atiku is counting on southern votes being split in 2027 while he will seek to galvanise block northern votes in his favour. Towards this end, he is assiduously cultivating the support of elements of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the political group of the late President Muhammadu Buhari, who harbour grievances against the PBAT administration. His desire is to inherit the 12 million votes that Buhari always garnered in elections in the region. But then, several eminent members of the CPC have declared their continued support for the APC. Again, virtually all those CPC members who have jumped on the coalition bandwagon did not deliver their constituencies for Tinubu in 2023. These include Abubakar Malami, ‘el-Rufai, Babachir Lawal or Hadi Abubakar Sirika.

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    Furthermore, neither the CPC elements supporting Atiku in the ADC nor Waziri Adamawa himself has built the kind of reputation for simplicity, humility, an austere spirituality, incorruptibility and integrity that endeared Buhari to the millions of northern talakawas. It is mere wishful thinking that they can automatically inherit the support base of a leader whose values, their lifestyles and conduct in public office flagrantly contradict. Atiku will no doubt be hoping that, if they contest, Peter Obi or former President Goodluck Jonathan will help facilitate his victory by dividing PBAT’s electoral support base in the South. Of particular interest in this regard is Jonathan, whom some prominent PDP leaders are reportedly wooing to join the party with a view to flying its presidential flag in 2027.

    For one, these pro-Jonathan PDP leaders believe that only a Southern candidate can defeat PBAT at the next election and that the former President is their best bet in this regard. Again, they believe that the goodwill he garnered by the meek and unassuming way he accepted his defeat in 2015 and his subsequent transition to a statesman for good governance in Africa will make him an electoral asset for their party. From his body language so far, there is no indication that Dr Jonathan is not quietly enthused about the prospects of his returning to power in 2027, even though some of his close aides are said to have counselled that any such attempt carries the risk of tainting and discrediting his new status as a nonpartisan statesman.

    It has been speculated that the only condition under which Jonathan will accept to be the presidential candidate of any party is if he emerges as a consensus choice who will not have to contest primaries. This seems to be the same condition he had given to those elements who sought to draft him to contest the 2023 elections on the platform of the APC. It is difficult to see how any party can meet this condition by preventing their members interested in contesting from exercising the democratic right to do so. This is particularly so as the former President’s emergence as the flag bearer of any party will most likely generate intense legal battles with unpredictable outcomes.

    Even more importantly, Jonathan’s husbandry of the country’s economic resources played a critical role in worsening the economic crisis into which Nigeria was plunged and that the PBAT administration is striving to address through ongoing painful but inevitable reforms that a consensus of experts agree are yielding positive results. The key reason proffered by advocates of Jonathan’s return to power is that he can only constitutionally spend one term of four years, after which power will shift back to the North. Has he, since 2015, demonstrated that if given a second chance, he will manage the country’s economy any better than he did between 2010 and 2015?

  • Notes on Constitution review

    Notes on Constitution review

    Prelude to the resumption of the 10th National Assembly from their mid-year recess, the ongoing amendment of the 1999 Constitution is expected to be a top priority, as stated by the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio GCON, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas GCON. Meanwhile, during the recess, some ad hoc committees of both chambers of the National Assembly have been actively undertaking consultations with various stakeholders, while public hearings on some of the Bills are already underway. It is also worthy of note that both the Senate and House of Representatives Committees on the Constitution Amendment have created inclusive platforms that engage citizens, civil society, political parties, professional groups, and traditional institutions in the amendment process.

    Therefore, as citizens, we have the opportunity of ensuring that the amendments like the State Police, devolution of powers, Local Government Autonomy, etc, are well thought-out, articulated, debated, and legislated.

    Meanwhile, it is a consensus in Nigeria that we are not happy with the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This is because it was not created with the inputs and acceptance of the majority of Nigerians, which is not in line with what is stated in the opening statement of the 1999 Constitution, that “WE the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: … HAVING firmly and solemnly resolved:”. However, if citizens do not engage, debate and ensure that their representatives at the National and State Assemblies include what they consider the critical issues to be part of the amendment of the Constitution, it means that we have abdicated our responsibilities for the political class to continue doing as they wish which in most cases may not be in the best interest of the citizens of Nigeria. We will also lose the moral right to challenge “faulty” or “unfair” provisions if they are added to, or not removed from, the Constitution.

    Indeed, some well-meaning Nigerians, including the group of eminent Nigerians – the Patriots, led by Chief Emeka Anyaoku, a former Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, are of the opinion that there is a need to overhaul the 1999 Constitution, as part of a much-needed wider and deeper political, structural, and systemic reform for a more united, progressive, and better Nigeria.

     Another school of thought is of the opinion that it will be more prudent, expedient, and efficient to harmonize the recommendations of the late Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais-led Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) of 2008, and the recommendations of the late Justice Idris Lebo Kutigi-led 2014 National Conference. 

     What is important from all the discussions going on in this matter is if we truly love Nigeria, then we should agree that the overhaul of our constitution is a critical success factor to the progress and development of Nigeria.

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    I believe that the amendment of a constitution is NOT a destination, but a process and journey to the “ideal” or “desired” political and socio-economic destinations of a nation, a country or society. But I also agree that the “peace meal” annual ritual of “amendment of the 1999 Constitution is reducing the importance of fundamental amendments to the Constitution and may deny Nigerians the opportunity for a robust overhaul of the Constitution.

    Therefore, because we already have an entrenched Legislature, i.e., National Assembly and State Assemblies, whose members are elected to represent all the peoples and regions of Nigeria, it will be somewhat complicated to create a parallel body with quasi-legislative powers to amend the constitution. In my view, what will be more proper, prudent, expedient, and efficient is that the elites of this country, including groups like “The Patriots”, engage the respective members of their constituencies, collectively and individually, to ensure that the key and relevant recommendations from the Justice Uwais Committee and the Justice Kutigi Conference recommendations are presented/sponsored for legislation. Indeed, the wider objectives of Patriots remain relevant and germane to our political evolution in Nigeria.

    Let us be part of the process

    The political landscape is broadening, and the political consciousness of Nigerians has heightened over time, with citizens demanding good governance and increasingly knowing the power of their votes and other fundamental rights. 

     Therefore, it is against the background of the aforementioned developments that I find it necessary to speak to all well-meaning Nigerians, particularly the elites, on the importance of citizens participation in the legislative process as a crucial value-addition to the enactment of sound, far-reaching, practical, relevant and impactful amendment of the Nigerian Constitution that will further unify Nigeria and ensure delivery of good governance. By “elites”, I mean the middle-class citizens, who are mostly educated, gainfully employed, and part of the governance and leadership structure of Nigeria in the Civil Service, Public Service, and Private sectors. We are mostly employees or employers of labour as professionals, businessmen/women, entrepreneurs, academics, craftsmen, etc, within the organized and informal sectors.

    In my opinion, good governance is not just about waiting for politicians to do as they wish while we lament about how things have been going worse in the past 24 years since the return of Nigeria to democracy. But good governance is the outcome of a process which includes the citizens not just making demands, but actually setting the parameters/ standards of the kind of leadership and the accountability and performance framework that we want, based on which we will measure leaders at all levels and hold them accountable.

    We must not leave the entire thought processes and actions of legislation to politicians who, in most cases, do not consult their constituents but rather push their agendas to the detriment of the people. If these continue to happen, we should all have ourselves to blame, and importantly, we will actually continue to live the brutal consequences of not paying attention and participating in our political process, or die as a result.

     As citizens, we should also be very aware and fully engage in sectoral reform legislation to ensure that our individual and collective skills, competencies, and capacities add value to the process so that our various areas of profession or interest are supported for our collective good as a people and as a Country. I believe that active and more robust stakeholders engagements and citizens participation will not only strengthen our democracy but, more importantly, it will ensure good governance and consistent delivery of the dividends of democracy in all sectors and strata of our Country.

     We should please note that not participating in the political process is also a vote of confidence on the status quo. And if we do not participate, then we lose the moral ground to challenge and hold our leaders accountable because we would have a really failed ab initio in our roles as citizens. Hence, I urge us to actively and consistently engage the leadership of this country at the national and sub-national levels so that we can all “own” the outcomes or collectively “disown” the outcomes of our political processes in the overall interest of Nigeria.

     Meanwhile, I recognize and commend the efforts of a few elites who have ventured to speak truth to power in trying to put the Government on its toes, those efforts are impressive and highly commendable. But to demonstrate sincerity of purpose, we should remain consistent. We have a lot of work to do in order to make Nigeria great. 

    Other points to note

    I humbly submit an action plan to guide our thoughts and conversations:

    •Going forward, we should Mainstream group discussions by articulation, lobby, advocacy, participating in public hearings, and submitting papers to relevant arms, and institutions of government at state and sub national levels

    •Leverage technology and social media to raise awareness and galvanise support for very crucial provisions to be made or included in the constitution amendment. All these can be done in an organized manner. WhatsApp groups, other conventional community interest groups, and societies could articulate and refine their thoughts and positions on  the various topics of review and submit them as proposals to the respective Constitution amendment Committees, and also fully participate in the legislation process through follow-ups and performance reviews. 

    •These engagements should not stop only with the Amendment of the Constitution, but to also include other subsequent legislations to introduce new Acts/ laws or for the review of existing laws.

    •We should also please note that the “process” is the most important part of our political evolution. Because the process will determine the quality of the outcome and its impacts.

     I will leave us with a food for thought to reflect on: The achievement of the national growth and development that we dream of will continue to elude us, until we all actively participate in the political process of the evolution of Nigeria.

  • Growing old: Personal testimony

    Growing old: Personal testimony

    The oldest person alive is Ethel Caterham living in Surrey England but the oldest person who ever lived in modern times is Jeanne Calment of France who lived for 122 years. There were many people in the Bible for example Methuselah, who were reputed to have lived much older than these ones.   The figures cited here were the verified ones. There are people in Okemesi, my home town where people are said to be in their 120s. This may be true because many people there do not eat junk food or any processed food.  The average age in Nigeria is in the 50s and the global statistics is much higher than that. Winston Churchill the then hardworking war leader in England died at 90 and Charles de Gaulle died at 79. These two do not represent the global average and may be due to their genes. I however want to look at the issue from my personal perspective.

    A few years ago on retirement, Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970) was reported to have said old age is like a plague which affects everyone. The meaning of this statement is clear: because whether one likes it or not, and if one is lucky to reach old age since only eight percent of the world’s population reaches that age bracket, one is bound to go through several experiences before the curtains are drawn. 

    I was in France collecting data for my PhD when General de Gaulle made this statement around 1968 when he was already 78 and had been holding leadership positions of the French people since becoming leader of “Free France” from 1944 to 1946 and had been president of France for many years from 1958 to 1969. One thing that no one can forget about him was his Gallic pride and arrogance which made him almost feel he was France. But his comment on old age is so cryptic that one cannot easily forget and these days as an old man I always recall it.

    It was not until I turned 80 that I really began to feel the years God had granted me. In my journey of life, from one half-sister of mine who was over 80 before she passed on to the great beyond, I am   the longest living person in my family. Both my great parents and my mother lived over a hundred years but my father died when he was 60 and I was nine then and it was the grace of God and that of my brother, Chief Joseph Oduola Osuntokun that saw me through primary and secondary schools.  All my highly distinguished brothers died before they reached 70 years and I did not expect to live long on the account of my siblings’ short lives.

    I went to the University of Ibadan on scholarship and to graduate school first on University of Ibadan scholarship and when I got the Canadian Walton Killam Trust Memorial Graduate Students Award, thus I relieved the University of Ibadan the burden of paying for my PhD degree. I have had a very successful academic life which took me to teaching at the University of Western Ontario in London, Canada as an assistant professor from 1970 to 1971, lecturer in the University of the West Indies 1971 to 1972. I came back home in 1972 at the instigation of my teacher, Professor J.F. Ade. Ajayi my benefactor and the University of Ibadan, my Alma Mater sent me along with other young people to Jos to establish what was then known as the University of Ibadan Jos Campus.

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    Needless to say I thoroughly enjoyed the place because it gave me and others opportunity to know our country and to shape the destiny of our younger compatriots. Unfortunately on a personal note, my  young  unforgettable wife,  Abiodun Olayinka lost two pregnancies  in Jos due to inadequate health facilities which forced me to leave Jos for the University of Lagos in 1974 and where I retired from  in 2005. I however went for some public service in the National Universities Commission 1978-1982, University of Maiduguri 1982 to 1984, Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1988-1991, ambassador to Germany 1991 to 1995. After retirement, I helped my church with the establishment and running of the Redeemer’s University Ede from 2005 to 2016; I was in the Presidential Advisory Council on International Affairs (1999- 2015) pro bono. I also served my state as pro chancellor and chairman of the governing Council of Ekiti State University from 2011 to 2014 and finally retired from active service in 2016 because of old age and since then I have been in what the English would call “splendid isolation”.

    Perhaps I should say the most important thing in my life since my wife joined the Saints triumphant in 2003 is that by the grace of God, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God ordained me, first as a Deacon, and later as an Elder, in the church and I am committed to doing all that lies in my power to work towards the advancement of the church and the gospel of Jesus the Christ.

    My experience as an old man is varied. Some establishment like GTB gives elderly people the privilege of being first served before others when we go there for banking transactions and I must say, I find this very satisfying. Old age in Nigeria, unlike abroad generally speaking, does not confer advantage on the elderly. In the UK and at least in some parts of the USA, once you are a citizen over 65, one is exempt from paying for public transport. The public transport we have in Lagos for example is so overcrowded that if one was given free ride, I will not consider it a favour. In our culture the elderly are respected as repositories of wisdom. But it is not uncommon to see old people derided nowadays as those who caused the problems confronting Nigeria which young ones are now facing.

    Let me go to the physical degeneration aspect of being old, with my situation as an example.  When my son was nine in the 1970s, I always gave him a physical advantage by asking him to stay in front   of me for a distance of about twelve or so yards when running just to encourage him. Later, he told me if I wanted to run with him, we should start together. Of course when we started together, he always left me behind. I tried to engage Finn, one of my grandsons in long tennis match. I was surprised when the young man diplomatically asked us to go home because I simply couldn’t get the ball over the net in several of my service games!

    There was a time we went for bicycle ride in Atlanta and to my chagrin, I found riding a bicycle extremely difficult and I had to ask my son and his family not to wait for me because I wasn’t fit enough. The last experience I had with one of my daughters’ family was when they took me for a canoe expedition on a river called “Beautiful”, an estuary of Lake Ontario. We had to paddle the canoe over a distance of eight kilometres. I was in a separate boat with my son in-law while my daughter and her daughter were in another canoe and my grandson had a separate boat where he was sole sailor. It took hours for us to reach our destination. Despite the fact that my son-in-law did most of the donkey job of paddling our boat, I was so exhausted that I couldn’t get out of the canoe unassisted when we reached our destination!

    I slept for about 10 hours that night because of the exhaustion. These days the most rigorous exercise I am comfortable with is walking.

    I don’t have any social life any more. This may be because I am a widower. The church provides avenues for my social interaction and support. I miss not having anybody to share my thoughts with at night when everyone has gone their different ways. It is terrible to be alone but surprisingly, I have gotten used to it.  Loneliness can sometimes be good for our souls. This gives me time to ruminate about events in my country and to be obsessive about finding solutions even when nobody asks for my views and opinions. If the infrastructure were good, this is the time for people like me to sit down or up to write their memoirs and share their ideas for the future with men in power today and those who would come later.

    Finally apart from the cost of travelling, I am now no longer interested in travelling. It is a hazard going through the airports and immigration desks in foreign countries and queuing up for visa interviews in embassies and the tedium of hours in flight. Sleeping on strange beds in hotels and even in my children’s homes is not the best for me at this stage of my life. Reconciliation of one’s desire with one’s strength is the greatest challenge I feel as I grow older day by day and I have to sustain myself with medications, which thank God, I can afford but which the general Nigerian population can hardly afford. This should not be the case because everyone has the right to sustainably good health .This unfortunately is a luxury in Nigeria and most places in the world.

  • NBA: Physician, heal thyself

    NBA: Physician, heal thyself

    If one finger brings oil, it soils the others   – Igbo proverb

    This is an indictment (the adjudged role of Mike Ozekhome in the Tali Shani case) on the Nigerian legal system. The truth is that, not just SANs, but the Nigerian legal profession as a whole, including the judiciary, need to look inwards, and undertake to do better – Onikepo Braithwaite

    LET ME begin by saying that the words in parenthesis are not Onikepo Braithwaite’s. They are mine. They were inserted to situate the quote in the context of the subject it came from. Braithwaite, a lawyer, was commenting on the now famous Tali Shani case in which Mike Ozekhome (SAN), was a principal character. This column dwelt on the subject last week and returns to it today because of the deafening silence, so far, of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) over the matter.

    NBA is ever ready to comment on matters that have no bearings to the group, its members and activities. It can issue tons of statements when the matter concerns government and incidental matters, but when it comes to looking inwards, it loses its voice. This is already happening in the Tali Shani case which was decided by Judge Ewan Paton in London, 14 days ago. The Tali Shani case involves five Nigerian lawyers, with the most senior of them being Ozekhome. They became four after one of them withdrew on seeing that the game was up.

    Judge Paton did not find the conduct of all these lawyers funny at all in the case which he described in unflattering terms: “…proceedings of a quite extraordinary nature, with mutual allegations of identity fraud by impersonation… These in turn generated multiple allegations of forgery of documents, fraud, conspiracy and corruption of public officials”. That a SAN, his lawyer son, and three other Nigerian lawyers were involved in such a case is a cause for concern.

    But NBA, the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), Legal Practitioners Privileges Committee (LPPC), which confers the prestigious rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), which is equivalent to King’s or Queen’s Counsel in the UK, on deserving lawyers, and the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria (BOSAN), nor the usual crowd of noisy activist lawyers, some of who are SAN have not deemed it right to come out openly and boldly as Braithwaite did to say something.

    NBA, in particular, is known to be a champion of ‘saying something, if you see something’. Why is it tongue-tied in this instant case? If it were a top public officer that was at the centre of this matter, these groups and individuals would have been appearing on television talking their heads off or writing articles upon articles in newspapers calling for the heads of those involved.

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    NBA, LPDC, LPPC and BOSAN were not created to exist in name only. They were founded for a purpose. NBA, a professional body, was founded to advance the cause of lawyers. All it takes to be a member is to be a certified lawyer who is registered as a solicitor and advocate at the Supreme Court of Nigeria. LPDC is the disciplinary arm of the profession. LPPC handles the conferment of the Silk (gown donned by SANs) and other related privileges on exceptional lawyers. BOSAN is the elite association of SANs.

    Understandably, NBA as the voice of the profession, speaks and acts on members’ behalf on socio-economic and political issues as they unfold. Over the years, NBA has become a pressure group, with succeeding administrations courting it and seeking its input from time to time on critical national matters. The NBA that I knew in the late 80s was vibrant, highly critical and uncompromising. It put the society first and fought to defend what is right. It was not an association of anything goes that the NBA of today has become. It is sad that NBA can comment on the Osun local government fund and Natasha cases, but is silent on the Tali Shani case.

    That the case took place in a foreign land should not be an excuse for NBA not to speak on it. Perhaps, it is still waiting for the certified  true copy (CTC) of the judgment or for the registration of the verdict here in Nigeria before acting! In other climes, by now, Ozekhome, his son, Osilama, Mohammed Edewor, Abimbola Badejo, and Kingsley Efemuai, all the Nigerian lawyers named in the case would have been invited by their professional association for debriefing to find out what really happened. Is it true? The association would have sought to know, at least to hear from the lawyers, as a way of giving them benefit of the doubt, despite the damning judgment.

    What is more. Such a step would have been taken with the public aware of what is going on. Why? Justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done. But (our) NBA cannot be bothered by such issues of integrity. It shies away from placing itself on the same scale with which it weighs others. It is more interested in filthy lucre, collecting money here and there under the guise of holding its annual bar conference. It collected N300 million from Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara, and kept quiet. Yet, it had the audacity to move its last annual bar conference from Port Harcourt to Enugu following the emergency rule then imposed on the state.

    Refunding the money became a problem when the state’s former administrator, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas asked for it. NBA said it would only refund the money to a ‘democratic’ government. Now, that Fubara is back on the saddle, there can be no better time than now for it to return the money, and publicly too. The Tali Shani matter should not be treated with levity. It is too messy for NBA, LPDC, LPPC and BOSAN to overlook. If they are waiting for a petition before they act, many Nigerians are willing to send them one. All they need to do is to say the word, and the petitions will flood in.

    Keeping silent over this matter is dangerous. Such silence, to the ordinary Nigerian, means consent. If not, those lawyers should no longer, as of right, be seen in the gathering of their colleagues, until they have cleared their names. Ozekhome of all people should have known better. He should have seen from the outset that he was dipping his hands into fire, especially after the judge drew all the parties’ attention to another case involving the same Shani, but with a different first name of Tim. In that case decided by the Jersey Royal Court in the Channel Islands, the late General Jeremiah Timbut Useni aka Tim Shani forfeited £1.9 million for money laundering under a fictitious name.

    The same Useni, Judge Paton found, used the false name of Tali Shani to acquire the 79, Randall Avenue, London property, which Ozekhome claimed the late general ‘gifted’ him in lieu of ‘legal services’ rendered. His case fell flat on its face, opening a can of worms. NBA has a duty to clear the mess. It was founded not only to fight government and public officials, but to also cleanse itself and promote healthy and not Jankara practice.

    Jankaraism was the topic of discussion here two weeks ago on September 11. NBA cannot be removing the mote in others’ eyes while ignoring the beam in its. As another set of lawyers takes the Silk today, it will be an appropriate forum for the bar and bench to make a bold statement on sanitising the legal profession so as to avoid the kind of shame brought on it by its members who were  involved in the Tali Shani case. Or are the Tali Shani Five not members of NBA? It will be good to get NBA’s response to this poser.

    Silence, I restate, is not an option. If NBA really cares about its image, there is no better time than now to embark on the long-awaited soul-searching that will lead to its rebirth. It is in its interest to embark on this mission so as to save many young and upcoming lawyers from being misled by their seniors who may even be their fathers.

  • The journalist and digital lynch mob

    The journalist and digital lynch mob

    For the digital herd, the internet thrives as coveted theatre. There, everyone deals on fancied wile. 

    There, we relive the infernal crud of frantic personae: the political animal, apolitical pacifist, hyperbolic ‘influencer,’ data-fabulous millennial, and the defiant Gen Z, scud to the shore of national consciousness on the World Wide Web.

    Whatever the bent of their politics, they cuddle one prejudice and cringe from the other as their vanities dictate. Thus the endless clashes in defence and furtherance of banal bigotries or a desperate demagogue. Journalists, activists, rights activists, and failed political aspirants afflict our social space like pitiless hooligans.

    They mistake lava for wit and molten banality for intellect. Their voices weigh like a thundercloud; whether debating celebrity scuffles or their political preferences, their passions sparkle and flit from fetid intelligence to brilliant witlessness.

    There is a cult of ignorance knifing through Nigeria right now, ripping all that should bind us apart, particularly in cyberspace.

    This strain of anti-intellectualism rifles through our sociopolitical and cultural lives, nurtured by the false notion that the freedom of speech means that ‘my ignorance is just as good as your knowledge’ or that ‘my malevolence is just as good as your benevolence.’

    The malady manifests in cyberspace in real time. In this public space, everybody becomes a wilding, trading bitter realism, infantile whim, and pseudo-idealism with awful relish.

    The guts and sinews of every stereotype and theme-park hatred are validated via mind-numbing sloganeering, toxic bigotries, sophistry, and outright lies.

    A casual visit to Facebook or Twitter manifests as a pilgrimage: the esplanades of public discourse unfurl to a sordid, cutout version of anarchic thinking, replete with ethnoreligious bigotries and the hassle of incomprehensible logic. Then, there are the strange movements and morbid ideologies, all fostered and marshalled from bizarre platforms.

    In this public wilderness, everybody pontificates. Everyone mutates from philosopher to savage pawn and vice versa; they all speak impressive and atrocious lingo. Call it our patois of rebuke and immoderate assemblies.

    En route to the 2023 elections, we encountered Nigerians of vast mental stripes in our social space: the BATIFIED, ATIKULATE, AND OBIDIENT. Once you get past the facade of slogans and artifice, it’s mostly the same defiant, virulent passion driving the mob.

    For journalists, the temptation is great: a witty phrase, piercing critique, or the now ubiquitous fearless truth often gets rewarded with a flood of likes, feverish retweets, and adulation. But what is lauded today may be cursed tomorrow, and the same voices that elevate at dawn may crucify before nightfall.

    Thus, no magnitude of dopamine fulfilment or fleeting warmth of applause can justify the agony of toxic attacks by a malicious mob.

    For ample illustration, shall we consider some cases overseas, of media personnel whose careers were made and marred on social platforms?

    Consider, for instance, the sad case of Justine Sacco, who tweeted to her 170 Twitter followers in December 2013: “Going to Africa. Hope I don’t get AIDS. Just kidding. I’m white!”

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    The joke, allegedly intended as a satire, cost her more than she bargained for. While she slept on the plane, a motley Twitter mob gunned for her jugular, unaware that Sacco’s post equally mocked her personal bubble of privilege.

    That night, she trended ‘number one’ worldwide as the mob tweeted: “We are about to watch this Justine Sacco bitch get fired, in real time, before she even knows she’s being fired,” and “Everyone go report this c..t @justinesacco,” and so on, for a total of 100,000 tweets.

    Sacco got sacked. Her employer, the IAC, the Barry Diller-owned parent of Expedia, Electus, The Daily Beast, among others, pandered to Twitter’s cancel culture. Jon Ronson, recounting Sacco’s ordeal in his book, “So You’ve Been Publicly Shamed,” highlighted the injustice of her sack following her trial by a digital lynch mob.

    Ronson asserted that supposedly nice people ‘like us’ sentenced Sacco to a year’s punishment in the unemployment arena over “some poor phraseology in a tweet, as if some clunky wording had been a clue to her secret inner evil.”

    On July 30, 2017, Kevin Myers, arguably one of the most fearless and prolific Irish journalists, watched his over 40-year journalism career get destroyed on Twitter. All it took was a few minutes.

    A digital lynch mob had gunned for Myers over a clumsy sentence in his unsparing column on the BBC’s gender pay gap. The incident presented a perfect opportunity for his enemies, during his illustrious career, to trigger a Twitter mob by twisting his text out of context and alleging that it was misogynistic and anti-Semitic.

    Myers was neither, argued Ruth Dudley Edwards, among others who condemned the mob action that conveniently ignored the journalist’s antecedents. A few hours into his victimisation, Myers was sacked by his news medium.

    For effect, Myers’ traducers dug up a 2009 article, with a headline cast (not by Kevin) by his employer with creative mischief: “I’m a Holocaust denier.” In tweeting the article, they mischievously left out the second part: “but I also believe the Nazis planned the extermination of the Jewish people.”

    In the article, Myers espoused free speech and condemned the criminalisation of those who thought there had been no Holocaust. For this, he was declared a global pariah, even though he condemned the genocide of the Jews as “one of the most satanic operations in world history.”

    Although he was eventually vindicated, nothing could compensate him for the terror he was subjected to by the Twitter mob and the loss of his job. In another incident, a once-respected essayist ended up driving for a food delivery app to make rent after he lost his job.

    Writing anonymously in an American journal, he acknowledged his part in his macabre fate. “I mobbed and shamed people for incidents that became front page news,” he confessed, “but when they were vindicated or exonerated by some real-world investigation, it was treated as a footnote by my online community.” No one ever apologises for a false accusation, and everyone has a selective memory regarding what they’ve done, he said.

    Upon reading Jon Ronson’s 2015 book, “So You’ve Been Publicly Shamed,” the essayist revisited his Twitter archives and was shocked to discover that he had actively participated in the public shaming of Justine Sacco.

    “For years, I was blind to my own gleeful savagery,” he notes, admitting that the social justice vigilantism he personified on Twitter and Facebook has no human depth. “It’s only when we snap out of it, see the world as it really is, and people as they really are, that we appreciate the destruction and human suffering we caused when we were trapped inside.”

    Indeed, aggressive online virtue-signalling is a fundamentally two-dimensional act with rewards and consequences. The danger is rarely abstract. Across the world, journalists have discovered how swiftly an online audience mutates into a lynch mob.

    Reports document a rising tide of harassment and threats, disproportionately aimed at those who cover subjects interwoven with right-wing identity anchors or who probe the delicate egos of populist leaders.

    In Nigeria’s virtual space, this mob censorship is often masterminded by demagogues adept at weaponising the fury of the crowd to discipline truth-tellers. What begins as citizen vigilantism cum virtue-signalling, viral outrage, and hashtags soon morphs into a vindictive campaign to silence, punish, and ultimately erase the journalist who refuses to bend.

    For many a journalist, social media manifests as that intoxicating agora, where reputation is minted at dawn and destroyed by dusk.

  • NOA:  Teach MAINTENANCE; ‘2026 No Corruption Year’ please 

    NOA:  Teach MAINTENANCE; ‘2026 No Corruption Year’ please 

    Lagos and Ibadan have road sweepers and they do a good job though we pray they are paid at least minimum wage. The new improved Lagos-Ibadan Expressway is the cause for concern before it falls back into the weed-growing decay it was before the 15+year restructuring. An incorrupt, efficient, effective, continuing and supervised maintenance culture should prevent it lest it raises its ugly head again.

    After this costly reconstruction, there must be a specific Lagos-Ibadan Expressway daily maintenance contract among the thousands, of compulsory, recurrent expenditure maintenance contracts of federal and state and local governments.  There are urgent things needed to repair the neglect, deliberate and misguided in Nigeria. Most of those things are not expensive, or even nuclear physics. They are the simple things that make countries great.

    MAINTENANCE & SUPERVISION ARE THE EASIEST THINGS TO INSTITUTIONALISE AND THE FOUNDATION FOR MAKING COUNTRIES GREAT. Without realising it, we in Nigeria were adequately taught by our colonial masters the ‘METHODOLOGY, MONITORING AND VALUE OF MAINTENANCE & SUPERVISION’ but we see ‘maintenance and supervision money’ as stealable, corruption-compliant, budgetary allocations designed to be stolen. WE SHOULD TAKE FORWARD SOME GOOD FROM THE BAD OLD COLONIAL DAYS. The Nigerian Civil Service inherited the routine daily, monthly annually, up to the multi-year ‘Repairs and Painting’ maintenance advance appointments filing system that guaranteed maintenance strategies in the 60s long before computers.

    For example, our three different government quarters when my father was a doctor in the 60s and 70s in Yaba, Lagos, were repaired and repainted and inspected by a supervisor every seven years without begging, prompting or bribing. After Nigeria took power, they began to skip the maintenance and supervision date and eventually stopped maintenance visits but the budgetary allocations continued. Corruption and its cost and consequence. 

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    The secret of the success of good governance countries is obvious. Visit their airports, schools, hospitals, government and private offices and especially toilets. They carry out continuous daily maintenance and supervision which are a cost-effective way of managing and spreading resources and making structures last longer. They enunciate the generally practiced good habit of maintenance and supervision. The political class apparently needs to be reminded about the ‘good old POTHOLE FREE days’ of the very basic but highly effective Public Works Department. The PWD khaki shorts army of men with a tripod of sticks with a red flag and wheelbarrow of tar in a boiling kettle patrolled and filled potholes before those same potholes became car wreckers and killers. Now we let the potholes grow for years, destroying all traffic, before an overpriced and under-executed road poorly supervised contract is awarded. 

    With serious National Orientation Agency, NOA help, we must authorise and teach, our millions of children and youth in our primary, secondary and all tertiary institutions as well as politicians and managers of public spaces like markets, garages and stadia, the value, importance and necessity of ‘Maintenance & Supervision’ in the new school curriculum, just implemented for the year 2025/2026, in tertiary course material and as moral responsibility of politics and polices.  We must practice what we teach.

    No country seeking development or claiming good government can allow its primary flagship highway to succumb to dirt and time-accumulated debris. Imagine corn or bush growing on the cement? Has any supervisor reported this? Our Lagos-Ibadan Expressway requires that the cumulative 240km of double road lanes be cleared along all water drainage holes. The contractors who applied for and were awarded the contracts need to be called to order and made to become responsible to make Nigerians proud when plying the expressway.  These contractors, who are Missing In Action (MIA) in the ‘Maintenance and Supervision War’ in Nigeria,  must be made to know there is a new sheriff in town heading federal roads who cares for maintenance and insists on responsible maintenance contract execution  and reporting countrywide. They must be closely supervised with daily and weekly reports sent to the directors of highways authorities for censor and action.

    It is easy to clear the roads of dirt and grass. Only irresponsibility allows grass to grow on roads made of tar or cement. Many years ago, this column suggested a way of increasing employment and improving incomes around the country by dividing such roads into five or 10km segments for local communities to recruit local cleaners through contracts given at the local traditional and administration level. Meanwhile the zonal and national directors of works at LGA, state and federal levels must reverse past failures. Erring contractors can easily be identified by their unkempt roads or are they protected so much that  Nigeria is condemned to dirty unmaintained roads.

     At last Nigeria is planning to make solar panels. We have wasted our sun, just as we wasted our opportunity to produce petrol and lost to corruption the income from the over 50 silent petroleum products Nigeria never benefited from when refining was done abroad. Who got that ‘petroleum by products’ money over the last 40 years? Over many years due to corruption, poor maintenance and inefficiency in the petroleum sector, this has cost trillions and even lives.

    In 2025 approaching 2027, Nigerians need a ‘2026 Maximum ‘No Corruption’ Service’ from their political, contract, civil service, banking leaders who have traditionally selfishly and criminally placed personal family and political party funding greed above the desperate child, citizen and country needs.

    Let 2026 be the ‘2026- NO CORRUPTION YEAR’!     

  • How to lose Nigeria’s 2027 elections

    How to lose Nigeria’s 2027 elections

    Recently, there’s been much hair-splitting over ‘early campaigning’ ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections. Officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) have been moaning about how parties are violating the law by engaging in overt political activities which should only begin 150 days to polling day.

    But the commission is powerless to do anything about the infractions because of the silence of the law as to what constitutes campaign activity. All the same, evidence of intensifying politicking litter the landscape e.g. posters, billboards, rallies, interviews and press statements promoting one party or aspirant. Well-known figures are hopping from one television station to another putting themselves on display. It would be this way until polling day in 2027.

    If there’s anything I know about politics, it is that those who desire victory must know what’s important to voters. So, presumably, parties would be doing research and polling to find out the red button issues that matter to people.

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    Some of these concerns are so obvious you don’t need much effort to identify them. Way back in early 1991, then United States President, George H. W. Bush, basking in the afterglow of leading allies to a crushing victory over Saddam Hussein and Iraq in the Gulf War, was riding a wave of popularity. 

    It was a display of America’s military might at its most glorious in Operation Desert Storm. Many assumed that having asserted himself as a hairy-chested Commander-in-Chief, folks back home would be sufficiently impressed and hand him a second term in the White House.

    But his Democratic Party challenger, a certain Bill Clinton, sussed out that as prestigious as it was to be seen as a global superpower, what ultimately mattered to the average man was how to navigate daily existence. His campaign team boiled down their focus to a pithy phrase: ‘It’s the economy, stupid! It was close, concise, and swept the little known mid-Western state governor to power in Washington. Bush’s war time popularity was of no use one year after.

    That wouldn’t be the first election where economics would be the deciding factor neither would it be the last. In the United Kingdom’s 1979 general elections, the Conservative Party played on high unemployment under Jim Callaghan’s Labour Party government. They hired the famous Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm which came up with the killer line ‘Labour Isn’t Working’ imposed on an image of a snaking line of unemployed people.

    Voters agreed with the sentiment and swept the Iron Lady, Margaret Thatcher, into power.

    But we’ve also seen instances where incumbent governments battling economic challenges prevailed due to the way they made their case to voters. Two years ago in Turkey, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, led his Justice and Development Party (AKP) to victory despite the country’s difficulties.

    The AKP’s strong showing left many Turks baffled as to how their nation’s dire economic crisis didn’t hurt the president’s electoral prospects. Analysts say it all came down to the way the ruling party handled its campaign. Its machine was very effective and succeeded in convincing voters that the incumbent would do a better job of managing the economy.

    The removal of fuel subsidies and implementation of foreign exchange reforms triggered a cost of living crisis which the Bola Tinubu administration has been battling to rein in over the last two years.

    I have always argued that the wise course for anyone looking to carry out painful reforms is to start early. With luck on their side, the results would start appearing and much of the initial pains would have receded at the point of the next election.

    Tinubu started early – declaring on the inauguration podium that ‘subsidy was gone.’ Fortunately for him, all his major rivals from former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, all pledged to scrap the subsidies immediately they took office. While it’s been expedient politically for them to attack the incumbent on this issue, none has offered a credible alternative policy path.

    By starting early, the administration has made time its ally. Inflation is moderating and its other interventions are ensuring that present pains aren’t as grievous as past ones. It can do a better job of celebrating some of its populist measures like student loans. It can talk more about the ease with which businesses now access foreign exchange as opposed to the corruption-ridden processes in the past that made the Central Bank a toll gate of sorts.

    Of course, the opposition knows that their most potent attack is to amplify the pains arising from the reforms. But not all voters are gullible or simpleminded. They aren’t going to hand you power just because you stated the obvious. The question remains what would you have done differently.

    Another emerging theme in the early campaigning is the demonisation of foes. By returning to this tack, many politicians show they haven’t learnt much from their 2023 misadventures. Two years ago, Tinubu was painted as this fiend who was about to Islamise the country by the agency of the Muslim-Muslim ticket. He was caricatured as infirm, barely able to walk. Some even made out that a man who rose to be Treasurer of the multinational Mobil was barely literate.

    Despite the failure of those attacks, his rivals are back at it with renewed fervour. Take the example of the increasingly unhinged former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, who has made it his raison d’etre to topple Tinubu. 

    In his latest diatribe, he told his ally Atiku that the incumbent was plotting a life presidency modelled after the one perfected by Paul Biya in next door Cameroun. His claim comes at a time when Nigerians are being reminded of how Olusegun Obasanjo’s modest bid to secure an additional four years in office – the so-called Third Term Agenda – came a cropper.

    To now imagine that a Tinubu would set out to implement an even more ambitious take down of the constitution in a polarised environment such as ours beggars belief.

    Rather than sound convincing, the claim draws attention to the state of mind of the accusers and their motivation. It shows how out-of-touch some are. Is this the most important concern of the man in the street? Life presidency may be something that alarms certain of our idle elite but it’s hardly a vote winner for people who never heard of Paul Biya. 

    Berating Tinubu for not being the perfect democrat hardly matters to people who are quick to solicit military intervention against a regime some of them despise. These are the sorts of people who looked longingly at the recent chaos in Nepal wishing it was the lot of their country.

    Many Nigerians don’t care whether you are a dictator or democrat, so long as daily living isn’t stressful for them. If the economy keeps improving Tinubu would be re-elected – never mind the name-calling. His record would be evidence that he’s the safer pair of hands than those who want to seize the controls.

  • Oil sector and greedy elite

    Oil sector and greedy elite

    Those of us, victims of years of abuse by Nigeria’s oil sector parasitic greedy elite, who spent hours and sometimes kept vigil at filling stations, had our days disrupted by drivers’ strike,  paid double the fuel pump price in spite  of equalization fund, have been going through great stress and strain in the last two weeks.

    We have had our sensibilities assaulted by parasitic elites, dressed in fine suits, appearing on TV platforms as representatives of the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), (junior staff and production workers in the oil and gas industry), the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN), the Depot and Petroleum Product Marketers Association of Nigeria, (DAPPMAN) and the Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria, (PETROAN).

    That we did not have anyone to speak for us while they disingenuously spoke of rule of law, battle against business monopoly and rights of workers only brought the past to pain.

    On September 7, NUPENG, without any consideration for the health of Nigerians, the health of the economy and the security of the nation, declared a strike to start on September 8 over Dangote’s decision to take control over distribution of products of his $20b refinery. He had announced importing 4000 CNG trucks to take products from his factory directly to buyers to ensure price uniformity and prevent periodic disruption due to strikes over equalization funds that were difficult to manage.

    Our rosy-cheeked oil sector parasitic elite expressed their opposition to monopoly, a charge Dangote who reminded them of the over 30 refinery, licences issued to private players denied. Dangote however made it clear that while “they don’t want a monopoly, and want other players in the business, they cannot come to a soccer field and want to play cricket because you would wound somebody”.

    The Department of State Security, DSS, adept at eating with the devil using a long spoon, effortlessly worked out a truce. When the truce collapsed, three days later over claim stickers were ordered to be removed from some trucks, the parasitic elite who have very little to lose threatened to resume their strike.

    On Saturday September 18, DAPPMAN accused the Dangote Refinery of “adopting pricing practices that distort competition, strain domestic businesses, and contradict its public claims of prioritizing Nigerian consumers”. But this was like the pot calling the kettle black since DAPPMAN is a  profit-driven Nigerian trading company whose only stake is raising foreign exchange to bring in cheap refined products that will guarantee maximum profits, a practice long banned by the US and Europe to protect the health of their local industries.

    BillGillis-Harry, the national President of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAM) was last remembered presenting an award to the Group Chief Executive Officers of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited, Mele Kyari as the most productive Group Chief Executive Officer in August 2024 even while the four refineries under him remained moribund.   But Harry was on Saturday September 20, on Channels TV speaking of the love of their associations for the Dangote’s Group while reminding him of the need to protect investment of other players and right of workers.

    But Nigerians are not deceived. We remember Obafemi Awolowo’s admonition some 80 years back that our educated political elite will remain the scourge of Nigeria because of their greed.  In fact, he went on to say that given a choice between the departing colonial masters , the traditional rulers and the Nigerian educated elite, Nigerians would choose in reverse order because with the colonial masters, they were assured of justice.

    Of course, it was not long after independence that greed and love of self-started manifesting. For our new power inheritors, it was what was in it for me and not what was in it for Nigeria.

    Ozumba Mbadiwe, a minister in Tafawa Balewa government used his position to buy government land in Ijora Apapa at a giveaway price. He erected a mansion on it which he rented back to the same federal government at a mouth-watering price. He then took the proceeds to build a mansion among the squalor of his village peoples which he named “The Peoples Palace”.

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    Awolowo was to admit not long after of being a victim of greed of one of his trusted allies. He claimed Ayo Rosiji gave false testimony against him during his treasonable trial because he had cancelled his contract for importation of water pipes which Awo said could be produced in Nigeria at the period.

    The response of our educated political elite to Babangida’s commercialisation policy was predictable. They colluded with some multinationals to embark on massive importation of substandard goods, including drugs which not only killed Nigerians but our budding industries, thereby rendering thousands of our qualified university graduates jobless.

    They outwitted Obasanjo and his privatization programme, which the World Bank predicted would lead to creation of seven million jobs for our youth. Our greedy political elite sold the nation’s total investments of over $100b acquired between 1960 and 1998 to themselves at a paltry $1.5b.

    The educated political elite then came up with monetization policy through which physical assets dating back to the pre-colonial period were shared among top civil servants and government functionaries.

    The educated political elite still behave as if they are doing Nigerian a favour for presiding over our affairs. We don’t know the salaries of our elected lawmakers. We don’t know the sources of private projects they routinely launch on behalf of the people.

    The reason we didn’t have anyone to defend us even as greedy elite in the oil sector was publicly humiliating us in the last two weeks was because there is no difference between the fuel sector parasitic elite, their counterparts in the airline industries  which shortly after N300b intervention fund secured another $500m Chinese loan which a former commandant of Murtala Muhammed International  Airport described as a “recycling of public fund for some people”  Both are tarred with the same brush with their fellow banking sector greedy elites who deployed depositors money to buy private jets and landed properties in Dubai in the name of their children forcing government to buy up their toxic loans through AMCON.

    Perhaps our ongoing experience will sober uninformed critics of government who wrongly assume government is an independent arbiter between greedy educated political and economic elite that have captured society and the rest of us. Government cannot do more than what many have been asking it to do this past two weeks – perform a balancing act between those who are technically owners of society who want an empire of slaves, and the rest of us who without government help, will be forced to buy the air we breathe.