Category: Columnists

  • Ekwunife and Soludo’s voyeurism

    Ekwunife and Soludo’s voyeurism

    In the arena of Nigerian politics, where theatrical displays and verbal jousting are considered par for the course, there exists an unwritten code that separates legitimate political discourse from the unseemly. Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra State appears to have crossed this line with his peculiar and increasingly uncomfortable fixation on Senator Uche Ekwunife, the Deputy Governor candidate for the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    What emanates from my governor  is not political strategy but something far more disturbing—a voyeuristic obsession that reveals more about the observer than the observed.The spectacle of a sitting Governor, who should be ostensibly focused on governance and development, repeatedly turning his attention to dissecting, diminishing, and attempting to delegitimize a female political opponent raises fundamental questions about leadership, professionalism, and the quality of our democratic discourse.

    Soludo’s fixation on Ekwunife has become so pronounced that it borders on the pathological—a Governor who seems more preoccupied with one woman’s political aspirations than with the manifold challenges facing his state.This obsession becomes even more troubling when viewed through the lens of Soludo’s academic credentials and supposed intellectual sophistication.

    Here is a man who apparently has walked the corridors of international finance, who has lectured in prestigious universities, and who has advised governments on economic policy. Yet, when faced with a formidable female political opponent, he has chosen to descend into the gutter, trading his alleged intellectual capital for cheap political point-scoring. The question that begs asking is: why would an academic of Soludo’s supposed stature engage in such profane political theater?

    READ ALSO: FULL LIST: Countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

    The answer might lie in recognition—a grudging acknowledgment that Senator Ekwunife represents everything his administration is not or apparently lacks. Her political curriculum vitae reads like a masterclass in public service excellence. From her distinguished career in the private sector to her impactful tenure in both chambers of the National Assembly, where she championed numerous legislative initiatives and consistently delivered democratic dividends to her constituents, Ekwunife embodies the kind of competent, results-oriented leadership that Anambra desperately needs. Her track record in both the public and private sectors should indeed “scare the jitters” out of Soludo and his cheerleaders, for it presents a stark contrast to his own governance style.

    Faced with this formidable opponent, Soludo has resorted to the lowest common denominator of political warfare. His attempt to portray Ekwunife as a certificate forger represents perhaps the most desperate and unfounded attack in recent Anambra political history. Without evidence, without substantiation, and without regard for the damage such baseless accusations might inflict on our democratic processes, the Governor chose to impugn the integrity of a woman whose educational credentials and professional achievements are matters of public record.

    This reckless accusation not only failed to diminish Ekwunife’s stature but succeeded brilliantly in exposing the paucity of Soludo’s own political arsenal.

    Even more shocking was Soludo’s declaration that Ekwunife cannot be Governor of Anambra State because, despite hailing from Igbo Ukwu, she is married to a man from Nri. In the 21st century, when the world is systematically dismantling barriers and embracing inclusivity, Governor Soludo, with his supposed national and global exposure, has chosen to behave like a political dinosaur. His position that a woman, by virtue of her marriage, forfeits her right to aspire to govern her home state represents not just archaic thinking but a fundamental assault on the principles of gender equality and women’s rights.This retrograde stance raises critical questions about the silence of feminist organizations and female activists who should be screaming “blue murder” at such blatant discrimination. Where are the voices that have championed women’s political participation? Where are the organizations that have fought tirelessly for gender inclusivity in governance? Their silence in the face of such overt misogyny is as troubling as the original statement itself, for Soludo’s position essentially argues that marriage transforms a woman from a full citizen with political rights into some form of political helot, forever bound by the geographical origins of her spouse rather than the distinction of competence.The irony of this position becomes even more pronounced when one considers that Ekwunife’s marriage, rather than diminishing her connection to Anambra, has actually deepened her understanding of the state’s diverse communities and challenges. Her dual perspective as both an Igbo Ukwu indigene and an Nri resident should be viewed as an asset, providing her with broader insights into the needs and aspirations of different constituencies within the state.

    Soludo’s attempts to diminish Ekwunife’s political stature have achieved the exact opposite of their intended effect. Rather than undermining her credibility, they have succeeded in diminishing his own persona and reducing the overall quality of political discourse in Anambra State. Each attack, each baseless accusation, each desperate attempt at character assassination has stripped away another layer of the intellectual veneer that once defined the Soludo brand. The academic who once commanded respect in international financial circles has transformed himself into a political street fighter, and the transformation has been anything but flattering.This devolution raises a more fundamental question about the Soludo administration’s governance priorities.

    Why is a sitting Governor spending so much time and energy focused on a Deputy Governor candidate rather than showcasing his own achievements? Why is the administration not campaigning on its performance record, which is what any serious, achievement-oriented government would naturally do?The answer to this question is both simple and damning: the Soludo administration cannot run on its record because, after four years in office, there is precious little record to run on. The absence of significant developmental milestones, the lack of transformative projects, and the failure to address the fundamental challenges facing Anambra State have left the administration with no choice but to resort to personal attacks and character assassination. When you have nothing to sell, you attempt to destroy the competition—a strategy that reveals more about your own inadequacies than those of your opponents.

    The tragedy of Soludo’s fixation on Ekwunife lies not just in its voyeuristic nature or its contribution to the degradation of political discourse, but in what it represents: the spectacle of a failed administration desperately trying to distract from four years of underachievement by manufacturing controversies around a competent opponent. In choosing this path, Soludo has not only diminished himself but has also disserviced the people of Anambra State, who deserve leaders focused on solutions rather than distractions, on development rather than destruction, and on progress rather than petty political gamesmanship.

  • Some northerners are beginning to sing about how they led Nigeria to its insecurity cul de sac

    Some northerners are beginning to sing about how they led Nigeria to its insecurity cul de sac

    Six Nigerians – all Northerners – crowd-funded and transferred $782,000 to Boko Haram.

    They were all jailed in the  UAE only for President Buhari’s Attorney – General and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, now an ADC top gun, to dilly dally with their trial.

    It is a crying shame that of all the different parts of this country, it is from the North, the least productive part of the  country, that some absolutely unreflecting politicians, crazy about power – raw political power – went out of their way to import into Nigeria the terrorists that  have now turned Nigeria into a living hell.

    It gets even worse when it is the same Northerners who shout the loudest, accusing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of not taming the insecurity they inflicted on the country .

    The late President Mohammed Buhari had further worsened the Fulani onslaught on Nigeria when, at the Aswan Forum in Egypt on Ist January 2020,  he declared that visas would now be issued at the point of entry into Nigeria, ipso facto, opening the floodgate of unregulated entry into the country by many outright murderers.

    First it was Abubakar Kawu Baraje, a former Acting Chairman of nPDP who exposed these enemies of state when he told the world all they did in 2015 when Northern politicians were so keen on ousting President Goodluck Jonathan, that even top ranking Northern PDP chieftains, the likes of Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu, then Niger state governor, even of the PDP, had no qualms, whatever, in working against the very party that gave them fame and fortune.

    READ ALSO: Top 10 African countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

    Baraje opened up  in a statement he titled: “How we brought in Fulani militias from Mali, Sierra Leaone, Senegal, others to win the 2015 election.

    Therein he declared as follows:”We are not asking the right questions on how the same Fu­lani we have been living with suddenly turned out becoming a menace. We must also ask how they got access to  guns”.

    “The Fulani men wreaking havoc in the country are not the Nigerian Fulani.“The security agencies have not been open about the nature of the problem. “They have made arrests. Why haven’t they told the pub­lic who the terrorists are?”

    “The Fu­lani causing security problems in the country today were all brought in to help facilitate victory in the 2015 Presidential election”.

    “After the election, the Fu­lani refused to leave. I and other like minds wrote and warned those we started APC with that what is happening now was going to hap­pen but nobody listened”.

    Unfortunately,  the man they helped to power – Muhammadu Buhari -was more concerned with preaching Fulani exceptionalism and enhancing Fulani hegemony by literally putting the entire apparati of government in their hands through his very skewed   appointments which saw Northern Muslims completely dominate the entire gamut of Nigerian security. Under President Buhari, Fulanis had a field day.

    Fulani murderous herders, the world’s 3rd most dangerous terrorist organisation, according to the Global Terrorism Index, thus did whatever it was they wanted.

    Once they refused to return to their countries after the election, it became the business of government to pay them billions of Naira through the auspices of a then state governor who would later self – confess.

    Nigerians have basically kept their peace since they learnt that those allegedly funding terrorism whom Malami refused to try were now being tried under the Tinubu administration until ADC’s El Rufai messed things up well enough, accusing the Tinubu administration of hobnobbing with terrorists, feeding them – the reader will understand where El Rufai is coming from, that one of his ADC mates could no longer bear it he had to shut up his trap.

    I refer here to the no less loquacious Chancellor of Baze University, Abuja, and Peter Obi’s running mate as Labour Party’s Vice- Presidential candidate in the 2023 election cycle,Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, PhD, intervened.

    Nobody can better depict Baba – Ahmed’s anger than Lasisi Olagunju who we shall be quoting at some length in his

    column in The Tribune this past week.

    He referenced  Baba- Ahmed as saying the following on a TV interview:”If Tinubu had not offended El Rufai, we would not have been hearing the secrets we hear these days; very dark secrets couched as bad, wicked allegations. First he  accused the ruling APC and its government of financing bandits and terrorists as weapons of politics. Nasir said this and provoked his kinsman from Kaduna, Datti Baba-Ahmed, into making a counter appearance on the same TV platform. From Datti Baba-Ahmed, we heard what the forest heard that deafened it. The man told Channels TV’s Seun Okinbaloye on Tuesday last week that insecurity in Nigeria is “orchestrated and is political.” He said Nasir El-Rufai shouldn’t be the one crying wolf; because he belongs in the pack of the implicated wolves.

    Hear him: “Do we understand the gravity of his statement?…What I am about to say is that insecurity is part of APC; insecurity has been APC’s way of getting power. Insecurity has been APC’s way of staying in power.”

    He then went into accounts which I pray must not be true. He said, without mentioning names, that a former Nigerian president met with and collected huge sums of money from the late Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, to sponsor extremists in Nigeria’s North-East. Hear him: “Go back in time. Do you remember that a former Nigerian president was attacked by terrorists? It was unprecedented; never in the history of Nigeria did that happen. Why did some young men in the forest in the North-East…what business did they have (with him)? When Nigerian leaders leave power, they are liked, they are loved, they are forgiven all their errors and everything. But, this one, they followed and tried to kill him. Why did that happen?” He asked, paused and feigned crying. Then he continued: “What happened to all the donations leading up to 2015? Why did he decide to run in 2015 after crying and telling the whole world that he was no longer running? What was his link with North Africa? What was his link with Muammar Gaddafi? He is not alive, but others are alive to say it. “I told you about 2015…you see… going after a former president and trying to kill him, what does that tell you? Before that, what had happened? After Jonathan won at the Supreme Court in 2011, the government called for dialogue (with the terrorists) and those young men nominated (the) former Nigerian president. It took three days to repudiate (that nomination). After those three days, go and plot the graph, you will see that between 2012 and 2014, the number of attacks in the North-East skyrocketed.” Datti Baba-Ahmed blamed the escalated terrorist attacks of that period on what he called “hunger, (and) lack of medicine (for the terrorists).” Why? “Because somebody had stopped sending the recurrent expenses of those people who used to come to Kaduna, collect (money) and go back.” He alleged (or claimed) that the funding was stopped as a punitive measure for the young men’s indiscretion of publicly naming their covert funder as their negotiator with the government. “That’s how the cycle went, in protest against ‘why did you call out that name (as your negotiator).’ They (terrorists) couldn’t bear it (hunger) anymore, so they felt the best thing was to go and attack (him). It failed; we are lucky… Jonathan provided him (the former president) with additional cars and money. And it was all about money; all about collecting money.

    “The truth is that someone had gone to North Africa and negotiated with Gaddafi; Gaddafi who was an international terrorist said ‘I will help you as I have been doing… I will retire to your country if you become president… He wanted to create a buffer in Nigeria. They gave crazy amount of money to that gentleman (the former president) to go and help these people with the intention of bringing them to fight in Libya. When Gaddafi died, ‘they’ sat on the money. They kept on (giving) the recurrent until (the terrorists) mentioned the name and then they stopped sending the money. Now, all these things are linked. They wanted Nigeria to burn if Buhari did not become the president in 2015. They brought people from neighbouring countries in readiness to remove Jonathan by all means. The desperation to get Jonathan out of power built up and added to what we call insecurity in Nigeria today.”

    Let’s leave matters there until the talkative man provokes them enough again to open up another chapter.

    Nigeria will outlive these Northern politicians who think nothing of deliberately endangering Nigeria simply because they cannot afford to be out of power for any length of time, even if it is a meaningless power for power’s sake.

  • Robert Mugabe passed here

    Robert Mugabe passed here

    In his journey through the circle of birth on 21 February, 1924, to living for up to close to a century, and to dying on 6 September, 2019, former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe passed here. And his sojourn was quite eventful. On this sixth anniversary of his passing away, this column honours his memory today by bringing together a selection of his thoughts enunciated at public forums.

    Very many witty quotes have been attributed to the late President, especially on social media. It is not certain how authentic the attributions are. However, it is widely acknowledged that, in his days, Mugabe was the world’s most educated President who earned not less than seven university degrees, with two at the Masters level. He had a B.A. in History and English, B.Ed., BSc. in Economics, LLB, LLM, and B.A. in Administration, among other qualifications.

    It is therefore not surprising that he had an attention-grabbing style of speaking. And it is not certain whether a replacement has yet been found for him with respect to his witty, sometimes irreverent, rhetoric on the international scene. At the 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, in New York, on 26 September, 2013, the then-89-year-old Mugabe said: “We cannot accept situations whereby the UN Security Council is increasingly encroaching on issues that traditionally fall within the General Assembly’s purview and competence, including in the area of norm setting.”

    Mugabe continued: “Indeed, recent events have revealed that its [Security Council] formal decisions have provided camouflage to neo-imperialist forces of aggression seeking to militarily intervene in smaller countries in order to effect regime change and acquire complete control of their wealth. This was so in Libya where in the name of protecting civilians, NATO forces were deployed with an undeclared mission to eliminate Muammar Gaddafi and his family. A similar campaign had been undertaken in Iraq by the Bush and Blair forces in the false name of eradicating weapons of mass destruction which Saddam Hussein never possessed.”

    READ ALSO: FULL LIST: Countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

    Mugabe also noted: “For Africa, the reform of the United Nations Security Council is especially long overdue. The anachronistic and unrepresentative character of the Security Council must be redressed. For how long should Africa continue to be denied the right to play a pivotal role in the United Nations Security Council as it decides measures on conflicts within its own borders?”

    Mugabe further declared: “Zimbabwe strongly condemns the use of unilateral economic sanctions as a foreign policy tool to effect regime change. Thus, the illegal economic sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the United States and the European Union violate fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter on state sovereignty and non-interference in the domestic affairs of a sovereign state. Moreover, these illegal sanctions continue to inflict economic deprivation and human suffering on all Zimbabweans. In the eyes of our people, the sanctions constitute a form of hostility and violence against them for the simple crime of undertaking the land reform programme by which land was put in the hands of the then majority landless Zimbabweans.”

    In addition, the Zimbabwean President asserted: “Our small and peaceful country is threatened daily by covetous and bigoted big powers whose hunger for domination and control of other nations and their resources knows no bounds. Shame, shame, shame to the United States of America. Shame, shame, shame to Britain and its allies. Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans, so are its resources. Please remove your illegal and filthy sanctions from my peaceful country. If these sanctions were intended to effect regime change, well, the results of the recent national elections have clearly shown you what they can do.”

    He further declared: “We are preached to daily by the west on the virtues of democracy and freedom which they do not totally espouse. Zimbabwe took up arms precisely to achieve our freedom and democracy. Yet we have been punished by United States through the odious Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act enacted in 2001 to effect regime change in the country.”

    Concluding the speech, Mugabe said: “It appears that when the USA and its allies speak of democracy and freedom they are doing so only in relative terms. Zimbabwe however refuses to accept that these western detractors have the right to define democracy and freedom for us. We paid the ultimate price for it and we are determined never to relinquish our sovereignty and remain masters of our destiny. As we have repeatedly asserted, Zimbabwe will never be a colony again!!”

    Furthermore, on 21 September, 2017 at the 72nd Session of the UN General Assembly, Mugabe targeted President Donald Trump as follows: “Some of us were embarrassed, if not frightened, by what appeared to be the return of the biblical Giant Gold Goliath. Are we having a return of Goliath to our midst, who threatens the extinction of other countries? And may I say to the United States President, Mr. Trump, please blow your trumpet — blow your trumpet in a musical way towards the values of unity, peace, cooperation, togetherness, dialogue, which we have always stood for and which are well-writ in our very sacred document, the Charter of the United Nations.”

    Mugabe also had tough words for non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In a 9 August, 2004 News24 item titled “Zim slams ‘imperialist’ NGOs,” Mugabe declared: “We know their tactics, these imperialists … as they deploy hordes of their compatriots under the cover of innumerable non-governmental organisations to destabilise our country and to try and effect the so-called regime ‘change.’”

    Relating this view with the detrimental activities of local NGOs in South Africa, such as the Socio-Economic Rights Institute (SERI), the Acting Mayor of Cape Town, Kenny Kunene, was reported by TimesLIVE, on 25 May, 2023, to have angrily said: “I understand why Robert Mugabe banned all NGOs in Zimbabwe, and only allowed NGOs led by Zimbabweans that seek to help Zimbabweans to exist.” He also remarked cynically that NGOs should stop masquerading as political parties, and that rather, “If they want to govern, they must go and contest elections like we did. NGOs must not get involved in the work of government. It is none of their business.”

    Mugabe was most unsparing of homosexuals. In fact, he was reported by International Business Times UK, on 24 July, 2013, to have said: “[We] have this American president, [Barrack] Obama, born of an African father, who is saying we will not give you aid if you don’t embrace homosexuality … We ask, was he born out of homosexuality? We need continuity in our race, and that comes from the woman, and no to homosexuality. John and John, no; Maria and Maria, no. They are worse than dogs and pigs. I keep pigs and the male pig knows the female one.”

    He was also reported, by UPI.com, on 25 November, 2011, to have said: “It becomes worse and satanic when you get a Prime Minister like Cameron saying countries that want British aid should accept homosexuality.” To make it clear, Mugabe told the 70th UN General Assembly on 28 September, 2015 regarding Africans: “We are not gays!”

    It is amazing that in spite of his blatant opposition to Western hegemony and culture, and despite the spirited efforts of these hegemons to topple his government, they could not readily get enough capable renegade Zimbabweans to incite to do the dirty job. In fact, Aljazeera, on 6 September, 2019, reported Mugabe to have said: “Only God, who appointed me, will remove me – not the MDC [Zimbabwean opposition party Movement for Democratic Change], not the British. Only God will remove me!”

    Meanwhile, Mugabe had overstayed his welcome in power. He didn’t seem to be sufficiently guided by the admonitory Yoruba proverb which warns: “Tí a bá pé l’órí imí, esinkéesin níí bá’ni níbè. (‘If you stay too long on passing faeces, all sorts of weird flies would meet you there.’) Moreover, Mugabe did not seem to set much store by former United States President Barrack Obama’s admonition to African leaders to respect term limits.

    Specifically, in his 28 July, 2015 speech to African leaders at the African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, President Obama said: “I have to also say that Africa’s democratic progress is also at risk when leaders refuse to step aside when their terms end.  … I am in my second term.  …  I love my work.  But under our Constitution, I cannot run again. … So, there’s a lot that I’d like to do to keep America moving, but the law is the law. And no one person is above the law.  Not even the President. When a leader tries to change the rules in the middle of the game just to stay in office, it risks instability and strife … And this is often just a first step down a perilous path.” 

    Obama further said: “And sometimes you’ll hear leaders say, well, I’m the only person who can hold this nation together. If that’s true, then that leader has failed to truly build their nation.

    … And just as the African Union has condemned coups and illegitimate transfers of power, the AU’s authority and strong voice can also help the people of Africa ensure that their leaders abide by term limits and their constitutions. Nobody should be president for life.

    And your country is better off if you have new blood and new ideas.”

        In spite of these nuggets of wisdom, Mugabe clung to power in Zimbabwe, and some of his aides, to whom he had become a presidential pawn due to age-related infirmities, urged him on. In fact,

    the Zimbabwean newspaper NewsDay of 18 February, 2017 reported his wife, Grace Mugabe, to have said: “You hear people accusing me of still wanting to continue as the First Lady of this nation, saying that is why I don’t want to tell the President to retire. I am not the only one who voted for him. Only a fool will say that. We will field a candidate of a corpse on the ballot if God takes Mugabe and people will vote for him just to show how much the President is loved.”

    However, Mugabe’s faculties were declining, his steps were becoming increasingly unsteady and his capacity to continue to provide effective leadership waned dramatically. In the end, Mugabe was worsted by age, and on 21 November, 2017, at 93 and having ruled for 37 years, he was forced to resign as President to preempt impeachment.

    Robert Mugabe is an African hero. But our heroes are not saints, and nobody else’s are. So, let’s not throw the baby away with the bath water, but aggregate the noble visions and thoughts of our myriad of remarkable African leaders. From that aggregation, let’s build a workable template for a new African destiny.

  • Tinubu: Stretching for Nigeria, even on leave

    Tinubu: Stretching for Nigeria, even on leave

    The past week might have appeared unusually quiet on the surface regarding President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s public engagements, but that calm was by design. Nigerians were well aware that the President is in Europe for part of his statutory annual leave. Yet, true to his style, this was not a week of total silence or disengagement. Even while away from Abuja, Tinubu remained firmly in control of the wheel of statecraft—directing policies, consolidating foreign partnerships, and unveiling programmes that touch the lives of millions.

    In many ways, this week offered Nigerians a snapshot of what the President has become known for: stamina, relentless commitment, and the ability to stretch himself thin, always in pursuit of the noble intent of reshaping Nigeria into a model prosperous nation. His lunch with French President Emmanuel Macron at the Élysée Palace in Paris, his directives to crash food prices, his assurances on fixing the health sector, and the unveiling of RenewHER all reflected a leader determined to put substance over appearances.

    On Wednesday, pictures of President Tinubu and French President Emmanuel Macron at the Élysée Palace began circulating, immediately sparking interest back home. The engagement, however, was far from a mere photo opportunity. Tinubu himself, through his verified X handle, offered Nigerians a glimpse into the substance of the meeting.

    “Had a productive lunch with President Emmanuel Macron today at the Élysée Palace. We reviewed key areas of cooperation between Nigeria and France and agreed to deepen our partnership for mutual prosperity and global stability,” the President wrote.

    READ ALSO: FULL LIST: Countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

    This brief yet telling update underscored the continuity of Nigeria’s diplomatic engagements under his watch. France has long been a strategic partner for Nigeria in the realms of trade, security, climate action, and investment promotion. Tinubu’s appearance with Macron reaffirmed his commitment to deepening ties with key global allies at a time Nigeria needs sustained partnerships to meet its development goals.

    Such bilateral interactions are not casual. France has consistently demonstrated interest in supporting Nigeria’s energy reforms, counterterrorism strategies, and climate-resilient economic policies. For Tinubu, maintaining the momentum of such partnerships is as important as domestic reforms. It reflects his awareness that Nigeria’s prosperity cannot be achieved in isolation but must be anchored on strategic alliances that expand opportunities for Nigerians in an increasingly interdependent world.

    Back home, Nigerians were reminded that even in Paris, Tinubu had his gaze firmly on the local kitchen table. On the same Wednesday, the Minister of State for Agriculture and Food Security, Senator Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi, disclosed that the President had directed a Federal Executive Council (FEC) committee to intensify efforts at reducing food prices.

    The President’s marching order, Abdullahi explained, was focused on ensuring the safe passage of agricultural produce across the country’s highways and logistics corridors. Transportation costs have long been identified as a critical driver of food inflation, and the President’s intervention strikes at the heart of this structural challenge.

    According to Abdullahi, “The President has given a matching order to a Federal Executive Council committee already handling it, on how we are going to promote safe passage of agricultural goods and commodities across our various routes in the country.”

    This is part of a broader vision aimed not just at lowering prices in the immediate term but also achieving food sovereignty in the long run. The President’s food sovereignty plan, as outlined, is holistic—covering availability, accessibility, affordability, and nutritional value of food on a sustainable basis.

    Beyond transportation, other complementary programmes such as the Farmer Soil Health Scheme and cooperative reform are in the works. Tinubu’s interest in cooperatives as a tool for mobilising resources and boosting livelihoods signals his resolve to empower ordinary farmers while laying the foundation for a more productive agricultural economy. In effect, the President is pushing to ensure that food stops being a burden and starts becoming a pillar of prosperity.

    Another highlight of the week was the President’s strong reaffirmation of his commitment to overhaul Nigeria’s health sector. On Tuesday, at the National Stakeholders Dialogue on Power in the Health Sector in Abuja, Tinubu delivered a message that cut to the heart of the matter: “No Nigerian should lose their life because of power failures in hospitals.”

    Represented by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, the President highlighted how outages in surgical theatres, maternity wards, intensive care units, and emergency rooms have too often cost lives. He described the situation as unacceptable and vowed that under his administration, the problem would be tackled decisively.

    His plan is ambitious but pragmatic. By decentralising electricity delivery, promoting renewable and hybrid energy solutions, and incentivising private sector participation, the government intends to guarantee uninterrupted power in hospitals and public health institutions. These reforms dovetail with the Energy Transition Plan and the wider effort to end energy poverty across Nigeria.

    More than rhetoric, Tinubu’s assurances were also an open invitation to investors. He pledged that Nigeria is open for business in health, energy, and infrastructure, and promised an enabling environment that ensures returns on investment. This is the hallmark of his governance approach—treating social needs and economic opportunities as interlinked. In the long run, it is this fusion of compassion and enterprise that will guarantee sustainability.

    The week closed on a deeply human note with the unveiling of RenewHER, the Presidential Women’s Health Transformation Initiative, launched Thursday night in Abuja. Represented by Vice President Kashim Shettima, the President described the programme as “an answer to one of the nation’s most critical prayers.”

    “There is no greater test of a nation’s character than the care it extends to its women. Maternal health is the heartbeat of every family, the compass of social stability, and the truest index of national welfare,” Tinubu declared.

    RenewHER is designed as a national engine of collaboration, working through a newly established Presidential Focal Office on Women’s Health in synergy with the Federal Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Women Affairs, the Nigeria Governors’ Spouses Forum, and international partners.

    The initiative also includes the creation of an AI-powered National Women’s Health Digital Hub to deliver targeted campaigns on maternal survival, adolescent health, and preventive care. This innovation is as much about saving lives as it is about empowering women to participate fully in national prosperity.

    Tinubu’s words on maternal mortality were poignant: “Maternal mortality is a shame against which we must all rally. We owe every girl-child not just the eloquent promise of a better tomorrow, but the certainty of a healthier one.”

    In tying women’s health to entrepreneurship and national development, RenewHER reflects the President’s philosophy that social stability and economic progress are inseparable. By empowering women, the administration is laying a stronger foundation for generational prosperity.

    A Quiet Week, Loud Gestures

    It was, by all appearances, a subdued week in the Villa. With President Tinubu away on his annual leave, his public outings were fewer, and the usual swirl of activity around Abuja seemed to ease. Yet, beneath the calm surface, the President found ways to remain present in the nation’s daily discourse, his voice and vision transmitted through official statements and symbolic engagements that carried weight across the country.

    On Sunday, Tinubu’s message of congratulations to Vice President Kashim Shettima, Dr. Iyabo Masha and others on their elevation as Fellows of the Nigerian Economic Society (NES) struck a note of continuity. By hailing their “exemplary service” and highlighting their role in advancing the economic reforms at the heart of the Renewed Hope Agenda, the President affirmed his commitment to intellectual rigour and policy innovation as tools for national transformation.

    The following day brought a more somber tone. Tinubu mourned the passing of Chief (Mrs.) Leila Euphemia Apinke Fowler, the revered founder of Vivian Fowler Memorial College for Girls. Calling her death “a massive loss to the entire nation,” he underscored her legacy as a trailblazer in education and a matriarch who dedicated her life to nurturing generations of Nigerian women. It was a reminder of his deep respect for those who have invested in the country’s human capital.

    Midweek, the President’s tributes turned celebratory again. He praised Dr. Jobson Ewalefoh, the Director-General of the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC), on his 50th birthday, commending his stewardship of Nigeria’s Public-Private Partnership reforms. In the same breath, he extended warm felicitations to the venerable Chief of Kagoro, Dr. Ufuwai Bonet, on his 90th birthday, lauding his unwavering commitment to peace and unity in Kaduna State.

    By Thursday, his voice was again solemn as he commiserated with the family of Air Vice Marshal Terry Okorodudu, a steadfast ally and patriot. And on Friday, Tinubu celebrated the Etsu Nupe, Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar, at 73 and on his 22nd anniversary on the throne, recognising his role as a symbol of reconciliation and unity.

    Thus, even in a week of supposed quiet, the President’s presence resonated across the nation—through tributes, condolences, and celebrations that affirmed his steady hand and his conviction that leadership is not a matter of geography but of constant, deliberate engagement.

    Taken together, the week that seemed quiet was anything but inactive. Tinubu’s engagements abroad and his directives at home illustrated a governing style that transcends physical presence. He is not just a President working from his desk; he is a leader carrying Nigeria with him wherever he goes.

    From strengthening ties with France to pushing for food sovereignty, from tackling hospital power failures to unveiling a maternal health revolution, Tinubu again demonstrated the consistency of his vision. It is a vision of a Nigeria where international partnerships are maximised, basic needs like food and healthcare are secured, and the dignity of every citizen is respected.

    As he continues his leave in Europe, Nigerians can be assured that their President is not on pause. Instead, he is recalibrating, consolidating, and stretching himself yet again for the singular goal of building a prosperous, model nation that truly works for its people.

  • The Travails of Heroic Politics: Two exemplary paradigms

    The Travails of Heroic Politics: Two exemplary paradigms

    Last week was the sixteenth anniversary of the passing of Ganiyu Oyesola Fawehinmi, Nigeria’s legal Spartacus, fiery defender of human rights and indefatigable crusader against executive lawlessness, who shook the scaffolding of military absolutism to its foundation in Nigeria. As usual, there was a sprinkling of commentaries and commendations for the departed hero and icon of Nigeria’s anti-military struggle. But as it can be expected of a nation in perpetual mourning, they were few and far between.  Gani  is one of those rare people who pass into legend in their life time. But as time elapses, it is obvious that the late hero is beginning to recede into remote antiquity. There are many youngsters who will mope and gaze at you if you ask them what Gani meant to them. You will be lucky if one of the brighter and more informed ones  did not query you as to whether that was not an elderly mispronunciation of Gianni, a Serie A Italian League player.                                                                          

      To the best of our knowledge, there is no Serie A League player known as Gianni.  As reality becomes indistinguishable from fantasy in our brave new world, the ultimate nightmare will be when smart-school certificated ignorance and artificial intelligence overwhelm real knowledge. As time goes on, the real Gani is likely to morph into a veritable myth, shrouded in mystery and mythology ; a trope for freedom fighting just like the legendary Spartacus who led a revolt of slaves against the Roman oligarchy which provoked a bloody reprisal with Spartacus himself summarily executed upon capture. It can be argued that Gani’s military tormentors only subjected him to a more circuitous and devious execution with serial and sadistic detention among dope-crazed criminals and other dregs of humanity finally infiltrating and insinuating killer cancer cells into his brave lungs.

        This is where the historic ironies deepen. Heavens forbid that we suffer a relapse into military rule. But this is where Gani excelled most as a fierce and ferocious campaigner for freedom and scourge of military despotism rather than as an avatar of democratic emancipation except as a byproduct of his epic and herculean exertions. He could not be found in the great constitutional debates that shaped the foundational fortunes of the nation and the courtroom drama that defined its democratic existence. He had no time for democratic niceties and if his contempt for conventional politicians was legendary, so was his abrasive disdain for deal-making, bridge-building and grubby wheeling and shadowy conspiring which are the hallmark of regular politics, particularly in a fractious multi-ethnic and multi-cultural Babel like Nigeria.

     An anti-authoritarian authoritarian, Gani was the perfect embodiment of the contradictions and ambiguities of the age. His heroes are not democratic exemplars but visionary dictators who seized their societies by the scruff of the neck and dragged their denizens screaming and kicking to the portals of political modernity and economic prosperity by whatever means. Gifted with an impish sense of macabre humour, Gani famously opined that the only coup he would welcome henceforth in the nation was one in which the victor emerged on television after several days of relentless bloodletting too tired and exhausted to address the nation.

    READ ALSO: FULL LIST: Countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

      This is why Gani’s solitary shot at the Nigerian presidency in 2003 ended in an electoral debacle. Both the electorate and the selectorate made a short shrift of his ambition to rule his beloved country. His eponymous Nigerian masses did not materialize at the booths. Neither did his pan-Nigeria peasant class who were projected to sweep away the cobwebs of corruption and political perfidy from the nation. They voted with their feet or failing that with their stomach. So aghast was the legal crusader at the final audit of the miserable vote allocated to him in the egregiously rigged election that he broke down and wept profusely according to his own letter to the Nigerian press. It was the epistolary pinnacle of an electoral disaster foreseen. Gani’s lion heart could take only one more bogus election and he could only watch from the sidelines. That was the electoral disaster of 2007 which was so globally ridiculed that even the victor was compelled to distance himself from his victory. The legal titan was recalled by his maker in 2009. 

       Although our other  protagonist shared ideological commonality with Gani as a fellow progressive dedicated to the emancipation of their people, they did not employ the same means. Unlike Gani who was spontaneously combustible and socially engaging, Baba Omojola was the quintessential intellectual who hid himself from the limelight and who preferred to be in the operational engine room. Quiet, deliberate and understated, he did not need to carry arms because his head housed a grenade launcher. Soft spoken, wiry and slight of build, it was easy to mistake the harmless looking, chronically kind-hearted gentleman for a mildly successful farmer from the interior who was on a visit to the city.

      Yet he was one of the best educated and most internationally exposed Nigerians of his generation, graduating with First Class Honours in 1961 from the prestigious London School of Economics and was on the verge of being called to the English Bar when he erupted among a crowd of protesters against apartheid and was promptly arrested and charged to court for conduct prejudicial to public order. The judge gave him an option: apologize and go back to his legal pursuits or forfeit everything. Omojola refused and there and then ended his law career. But not so a lifetime of social activism devoted to the emancipation of the toiling masses. He would always be found in the engine room of revolutionary change and sometimes amidst the commotion and combustion on the street: uncomplaining, unrelenting, with his cherubic smile, his lack of airs and a hearty artlessness which endeared him to all. He fell fighting, just as he finished delivering a characteristically thoughtful presentation to President Jonathan’s commission on national dialogue in Akure a week after his seventy fifth birthday in 2013.

    Babarinde Adewole Omojola Ajibola was a giant among men and a rebel with a cause. It was easy to mistake him for a bucolic agrarian. But he was in fact of solid middle class antecedents and the son of a distinguished clergyman. But he forswore his class and religion to embrace the Ifa corpus and the global proletariat. Despite occasional strategic retreats necessitated by unfavourable balance of force, he never looked back and soldiered on till the bitter end. It must be said that despite fundamental differences in strategy and perhaps in ultimate vision, the current president is a staunch admirer of both men for their unwavering heroism and selfless sacrifices at the behest of their people. But while he was cagily wary of Gani’s tempestuous tantrums and iconoclastic disdain for politicians, Tinubu was wholly at home with Omojola’s earthy sense of humour and self-effacing benignity.

       On a visit to London in 2009, one had impressed it on the former senator the need to visit a sick and bedridden Gani and he wholeheartedly agreed. Upon returning to Nigeria, he called to inform that the great man had passed on that morning. Four years after in 2013, one had tried to nudge him to attend Baba Omojola’s birthday. We both agreed that one should do the needful. It was a colourful birthday for the gracefully aging icon with friends, admirers and ideological acolytes from all over the country gracing the occasion. We did not know that it was the last snapshot of a colossus. Exactly a week after, the great man slumped and disappeared forever into the cosmic void. Both men would not at this moment recognize the world they had left behind.

       As this column has noted several times in recent years, we live in very interesting times. Game-changing events are occurring with some amazing rapidity and at such a dizzying pace that it is difficult if not impossible to make sense of the emerging international order. First is the seismic shift to the right in many developed countries, particularly in leading western countries and the rise of authoritarian populism often accompanied by xenophobia. The rise of Donald Trump in America and the creeping ascendancy of Nigel Farage and the Reform-UK party are just the tip of the iceberg.                                         

      Second, insensitivity to harmonious coexistence within nations seems to compel insensitivity to ordered existence without and we are witnessing an upsurge of a telling disregard for the sovereignty of other nations and the sanctity of international borders which is the fundamental canon and raison d’etre of the nation-state paradigm in its post-Westphalia actuality.  As it is, America is still hoping for an annexation of Greenland if it does not succeed in adding Canada as its fifty first state. Israel, the new colonial power in the Middle East, is setting a new norm in international normlessness having bombed Iran and Syria into compliant quietude and having decimated both Palestine and Gaza Strip into near oblivion. The idea of a dual state is dead before arrival like thousands of Palestinian children.

      This week, the principal warrior-nation of our epoch added another feather to its cap by summarily descending on Qatar which was acting as a peacemaker and negotiator. With nothing to hold Russia back in its pan-Slavic hegemonic obsession, it is now obvious that the horrific slow-motion evisceration of Ukraine will end in cruel partitioning. With America considerably weakened by moral complicity and political decline that will be the signal for China to invade and take back its old province of Taipei. As it was with the old world, the map of the new world is being forcibly redrawn by violence and might. Things don’t ever change that much, or do they? The pristine nature of humanity appears irreversible in its irredeemable savagery.

       The third signal development of our epoch is the decimation of the old left as an effective force for setting progressive political agenda and for raising the moral tone and tenor of human engagement in a world of plutocratic politics and predatory decimation of human and national resources. Leftwing politics has suffered a calamitous decline and is in retreat everywhere. With this defeat, the prospects of a humane and humanitarian intervention in human affairs and of ameliorative and redemptive politics have gone out of the window.

    Some western commentators have called this development which can be linked to the death of actually existing socialist states as the de-Marxification of the western world but we see it as the de-socialization of human conscience occasioned by an exponential rise in global population and the attendant competition for resources. Given the unfavourable international climate and the decimation of the best and brightest and the most ideologically committed that Nigeria has thrown up at the altar of sectarian politics, is it not time to begin to reimagine politics in a way that repositions the Black race in a “post-ideological” world? May the noble souls of Gani and Baba Omojola rest in peace.

  • Nepal burning, social media and Nigeria

    Nepal burning, social media and Nigeria

    Days after the Nepali government banned 26 social media platforms for failing to register with the authorities, youths embarked on an orgy of violence that shocked many at how rapidly it grew in intensity. The immediate cause of the riots was the ban. But the remote cause, as cited by the self-styled Gen Z youths themselves, was unremitting governmental corruption. Protesters torched the house of a former prime minister, leading to the hospitalisation of his wife; parliament building and hotels were burnt; and looting, arson and rape were recorded. Even though the government lifted the ban last Monday, the rioters were not assuaged. More than 22 protesters had died by Tuesday, and 51 by the final tally on Friday. Analysts suggested that rampant poverty, in contrast to the luxury public officials basked in, probably fuelled the protests. By midweek, though the army had begun to intervene, the violence was yet to be extirpated.

    The Nepali protests reflect how deeply troubling and dangerous social media had become, not only in Nepal but globally. The youth are hooked on social media, and modern businesses view the platforms as their lifeblood. But social media remains largely unregulated, and now seems obviously impervious to laws and conventions. In 2023, Nepal had introduced comprehensive guidelines and directions designed to regulate the growing influence and use of social media platforms. Under the guidelines, social media platforms were required to register with the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology. Failure to enlist would attract a blanket ban. In April 2024, a digital media entity published texts and audio clips indicating that two chairpersons of top media houses in Nepal met with former and serving Supreme Court justices as well as senior lawyers to undermine some 400 corruption cases, including particularly an April 2021 court verdict. Two days after the digital media publication, the Supreme Court initiated suo moto contempt proceedings against the offending media organisation, and judgement was delivered last August. In the judgement, the Court ordered that social media platforms, whether domestic or foreign, must be mandatorily registered, and mechanisms put in place to evaluate and monitor undesirable content.

    READ ALSO: FULL LIST: Countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

    On August 28, 12 days after the judgement, the Communications ministry issued a seven-day notice expiring on September 3 that directed all social media platforms to register with the authorities as directed by the Court. TikTok, already registered, was spared the ban. Some 26 others, including the world’s leading social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and X, among many others, declined and were banned. Protests erupted spontaneously, leading to violence and carnage. The riots, mainly led by youths, continued even after the country’s leading newspaper and Army chief had called for and effected the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. For days no one was in control of the government, but the military eventually restored normality without seizing control of the government. There were arguments that the Nepali government’s approach to regulating the social media was a little too drastic and sweeping, unlike India for instance; but most countries have begun to understand that an unfettered social media could spell disaster. Indeed, the challenge many countries face today is how to balance free speech on the one hand and national security as well as individual privacy rights on the other hand.

    After Nepal’s government lifted the ban on the social media last Tuesday, the youths refused to be placated. Instead, they declared that the real reason for the protests all along was the need to end corruption. As is usual in such matters, one concession always leads to more agitations. Recognising that such a demand could not be met under agitation but is a process that extends over a long period, the Army suggested that everyone involved should engage in dialogue. The problem, however, was that as at last Wednesday, no discernible leadership had yet emerged for the protests. The Gen Z mobilisation had been done almost entirely on social media. Recall that the June 2024 Kenyan revolt also started with agitation against the country’s Finance Bill that provided for tax hikes aimed at cutting Kenya’s debt burden of more than $80bn costing the country about half of its tax revenues to service. Even after the finance bill was withdrawn, protesters expanded their demand and began agitating for an end to corruption as well as the resignation of President William Ruto. The cost of the protest made nonsense of the amount saved by abrogating the bill. In Nepal, the army clearly tried to anticipate the demands of the protesters by calling on the prime minister to resign. However, Mr Oli’s resignation did not produce peace until Sushila Karki, a former chief justice, was sworn in as Nepal’s first woman prime minister. However, normality was not restored until Friday.

    No matter how long the Nepali protest, corruption will not end in a day, or even in a year. The protests may help to discourage impunity and create bureaucratic conditions and laws to curb corruption, but there will be no overnight miracle. More importantly, if the social media should remain unregulated and no one is held accountable for atrocious news and reports, anarchy would loom larger than any protests can deal with. Nevertheless, the Nepali Gen Z overreach is explicated by the country’s socio-economic conditions. Nepal, a country of about 30 million people with a per capita GDP of a little over $1,400 and a nominal GDP of about $43.6bn, is the 165th least developed country in the world. About 32 percent of the population lives on between $1.90 to $3.20 per day. It is a poor country, with corruption worsening its plight. The protests are, therefore, understandable. But reprieve will not come from burning their parliament building, sacking lawmakers, or torching government buildings, including a part of the Supreme Court. The military has inevitably stepped in, further dampening the enthusiasm of democrats and complicating the country’s tentative and unsteady progress towards economic development and national stability. Neither Nepal nor Kenya provides an enviable template for how protests should be organised or led.

    As the protests cooled last Wednesday, Gen Z protesters shamefacedly admitted that various but unidentified interest groups had hijacked the protests, leading to unimaginable destructions, including iconic Nepali buildings. They should have known. By organising a leaderless revolt, it should be expected that untold and unheralded consequences would follow. Jailbreaks, looting, arson, rapes and all sorts of violent crimes accompanied the leaderless protests. Now, taxpayers’ money will have to be allocated to reconstruct or repair the damaged buildings, further retarding the progress and development the protesters advocated. While the Nepali Gen Zs have shown remorse, it is tragic that a few Nigerian human rights lawyers, civil society organisations, and sundry agitators have recommended the Nepali example for Nigeria. Nigeria has a combustible mix of ethnic groups forever engaged in fierce competition for influence and control. Should Nepal’s protests, which flamed for two days of madness, take hold of Nigeria, there is no predicting what the short-term or long-term consequences would be. This is why it is urgent for Nigeria to find a novel way to regulate what is increasingly becoming a complex and ungovernable social media space, and to conjure a formula that balances free speech with national security interest and stability. Nepal escaped the ethnicisation and religionisation of the protests partly because the country is over 80 percent Hindu. Nigeria may not be so lucky should it embark on a mindless and foolish imitation.

  • Okon appears for the goat

    Okon appears for the goat

    As daily existence takes on a decidedly surrealistic and absurdist hue in Nigeria, not even the sacred laws of reality are sacred anymore. Welcome to Kafkaland. Reports reaching snooper indicate that the thief that turned to a goat has been auctioned to a popular Lagos food seller who journeyed south specifically for the purpose. So then if you order for goat leg at your local eatery and you find human toes popping out of the bowl, don’t be dismayed, it is all part of growing up in cuckoo’s land.

    Actually before the said auction, it had been drama galore with a substantial portion of the police equipment fund going to crack herbalists who had promised to force the stupid goat back to the hell of human existence. Alas, it was all to no avail as the mad goat stuck to its guns. You can trust Okon to cotton on to the dark fun, having recovered from the last fiasco with Baba Lekki. One fine morning, Okon showed up in court claiming to be an interpreter for the goat who happened to be his bosom friend in real—or unreal—life.

    The presiding lady judge could not understand what all the fuss was about as she descended from her chambers into the court room. The police quickly explained to her that they were on the verge of cracking a major mystery that had turned the entire force into an object of public ridicule. The good old lady could not believe her ears. She eyed Okon with a mixture of concern and bewilderment.

    “And what did you say the gentlemen is here for again?” she asked the police.

    “Na goat interpreter. Na him go talk to the goat, and the stupid goat must to answer today today”, the police sergeant said with malice and drunken frustration.

    READ ALSO: Top 10 African countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

    “I see”, the lady judge said shaking her head. “Mr Man, is that correct?” she asked Okon.

    “My sister, na true true. See me see trouble oo. You come resemble one woman  I dey hammer for Mushin Olosa. Abi na you true true?” Okon replied with a devilish smile.  The lady judge was not amused. She eyed Okon with a ferocious scowl.

    “Please conduct yourself properly before a court of law”, the lady snapped.

        “I no be bus conductor oo, I be houseboy”, Okon snorted.

    “All right, all right. What is your name?” the lady asked with a hint of panic and exasperation.

    “I be Etubom Okon Anthony Okon”, the mad boy answered.

    “And what is the goat’s name?”

    “Surulere”, Okon replied instantly.

     “No, no no. I don’t mean his nickname. I mean his real name”, the judge asked as panic and confusion began to set in.

    “Sebi im nickname na the name him dey use when him dey nick dem pocket for Tin Can, abi? Him name na Ejimofor Anikilaja and him be wharf rat no be armed robber at all at all” At this point, the goat let out some heavy bleating.

    “You see now”, Okon began with a triumphant grin. “The goat be angry and hungry. Him say he never chop since dem capture am. Him say dem wicked and crooked police dey take all him chop money drink burukutu so tey dem come dey smile like dem asinwin for court”. At this point everybody, including the police, broke into hilarious laughter. The whole place became a bedlam of raucous mirth. The lady judge brought her gavel down on the table with great force.

        “Order, order!” She screamed.

    “Me I want Apu and stockfish. Make dem give dem goat banana and ice cream”, Okon croaked.

        “What?” the judge said, straining her ears in utter disbelief.

         “My sister, I think say you say make we order?”

          “Oh my God!” the high strung lady judge shrilled.

          “My sister”, Okon began with sadistic glee but the irate judge cut him short.

           “Stop calling me your sister. I am not your sister. You say my lord, you hear?” she screamed.

           “My Rod”,,Okon began, eyeing the poor woman with criminal intent.

           “ What?” the poor woman shrieked.

            “You know say I be Efik and I know sabi call dem Yanminrin word,” Okon crowed with relish. At this point, the goat let off a prolonged bleating. “You see the goat say all of una na crooks and criminals and dat dis kontri don yamutu sam sam”, Okon intoned.

        On this note, the stricken lady began frantically gathering her paper as she back-heeled into her chambers. The police, sensing that they have been taken for a big ride, made a move to arrest Okon but the goat began barking furiously even as it strained its leash. “If you touch me, I will turn into a lion”, Okon threatened . Upon hearing this, the police fled, leaving Okon to walk out of the court room with a majestic frown.

         First published in 2010

  • Utomi’s restless, relentless opposition

    Utomi’s restless, relentless opposition

    Sometime in July 2020, the National Consultative Forum (NCFront) announced its formation and reeled out names of some prominent Nigerians as its founding members, but some of them denounced the organisation and declared they were not consulted. Prominent lawyers Olisa Agbakoba and Femi Falana insisted they knew nothing about the group, and so too did Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, a retired colonel. A little over five years after that organisational debacle, the same NCFront, speaking through Hamisu San Turaki, who is described as its spokesman, has again announced more than a dozen prominent Nigerians presumably bonding together under the aegis of the group to push, again, for electoral reforms. In both 2020 and now, Pat Utomi, a professor of political economy, has been prominent on the list, and is indeed, the numero uno. He seems to be the main inspiration, together, this time, with former Education minister Obiageli Ezekwesili, former INEC chairman Attahiru Jega, former presidential adviser Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, fiery NNPP ideologue Buba Galadima, and of course Messrs Falana and Agbakoba. The group aims to form another organisation called the Alliance for the Defence of Democracy (ADD) tasked with pursuing electoral reforms.

    It is not known to this writer whether any of the listed names has dissociated himself from the NCFront or ADD. But after the 2020 incident, Prof. Utomi went on in 2022 to join forces with Labour Party’s Peter Obi to fight for the presidency in the 2023 election. In 2020, the NCFront seemed like an association of the rejected embittered by the outcome of the 2019 presidential election won by President Muhammadu Buhari. Today, the group is insidiously Obidient and hopes to swing the 2027 election. As in 2020, the group’s goals are not as altruistic as they seem, that is if its leaders can overcome the suspicion that someone did not presumptuously assemble the prominent names and imbue them with noble and far-reaching goals. As for their battle cry of electoral reforms, they hinge their agitations on what they insist was the miscarriage of the last elections, and hope that civil society, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) can create a collaborative template to drive the reforms or bring the administration to heel.

    They couched their mission elegantly thus: “…The initiators have decided to launch a new electoral reform platform to be known as Alliance for Defence of Democracy on October 1st as a popular alternative movement to drive and structure the campaign and mobilisation process for…critical electoral reform during the major national gathering on electoral reforms to be addressed by the President of the Nigerian Labour Congress, Comrade Joe Ajaero, among other leaders of conscience in Nigeria…(and launch a mass movement) to drive critical reforms in the electoral laws of Nigeria, especially those that dimmed the credibility of the 2023 elections namely; compulsory electronic transmission of election results, effective criminalisation of votes buying, enactment of early and diaspora voting as initiated by the House of Representatives, proportional representation in government, especially special seats for women and other vulnerable groups, among others.” They seem to think that without these elements, like the electronic transmission of results which has been proved by Nigerian examination bodies to be vulnerable, a fair election could not be delivered.

    Read Also: Shadow government: Court orders service of court papers on Utomi in Lagos

    But perhaps the main plank of their agitation for reform rests on their curious and fallacious belief that the 2023 presidential election was rigged or unfair. They had few qualms about the governorship polls; what they find distressful was the presidential poll over which coincidentally the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP) have not stopped agitating. If the NCFront and ADD are not disconcerted by the coincidence of assigning themselves a mission indistinguishable from that of the Obidients in particular, it may be because they have thrown caution to the wind and become inured to facts and truth that assail their bloated presumptions. More than the PDP, the Obidients who champion the cause of their standard-bearer Mr Obi have continued to insist the elections were rigged despite the LP not having any path to victory, and indeed came third in the 2023 race. The assault on facts has, however, caught on and become a general delusion among many gullible but sometimes even educated Nigerians. There is of course no institution or policy or even paradigm that cannot benefit from one reform or the other, but the agitation for change must be well-grounded. It is dishonest to use the 2023 election outcome as the basis for their agitation. The integrity of that election was not vitiated by the non-transmission of the results electronically, which was their main grouse, or by any other fallacies insinuated into the presidential poll.

    The facts of the 2023 presidential poll are clear. Each of the three leading presidential candidates won in 12 states, with Mr Obi, however, winning in 11 and Federal Capital Territory. Where exactly did the purported rigging take place – in the 12 states out of 36 states won by the eventual winner, Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC)? Or in the 23 states plus FCT won by the candidates of the PDP and LP, especially the latter who won his Southeast region through a voter turnout troublingly out of sync with the national turnout? How more credible could an election be where there was neither a landslide nor outright and overwhelming dominance? President Tinubu lost Lagos, his base, Osun in the Southwest, and Katsina where the then sitting president Muhammadu Buhari of the ruling APC came from, and in no state did he win by a huge margin on the scale Mr Obi did in the Southeast. But analysts have distorted the presidential election outcome, raised dishonest posers and comparisons with past elections, and illogically and unconstitutionally concluded that perhaps a runoff would have lent the results credibility.

    Agitating for reforms is a democratic right. That right cannot be abridged. But it is unhelpful and counterproductive to anchor agitation on false premises and dishonest extrapolations designed more to inflame the mob, bait coups d’etat, promote discord and anarchy, and sully and humiliate national and democratic institutions. Nigeria’s democracy is not perfect; it is work in progress. To continually seek to throw out the baby with the bathwater simply because of electoral setback, especially in an increasingly fissiparous and nationalistic world, is to sail near the wind and risk a shipwreck. Nigeria is a delicate and highly vulnerable pastiche of religion and ethnicities; it is a miracle it is still standing despite the extremism and dangerous rhetoric of political leaders who show no grace and nobility in defeat. Mr Utomi’s group is one of the constitutional reform groups being cobbled together by disaffected politicians to either repudiate the progress recorded in the last elections or impugn the integrity of the poll outcome as well as the institutions that undergird democracy. It is tragic that anyone is giving them a hearing.

  • Israel’s attack on Qatar

    Israel’s attack on Qatar

    For more than two months, Israel had planned a strike against senior Hamas leaders in Qatar, including its chief negotiator, Khalil Al-Hayya. Last Tuesday, the strike was carried out against the remonstrations of Israel’s Army chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir, and Mossad chief, David Barnea, who felt the timing was awkward. The objectors were worried that Qatar was a United States ally, with the Americans operating the Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar for more than two decades, its largest in the region. Only last year, the Qataris gifted President Donald Trump and the US a $400m Boeing 747 luxury jetliner to be used as Air Force One. The Tuesday attacks killed some six lower level Hamas officials but failed to get any of the group’s leaders.

    The pretext for the air strike was that Qatar sheltered Hamas leaders who continue to direct attacks against Israel, especially last Monday’s Jerusalem killings that caused the death of six Israeli citizens. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had since the Hamas attacks against Israel on October 7, 2023 put pressure on Qatar to expel Hamas from Doha for continuing to orchestrate attacks against the state of Israel. Allegations against Qatar’s sponsorship of terrorism are not new. In 2017, Saudi Arabia-led Arab League countries imposed a blockade on Qatar for sponsoring terrorism and violating the 2014 Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) agreement of which it was a signatory. The League accused Qatar of fraternising with Iran and Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood, all of which had become instruments of regional destabilisation. Israel understands the deep division in the region, especially in the context of the Sunni-Shiite divide, a division that is nevertheless not as sharp as it seems. Though the blockade, which lasted until January 2021, did not achieve its aims of drastically downgrading the relationship between Qatar and Iran, or shutting down the hostile Al Jazeera cable television, or stopping military coordination with Turkey, it signposted the fault lines in the region that Israel could potentially exploit.

    Read Also: Trump, Blair, others meet over Israel’s war in Gaza

    The irony is that Qatar offered to shelter Hamas at the instance of the US and Israel. But while the US under President Trump has since upgraded relations with Qatar, a part of which privately benefits the Trump family’s businesses, Israel’s relations with Qatar have remained fraught. It is not clear that the failure of the September 9 attack against Hamas leaders was due to a tipoff from the US – though this was denied, and Israel itself has claimed it acted independently – it has probably sent signals to the GCC that, in the context of Israel, their relations with and dependence on the US will remain far more intractable than they seem on the surface. Worse, the hostage and ceasefire deals proposed by the US may now be hard to get back on line, while Israel may also begin gradually to recognise that military prowess, of which it has shown scintillating examples in recent months, has its limitations.

  • US outplaying itself on Russia, China

    US outplaying itself on Russia, China

    Decades of United States efforts to nurture strategic relations with China and India, while isolating Russia, have gone up in smoke under President Donald Trump’s tariff blitzkrieg. That nurturing produced a complicated diplomatic mosaic, which has now been considerably simplified and attenuated by Mr Trump to the detriment of the US. India and China were until the past few weeks ill at ease with each other, having fought a bitter and bloody border war in 1962; Russia and China were not the best of neighbours, with the former annexing a part of Chinese Manchuria (1858-1860), and after the Sino-Russia split in 1961, became bitter leadership rivals for the control of global communism, nearly coming to nuclear blows during the Zhenbao Island incident of 1969; while Russia and India relations had warm relations that peaked in 1971 (Friendship Treaty) but cooled and even stagnated after the collapse of Soviet Union until the 2000 Strategic Partnership, and again cooled as India veered West and fostered a rapprochement with China.

    Such diplomatic complexities, with all their intricate and delicate nuances, proved too cumbersome for President Trump to grasp. His insular view of diplomatic relations makes sense to him only if it is mediated by purely whimsical, boyish and punishing tariff impositions. On August 27, after India failed to heed US directive to desist from buying discounted Russian crude oil that saved the South Asian country $17bn, Mr Trump imposed 25% tariffs on some key Indian goods, and a further 25% punitive tariffs on those same goods, bringing the total tariffs to a whopping 50%, almost at par with the tariffs imposed on Brazilian exports to the US. Before the imposition of extraordinary tariffs on India, the South Asian country had enjoyed a trade surplus against US to the tune of over $4bn. The result of the tariffs is that India, which regards Mr Trump’s ultimatum as hostile and duplicitous, has begun to look elsewhere, defying America’s bullying tactics, and working to restore and rebuild relations with China. Much worse for the US, decades of American efforts to decouple India, the world’s biggest democracy and fifth largest economy, from China, the world’s second largest economy at $19.23 trillion to the US $30.50trn, has not only been reversed, the mistake is now probably beyond remedy. Having nurtured its relations with the West, and particularly the US, for decades, India is shocked by Mr Trump’s insensitivity and utter lack of strategic insight into global power politics as he unites the worlds’ second, third and fourth top military powers against America.

    The damage to US foreign policy and image consequent upon Mr Trump’s shallow and whimsical approach to global power politics is immense and probably irreparable. The world’s other economic and military powers will not only distrust the US, or probably hold it in contempt, they are almost certain to unite against it, a point the US president himself made in oblique reference to China’s President Xi Jinping hosting India, Russia and eighteen other countries at a two-day regional security and economic summit (The Shangai Cooperation Organisation) in Tianjin between August 31 and September 1. The purpose of the summit essentially was to intensify the effort to promote a powerful counterweight to the Western Alliance and produce a new global order. The Russo-Ukrainian war may have brought Russia down a peg or two, almost in the same way World War II paradoxically diminished the influence and power of Great Britain in contrast to the US, the Shangai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) will proceed in the years ahead to entrench itself as a countervailing force to the Western Alliance. To a President Xi hungry for global power and influence, Mr Trump’s bumbling and pedantic diplomacy is godsend.

    Read Also: Nigeria-China relations and the Global Governance Initiative

    No country, not even in the Western Alliance, trusts the US anymore, not to talk of Mr Trump in particular. The US president has not only alienated Asia and completely damaged and repudiated the Indo-Pacific alliance carefully curated by his predecessors to produce the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), both of which aimed to whittle down the growing geopolitical assertiveness of China as well as sustain the paramountcy of liberal international order, he has also managed in the same breath to antagonise the rest of the world, including Africa and Latin America. He has promoted American exceptionalism with a nationalistic and deeply offensive fervour, twisted visa policies without regard to America’s global leadership, ridiculed and discarded his country’s value system from which most of the world previously took their compass, turned his back on science, research and intellectuals, enthroned a truly vexatious sense of triumphalism and entitlement, promoted mercenary foreign policy, and returned the country to the unprofitable isolationism and racist tendency of the early 20th century that contradict and undermine America’s global ambition and position. No president anywhere has so profoundly undermined his country’s ennobling objectives.

    Mr Trump, though a darling of American evangelicals enamoured of the prophetic, may inadvertently be fulfilling Bible prophecy. Under him, there is an almost undecipherable and dystopian future about the US. How could such a richly endowed, powerful and dominant country elect someone so unendowed, so self-centred, so averse to logic, so pedestrian? But it happened, not just once, but twice. After his reelection, he has embraced the most retrogressive and pugnacious domestic and foreign policies ever, and projected his personal insecurity upon his country. The ordinary task of analysing and explicating the future and ambition of his country eludes him in a way that made ancient Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar far his superior. Shorn of any capacity for reflection or circumspection, and unlike King Nebuchadnezzar who wondered what fate awaited Babylon after his death, Mr Trump has spared no thought for his country after his presidency, beyond of course his insufferable comparisons, nor wondered why the bible seems silent on the US while giving copious mention to the alliance between Russia and China vis-à-vis the solution to the Palestinian conundrum.

    China may not have been tested in war since Deng Xiaoping inspired its economic renaissance, but it has in the past one decade or a little more deployed its newfound economic power to forge a technological base and military machine that may have exceeded Russia’s capability. One day, inevitably, this machine will be put to use, perhaps at a time America seems truly and irrevocably isolated. If the timeline of the collapse of the Soviet Union is any example, it will be futile to imagine or calculate that fateful date to be far in the future. Under Mr Trump, America has antagonised nearly every country and embarked on scorched-earth foreign policy as well as racist and divisive domestic policies. His successors, even if they are not cut from the same cloth, may find the damage hard to amend.