Category: Columnists

  • ADC: The stirrings of an abiku

    ADC: The stirrings of an abiku

    Since its formation in 2005, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has never been a force to reckon with as a political party. It is more of a vehicle which utility value can only be guaranteed for the period that any user needs it. It is the same vehicle, wait for it, that Pat Utomi used to contest the presidential election in 2007.

    Wikipedia, the online information portal, even describes Utomi as ADC founder. This information may not be entirely correct. I stand to be corrected, though. I say so because Utomi cannot be the founder of such a party that has no ideology and stands for nothing, according to Dumebi Kachikwu, its presidential candidate in the 2023 elections. It has been 20 years since ADC was formed in 2005, and 18 years that Utomi was adopted as its pioneer presidential candidate in 2007.

     That was the party’s first-ever participation in national elections, and over the years, it has consistently failed to pull its weight in the polls, apparently due to the calibre of the candidates it presented. Elections anywhere in the world are not prosecuted by parading academic qualifications and pontificating on social and economic theories which a contestant cannot marry with the needs of the country (s)he wants to lead. The party and the person flying its flag must be versed in the art of politics, as well as its intricacies, and engage in acts that will endear it to the electorate.

    Utomi parted ways with ADC in the 2011 election, as he contested that year’s presidential poll on the crest of Social Democratic Mega Party (SDMP) and lost again. Since then, he has been rolling with the waves like ADC. ADC has become the spirit or wanderer child known as abiku in Yoruba mythology. It is not a party in the true sense of the word. It is also not a platform. It is more of a vehicle that ambitious politicians board and disembark from when they get to their destination. If it does not take them to their destination, they dump it, and look for another.

    This has been the fate of ADC. Its presidential candidates come and go. They do not stay to build it to a structure that can stand its own against other parties. Some strange bedfellows have now found home in the party. After a long search for a platform to build their so-called national coalition to challenge President Bola Tinubu in 2027, they finally settled for ADC. They may have berthed, but from the look of things, they seem not safely anchored yet. They are facing threats from some of those they met in the party who are protesting what they called the ‘hijacking’ of ADC.

    The coalitioners or coalitionists, if you like, are desperate. Their desperation drove them to takeover ADC from a pliable national chairman, Ralph Nwosu, who has since stepped down from office for the soldier-politician David Mark, who was senate president for eight years. The row which broke out after the coalition’s takeover of ADC is proof that the deal was not tidy. Many things go into the signing, sealing and delivering of such arrangements, really.

    Read Also: Tinubu’s reforms boosting Nigeria’s economic recovery – FG

    Certain, if not all interests must be taking care of to avoid any fallout, the sort of which we are now witnessing in ADC. Kachikwu, who is leading those against the takeover, by virtue of his status as the party’s presidential candidate in 2023, should from all intents and purposes, be one of such interests. His candidacy may have expired with the election won and lost, but that should not have diminished his importance within the party. If he had won in 2023, he would have automatically become the party’s leader. His loss should not deprive him of that status, to the extent that deals would be struck behind him.

    Though, strange bedfellows, Atiku, Nasir El-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi, Rauf Aregbesola and Mark, among other leaders of the coalition settled for ADC because the party was divided. Where the Social Democratic Party (SDP) which they intially sought to ‘acquire’ stood firm because of the principled stand of its presidential candidate in 2023, Prince Adewole Adebayo, ADC was an easy pick.

    Reason: Nwosu had the upper hand in the fight for ADC’s control with Kachikwu, and went with the coalition. He was excited when he gave away the party to the coalition in Abuja. Amid the pomp and ceremony, the crack within ADC surfaced. ADC is not for sale, Kachikwu thundered at another ceremony where he held court. ‘What the coalition bought is bad market as you cannot build something on nothing’, he said. This has always been the case with ADC in its 20 years of existence. Dead today and alive tomorrow.

    It is this abiku nature of the party that has stunted its growth. Beyond the singing and dancing at the coalition’s ‘acquisition’ of ADC is the character of its champions. They are worlds apart on many fronts. They are diametrically opposed to one another on many socio-economic issues. They are only united now in their desire to wrest power from Tinubu. It is their right to seek to lead the country, but first, they should tell the people what they have to offer. Some of them had the chance to lead as vice president, senate president, governor and minister in the past, with nothing to show for their tenures in office.

    Today, they are claiming that there is hunger in the land because of the economic policies of the present administration. What was the economy like in the immediate past administration in which Amaechi and Aregbesola served as transport and interior ministers? How did Atiku, who has suddenly become an anti-graft czar, help to fight corruption as vice president between 1999 and 2007? It is funny to see these people coming out to seek office again, considering how they ran the country in their own time.

    Nothing best describes how some of them are than what Atiku and El-Rufai said about each other a few years ago during a rift sparked by the former Kaduna State governor’s memoir: ‘Accidental public servant’. It was a messy affair as the duo engaged in verbal warfare. El-Rufai, who believes that he is a saint, spoke of how Atiku influencèd things in the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) then in order to get favours for some firms. El-Rufai was BPE director-general and Atiku, National Council on Privatisation (NCP) chairman, by virtue of being VP.

    In a statement entitled: ‘Atiku haunted by his corrupt demons’ on November 15, 2016, El-Rufai challenged Atiku to visit the United States (US) if the ex-VP was not culpable in wiring $40 million to that country in the famous Halliburton case. He added that Atiku was obsessed with the ambition of becoming president, and as such, ‘fond of spewing out lies in an attempt to rejuvenate his image’. What more can anyone add to this? As the Yoruba saying goes: fun r’awon niwon ma fun r’awon l’ogun je (they will poison themselves with their own hands).

    How then can they redeem themselves under a party that is dying and returning to life every now and then? After 2027, that is if the party survives the Kachikwu onslaught, the electorate may not hear of ADC again until 2031, which is another election year.

  • Too much politicking; little thought on economy

    Too much politicking; little thought on economy

    It is amazing how much time and effort Nigerian leaders spend on the revolving doors of who will be chief of state and the ethnicity of the person and little thought of the resources in the hands of those who are charged with affairs of state and the provisions for the citizens of the country. It seems that what is important for the so-called leaders of our country is state capture by those at the top while the development of the country is kicked forward to the future.

    All the news one hears is the plotting against the president using all means available including regional, ethnic and religious slurs to damage those at the top of government without caring for the irreparable damage caused to the individual concerned and the whole  country itself as long as their goal of pulling down government edifice is concerned.  The people doing this were either those in the 16-year dominance of the PDP or those who were in government for eight years under President Muhammadu Buhari and who just exited positions of power two years ago and who have been shoved aside just for two years, and whose insatiable appetite  for resources and power need to be satiated.

    These people forget that they do not own Nigeria and that this country belongs to all of us and not just to a regional and religious clique and their satraps. Most of these people also served in the various military governments preceding the so-called civilian government beginning in 1999 which was really a militarised civilian government. These people do not care about the future of the country. They have no economic plan for the future of the economy coming after the end of the petroleum and gas economy which the country has been enjoying since 1970. It is either they are too dull or stupid or just don’t give a damn as long as they get power and loot whatever is left of the economy and the future of Nigeria.

    Whatever we may say about the military governments of General Yakubu Gowon and his military successors, they had plans for the future of Nigeria.

    Read Also: Tinubu’s reforms boosting Nigeria’s economic recovery – FG

    Before the military take-over of Nigeria in 1966, our country had well thought-out development plans and manpower plans to go with them. The civilian government only had six years to implement its plans before it was overthrown. Some of its plans were a carryover  from regional plans which were well thought-out and based on the comparative advantages of the regions in agricultural produce of cocoa and timber in the West; palm oil in the East, and groundnuts and hides and skin in the North. Petroleum production was at its infancy then. There was coal in Enugu and cement at Nkalagu in the East, tin and columbite production in the North and the West seemed to thrive on agricultural produce of cocoa, rubber and timber even though there was gold in one or two places but they were not significant in production.

    All the regions including the newly created Midwest Region relied on their agricultural boards for planned development. When prices of their agricultural produce were high, the excess price was saved and when prices fell, the various boards were able to pay reasonably good prices that would not destroy the agricultural economy. When the military took over in Nigeria in 1966 and despite having to fight to keep the country together for three years, it kept the marketing boards. From 1970 when the war ended and oil began to flow in large quantity and Nigeria became an oil economy and it abandoned the marketing boards, it replaced them with the petroleum oil marketing boards, gas production board and fertilizer production company. The military also set up car and trucks assembly plants with Mercedes Benz in Enugu, Volkswagen in Lagos, fiat in Kano, Rover in Ibadan and Peugeot in Kaduna, and batteries, windshields-making in Ibadan, and agricultural ploughs and army tanks in Bauchi and manufacturing of rifles and even trainer aeroplanes in Kaduna, and above all, steel and iron and aluminium complexes in Ajaokuta and Ikot Abasi respectively.

    The military was responsible for roads and flyover construction in Lagos and building of the military training institutions in Abuja, Kaduna and a strategic training institution in Kuru as well as military barracks and several universities and polytechnics. I am not saying the military did an excellent job in the years of their monopoly rule because corruption was rife but they left landmarks for the eyes to see!

    Thank God for President Tinubu who seems determined that his civilian regime will leave landmarks marks behind in the Lagos-Calabar express road and the Badagry-Sokoto express road.  He should be encouraged to complete these two projects because on their completion the civilian landmark depends. If only for these two landmarks he deserves to be re-elected in 2027.  I personally feel it is too early to start campaigning for 2027 when the present regime still has two years to go. The creation of regional commissions, which I hope are precursors of the regional governments many have been campaigning for, should be seen as the way to create weaker central government away from the present octopus and leviathan in which power is concentrated in one centre  to which all states run to for support is just not sustainable nor equable.

    One man cannot be expected to use too much power judiciously without stepping on the toes of others. We must constitutionally work for a system where power is diffused and politics is decentralised and all the political squabbling and fighting are localised and therefore not as destructive as they are today.

    We need a decentralised economic system run by forward looking people probably made up of technical experts chosen by politicians but not bogged down by the revolving doors of who is in  or who is out  of power. This system must be headed by a transparently honest men, surrounded by other visionary people who will think more about the people and their future and not the pockets of the politicians who need help to be satisfied with what they have already rather than hankering after what they honestly don’t need for which they want to kill or be killed. This is a country where the economic path to growth is confusing; it cannot be socialism or state capitalism because we have tried it in the past and failed. We do not have too many people with capital to embrace capitalism as the system of economic growth unless we go with the South Korean way whereby the state deliberately creates a group of capitalist companies which then help build the country’s economy and which are beholden to the country. Whatever economic plan we adopt must be debated before adoption. This is the serious task before the nation and not the political noise we usually engage in.

  • 2027 and premature obituaries

    2027 and premature obituaries

    In 2013, when a stellar cast of opposition figures across the political spectrum, unveiled the All Progressives Congress (APC) as their platform to break the Peoples Democratic Party’s (PDP) 16-year grip on power, then Senior Special Assistant to President Goodluck Jonathan on Public Affairs, Doyin Okupe, reportedly invited people to ‘call me a bastard’ if the party survived one year.

    Two years later, after his principal was dethroned at the ballot box, many Nigerians obliged him with name-calling. In April of 2015 he posted a clarification on Facebook. What he actually said was ‘I will change my name.’ Never mind. The import of his words was contemptuous dismissal of a band of politicians he felt didn’t stand a chance against the PDP behemoth.

    Ever since former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and his collaborators announced the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as the vehicle they would use to challenge President Bola Tinubu in 2027, their action has been greeted with feverish political chatter – much of it pessimistic.

    A couple of days ago, Special Adviser to the President on Public Communications, Daniel Bwala, predicted that the group would scatter in six months. He’s not the only one to take such a position. Many independent analysts have equally been sceptical about this patchwork of strange bedfellows.

    While there is a surfeit of reasons not to take Atiku and his co-travellers seriously, it would be unwise for the ruling party, or even the main opposition PDP – who they seek to supplant – to do so.

    First, let it be said that elections in Nigeria are not necessarily determined by reason, an abundance of good works or ideological clarity. Rather, many contests have been resolved by ethnicity, religion, emotion, personality and pecuniary factors.

    All of these factors were in strong play in 2023 and many would still be there in two years. Who can forget the impact of the Muslim-Muslim or same faith ticket across large swathes of the South and Christian-dominated areas of the North? Who can forget the millions of votes that were garnered on account of ethnic or regional solidarity?

    But the greatest reason why ADC – a me-too project that aims to reprise the APC experiment of 2015 – should be monitored by its rivals is the desperation factor. The opposition wilderness isn’t a place the typical Nigerian politician who has ever tasted power wants to be. And I use the word desperate more in an adjectival sense than pejoratively.

    Read Also: Tinubu not distracted by 2027 election discourse, says Idris

    Take ex-VP Atiku, for instance. There is a sense that this could be his last shot at the presidency given that he would be 80 in two years. Many expect him to run again – defying strident calls for the presidency to remain in the South on the basis of zoning.

    But wouldn’t it be expecting too much to think he would now accept power rotation, when his rejection of the principle in 2023 led to his defeat at the polls? In all his comments after defeat, not once did he attribute his loss to a disastrous performance down South. Instead, he chose to blame Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) rigging and collusion with APC for his humbling.

    It is possible that he may have had an awakening, realising that Southern sentiments which back a regional hold on the presidency till 2031 are still as strong as ever. In that event, he could choose not to run and back a candidate from the same region as Tinubu just to spite him.

    The smart money, however, believes the serial contestant would make the same old noises about competence, his constitutional right to aspire and the democratic imperative of open primaries – and by so doing torpedo this latest contraption. Indeed, some believe it’s his creation for one final push for the presidency.

    The other indication of desperation is that even before ADC has been able to identify what it stands for, Atiku’s would-be rivals are already offering to serve just one term of four years.

    It’s not for nothing that the framers of our constitution provided for two terms of four years. It could be that they understood that not much can be achieved in the initial period when incumbents are busy paying political IOUs and are too wary to take adventurous steps.

    Whether they are governors or presidents, many who have held office since 1999 were careful not to alienate those they needed to secure a second tenure. That’s why the pledges by former Labour Party candidate, Peter Obi and ex-Transport Minister, Rotimi Amaechi, to serve just one term, have been met with mockery.

    Their offer isn’t because both possess magic wands. It isn’t something driven by altruism but by a desperate realisation that the window of opportunity is closing. If they don’t get the ticket this time, in four years it returns to the North for another eight years. That is to say power won’t rotate down South again until 2039 – by which time Obi would be 78, Amaechi 74, and irrelevant in most political calculations.

    What is looming is the retirement of a generation of politicians who have been active for the last four decades. For them, the fear of irrelevance is a powerful motivational factor. It’s akin to what drives a cornered animal to fight for survival.

    While the desire for relevance may be pushing many to ADC, their flight is also fuelled by the assumption that PDP is done for. But anyone who understands the power of incumbency in determining electoral outcomes in these parts knows that people may be writing premature obituaries.

    So far, the much-hyped ADC is just a congregation of ex-this, ex-this – many exhumed from deep retirement. At inception, the legacy parties that formed APC had 11 governors. This number rose to 16 in November 2013 when five PDP governors broke away to join them.

    The same group that had sneered at the defection of Delta’s Sheriff Oborevwori and Akwa Ibom’s Umo Eno, to ruling party, saying the next elections would be between ‘Nigerians’ and the incumbent, are desperately searching these type of defectors. We’ve also been reminded about how Obi secured six million votes without a governor on his side. Sure, but see where it got him.

    There’s no question that like most incumbent administrations, Tinubu’s government is in for a tough fight. Unlike two years ago, it now has a record that opponents can savage and voters assess. What makes it more difficult is the deep cynicism and polarisation within the polity. He faces foes who are unwilling to acknowledge that he has achieved anything in two years – even in the face of evidence. 

    He took the risky gambit of picking hot potatoes that his predecessors fled from. It would be his challenge to reassure the electorate that the bitter medicine has been worthwhile. It’s a tough sales pitch but not an impossible one.

    On the positive side, he’s been able to neutralise a lot of the demonisation that polluted the voting climate last time. For instance, by his appointments and governance style he’s been able to banish the Muslim-Muslim bugbear, making it a non-factor going forward. After all the talk, Nigeria hasn’t been Islamised.

    He was painted as ill and bedridden. But the same man has been crisscrossing country and globe, so much so that his foreign travels have become a point of opposition attack.

    Those among his foes who have been excitedly writing him off on account of economic challenges forget that he won last time amid similar turmoil.

    In 2015 an incumbent was beaten because there was a united effort that brought together all the major opposition parties root and branch. The copycat bid of 2025 doesn’t come close. PDP, LP and APGA would still go into the next elections in current form, only to be joined by the nascent ADC to further fragment the votes of those want to unseat the incumbent. This was the undoing of the opposition in 2023. The more things change the more they remain the same!

  • Nigeria, behold thy new messiahs

    Nigeria, behold thy new messiahs

    Our tragedy is that those who have brought the nation to its knee always think Nigeria suffers from collective amnesia. And with history not being taught in our schools, many Nigerian youths below 32 years of age have no idea of how some of the  military-baked new-breed politicians, who last week assembled  in Abuja in the name of coalition, were driven only by a desire to continue sharing our resources just as soldiers do of conquered territories.

    No one puts this better than Dino Melaye, a man who without any evidence of work before joining President Obasanjo as special assistant on youths, later a senator but today adorned his tastily furnished Abuja house with expensive state-of-the-art cars. When asked for his reason for going into government some years back, he said without reflection that he was in power to ensure Nigerian youths get their own fair share of national resources. Melaye never heard of American president, John F. Kennedy who admonished American youth never to ask what America can do for them but what they can do for America.

    The stars of the gathering of the aggrieved include 78 years old Atiku Abubakar, 77 years old David Mark, 68 years old Rauf Aregbesola and 63 years old Peter Obi, driven by a resolve to get a man who stopped their milking of Nigeria out of the way. It is times like this we miss Ken Saro Wiwa, master of sardonic humour who often succeeded in making us laugh when he in fact had expected us to cry.

    Atiku has been trying to rule Nigeria since 1992. His big break though however came in 1998 when Obasanjo, relying on the Yar’Adua factor picked him as his vice presidential candidate. But Atiku Abubakar, driven only by self-interest, in less than four years started scheming to deprive his principal an opportunity for a second term by aligning with James Ibori as the coordinator of south-south governors at war with federal government over resource control.

    Regretting his choice of Atiku as his VP later, Obasanjo in his book, Under my Watch said this of his deputy: “His propensity to corruption, his tendency to disloyalty, his inability to say and stick to the truth all the time, a propensity for poor judgment, his belief and reliance on marabouts, his lack of transparency, his trust in money to buy his way out on all issues and his readiness to sacrifice morality, integrity, propriety, truth and national interest for self and selfish interest”. This forced Atiku, in 2007 as a sitting PDP VP, to seek rehabilitation under Tinubu’s ACN. In 2013, he waited long enough to pull down PDP along with Bukola Saraki, Aminu Tambuwal and his clique, driven by only self-interest, with his loss to Buhari in the APC presidential primary, forced him back to PDP where he paired up with another roller-coaster, Peter Obi, who had just finished his second term as governor of Anambra as APGA candidate.

     Atiku’s attempt to foist himself as PDP candidate in 2023 in breach of PDP rotational constitutional provision, thereby depriving the Southeast, the back bone of PDP, forced Peter Obi to pull down the whole PDP edifice and returned to his aggrieved Igbo people who gave him between 95 and 97% of their vote. In 2025, resistance by Bode George and the likes of Nyesom Wike, who funded and remained the only symbol of opposition while Abubakar, Obi, Tambuwal, Rotimi Amaechi and Nasir El Rufai and Dino Melaye were behaving like a woman with five husbands, is the source of last week Abuja coalition driven not by their alternative to Tinubu’s policies or humbled by what they had failed to do while in power for 16 years.

    One of our other old wine in new bottle is 77 years old David Mark who has been in government since he was first appointed chairman of abandoned properties in Port Harcourt at 38. He became governor of Niger State in 1984 as commissioner for communication during Babangida regime he was largely remembered for declaring that telephone is not for poor people.

    He was said to have led soldiers of fortune opposed to actualization of MKO Abiola’s June 12 mandate, allegedly volunteering to personally shoot Abiola if he was ever sworn in. Mark served the interest of the rich. Forbes publication for instance claimed number of private jets jumped from 20 to  150 while Bombardier, the Canadian aircraft manufacturer claimed Nigeria ranks behind the United States,  United Kingdom and China among those that top their order for the supply of their aircraft type.  

    For all his years as Senate president, there was no motorable road between Abuja and Otukpo, since Mark, as number three man, as Nyesom Wike put it last week, had a helicopter to ferry him from Abuja to Otukpo. The road abandoned by Mark for 16 years is now under construction by Tinubu’s government he and his frustrated group is trying to uproot. Perhaps the true test of his relevance in his Benue State is to interrogate how after 16 years, his daughter contested an election under another platform and won.

    The truth be told, for all his years in power, David Mark was never on ground for his besieged people. Like the typical Middle Belt soldiers of fortune traditionally  known as hired mercenaries for  fighting Fulani wars, his concern is self-preservation as his people were being slaughtered in their hundreds by herdsmen,  while successive Benue governors were chased from  pillar to posts by armed bandits. David Mark only worked for David Mark. How else does one explain David Mark who has been in government for over 40 years, pre-empting EFCC by dragging a body that had accused him of confiscating the senate president mansion, a national monument, without paying the economic rate to court?

    Rauf Aregbesola betrayed those who helped him to power. With no deep root in Osun politics, he was foisted on Osun with the help of the likes of Pa Bisi Akande. Even after winning the election, Olagunsoye Oyinlola declared a fatwa banning him from Osun. And when he tested the resolve of Oyinlola, he only managed to escape with his life as bullets freely rained on his car. He eventually retrieved his mandate through the judiciary. When he fell out with his benefactor, he joined the opposition PDP to frustrate the ambition of his APC candidate. He did not stop there; he publicly stood against the presidential ambition of his benefactor. And when that failed, he joined a group bent on removing his benefactor from power last week. He has forgotten how he was locked up like a criminal ostensibly for forging a police report. Those who see him as an asset forget if there is anything Yoruba detest; it is a man without character.

    Rotimi Amaechi betrayed Goodluck Jonathan to bargain for position in Buhari government in which billions of Rivers State money went into bringing about. He was speaker of Rivers State for eight years, governor for eight years before emerging as Buhari’s super Minister of Transportation for another eight years, during which time he was pursuing various degree programmes across the world. By diverting most of his ministry projects to Katsina State, he had thought that was all needed to become president of Nigeria.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s data centre investments surge to $685m

    His loss to Tinubu in APC primary tuned him into a sore loser, refusing to campaign for his party’s candidate.

    Amaechi had earlier told us he is hungry because he depends on the good will of his wife, who he said is an industrialist. Wike, a man who should know better, as his former chief of staff, pleaded with the president to release the suppressed NDDC report which allegedly revealed the humongous amount of money Amaechi’ wife allegedly cornered from NDDC, every month ostensibly to train Niger Delta women.  Amaechi also admitted owning a Rolls Royce which he said was a gift. Wike who also admitted to owning one last week revealed that Amachi’s was a gift from Rivers State government contractor. We are waiting for Amaechi to come clean of these serious allegations.

    Another star of the group is Dino Melaye who  was on hand to ensure that the leadership of the eighth senate was secured through display of audacious bravery, deploying self-help strategies of areas boys or what legendary Fela would describe as “igboju pass power’ (reckless bravery) often managed through bully and blackmail.  Melaye did not deny that senate rules were forged, his argument was simple: “If the senate rules were forged, it meant the confirmation of the AGF, service chiefs and the passage of the budget stands invalidated”. He and his group threatened to impeach the president if the case was not dropped. He was also known for demonstrating his audacious bravery by mobilizing 80 like minds senators to accompany Saraki’s wife to honour EFCC invitation to intimidate the judge of Code conduct Tribunal (CCT)

    Dear compatriots, herein are the baleful legacies of our new messiahs.

  • Of ADA, ADC and all that

    Of ADA, ADC and all that

    But for Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola’s mix-up in it all, ADA and ADC — ADC,  like LP, clearly the latest whore in town for high-wire political hire — are a vortex of ironies.

    In 2013, a dummy APC — African People’s Congress — leapt from nowhere, as soon as the legacy opposition coalition announced their merger into APC — All Progressives Congress — now the ruling federal party, since 2015.

    But the moment INEC held that the dummy APC had breached section 222 (a) of the 1999 Constitution, with insufficient information for registration, it vanished to nowhere.  Wrecking APC’s formal registration had proved a mission impossible.

    Like 2013, like 2025: two ADAs — All Democratic Alliance and Advanced Democratic Alliance — were out there.  It’s not clear though, which is fake, which is real. 

    Still, unlike their fake APC ancestors-in-farce, one of the ADAs — which the Atiku-led coalitionists had pushed to empty into — dropped the enterprise like a steaming hot pot: they sighted a naughty alter ego at the registration party!  But that’s even the more civil interpretation of the burlesque.

    A less flattering account claimed the Atiku ADA scrammed the moment their social media tormentors forged for them a cynical logo — Ada (Yoruba for cutlass!) — to replace the ADA originally proposed logo of a corncob!

    In 2013, the real APC prevailed, the fake sunk.  In 2025, both ADCs may well sink sans trace.  But we’ll have to wait.

    Even then, this stillbirth ADA’s flee into ADC mimics yet another parallel: a 2019  exodus into this same ADC, registered since 2006, but largely dormant.

    In his trademark bluster, former President Olusegun Obasanjo had announced, with media drums and cymbals, that he had midwifed a political third force, outside APC and PDP — his sour grapes for being scorned by both, despite his venomous letters.

    That idea was a damp squib.  It didn’t fly beyond a dig at mutual opportunism. 

    Read Also: Oyebanji, Fayemi not for ADC, says aide

    Among those at that dig was the SDP (the poor clone of the original that powered MKO to epochal victory in 1993) that wanted to use Obasanjo, as Obasanjo wanted to use it. 

    But it all collapsed after the imperious Ebora Owu told Oba Olu Falae, then SDP national chair, to surrender SDP’s registration certificate; and Oba Falae told the Ebora to go dive into the nearby Ogun River! 

    After all the movement without motion, Obasanjo canonized ADC as pick for his 2019 election racket.  Again, at the polls, ADC made absolutely no impact.

    But the ADC electoral crash isn’t the story. The parallel of SDP-to-ADC pre-poll transit, in a futile bid for power, is.  Nothing mirrors that now than the impulsive Nasir El-Rufai.

    The former Kaduna governor boomed he had stormed into SDP, gobbled it up, and was summoning every political malcontent to come join him there to root out the ruling APC — pure gas!

    But as Falae called Obasanjo’s bluff, SDP leaders called El-Rufai’s.  As Obasanjo and his fictive “third force”, El-Rufai and loud coalition fled SDP into ADC!  It’s true: history repeats self as farce — but only after avoidable tragedy!

    Indeed, top hierarchs of new hire ADC come with a baggage.

    David Mark, a former brigadier-general, comes with two high blights.  He was not only spine of the political military’s conspiracy against June 12 (the harbinger of this democracy),  he threatened  —  by the late Prof. Omo Omoruyi’s account — to shoot President-elect MKO Abiola, should anyone dare to swear him into office. 

    Yes, MKO never hit Aso Rock. But Mark too failed to halt the re-advent of democracy, even if it came as a poisoned chalice, aka Army Arrangement (AA) — high blight No. 1.

    Ay, Mark romped back as elected Benue senator, in the democracy he had tried to kill, when their AA birthed, under Gen. Obasanjo, in 1999. But fate would have the last laugh: he sunk, with the PDP defeat of 2015, as the last Senate president of the PDP era — high blight No. 2.

    You then can imagine the propaganda ruin, en route to 2027, for ADA: its gifted cutlass logo, with Mark as protem national chair!  Mark and co dodged that bullet with the ADC landing!  But they all gained boos and jeers of treachery from a prostrate PDP!

    For ex-PDPs, Mark and co, apparently, that crippled behemoth is useless without its frenetic slogan — power! — which doubles as its lethal fixation!

    With Obasanjo’s rear shadow over ADC and Mark as its fake face, it’s the PDP military wing on the prowl again!   How they’ll fare, after their 2015 collapse, is left to be seen.

    With treachery, Atiku Abubakar stands fairly docked in the PDP court: Vee-Pee for eight years (1999-2007), two presidential slots much later (2019 and 2023) that ended in blistering defeats — even after moonlighting with AC (2007) and APC (2015) — yet Atiku’s payback is preening in his ADC hire cap and daring PDP to come join or die!

    PDP’s grand sin?  Hesitating to gift Atiku yet another ticket, for a putative hat trick of defeats in 2027!  Atiku, the “northern candidate”, wiped out PDP from much of the South in 2023!  Now he, the born-again pan-Nigerian, wants PDP to vaporize into ADC to brew his umpteenth presidential ticket!

    This is beyond treachery. It is crass entitlement, powered by a fox-trotting ingratitude!  Does Atiku ever ponder his legacy, beyond his desperation for presidential power?

    Then Peter Obi: only less peripatetic, in political opportunism, than Atiku himself!  From APGA, to PDP, to LP — and now to ADC?  The motor mouth, that talks 19 to the dozen, straddles to find his bearing!  Perhaps some soapy yarns and China stats would help?

    But Obi wastes his time haggling over a ticket.  He has the “capacity, competence and compassion” — to mimic Obi-speak — to form the Demagogues Party of Nigeria (DPN) and be a shoo-in as presidential candidate.  His Obidient zombies would be ecstatic!

    Then, the pair of El-Rufai and Rotimi Amaechi — the one PDP minster and APC governor, the other PDP governor and APC minister — proved themselves, as worthy of either party’s technocratic bastion, with plausible tenures.

    But their policies are brilliant as their politics is lousy! That explains why both have unravelled, because of self-stabbed political gashes.

    O, for a toast of grace, English romantic poet, John Keats would have roared!  Amaechi bawling: “I’m hungry! I’m hungry!” all over, as some uncouth Roman pleb. El-Rufai blowing his tops in rude and crude TV screeds and graceless X posts!

    Then, the take-away tri-absurdity: Atiku, Obi and Amaechi claiming they’d do only one presidential term, should they get the ADC ticket!  After selves, they can tell that to the marines!  Over that, trouble would soon brew in paradise!

    So, how did Ogbeni Aregebesola, the most ideologically driven politician of his generation, get mixed up with this wild breed?  How?

    The air is filled with treachery, ingratitude and allied moral strictures.  But the hard question, after the Awolowo-Akintola crisis of the 20th century: is 21st century Yoruba political conflict resolution still as tame as it was in the 1960s?  Sad to ponder!  Where are the elders?

    But a word for the ruling APC.  At least, the new ADC should lure it out of a false complacency of everyone collapsing into its ranks, with PDP in death throes.  Politics!

    Now governance.  Until the APC economic reforms morph from fancy numbers to bulging tummies, the ADA — sorry, ADC — pretenders, with their Obi demagogues, will fancy their chances of selling sweet poison — just as Donald Trump did to poor America!

  • Dilemma of coalitionists

    Dilemma of coalitionists

    The coalition of disparate altars at the temple of the seemingly reinvigorated African Democratic Congress (ADC) can be described as a dilemma. Last week, notable factions of the aggrieved political elites, cutting across different political parties, gathered at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, to announce a coalition aimed at ousting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT), in the 2027 presidential election. David Mark, who seized the chairmanship of the ADC, with Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as secretary, until the political palace coup, would have been framed as diverse arch-conservative, and arch-progressive, respectively.  

    But, hurray, in pursuit of the coveted seat of their common political enemy, the two claim they have coalesced to cure all that is ailing Nigeria. Until this marriage, Aregbesola, would have dismissed Mark, as one of the reactionary forces that has kept Nigeria underdeveloped since this republic. On his part, Mark would also have called Aregbesola, a liberal ideologue, with leftist tendencies. But here they are, ironically, accused of seeking to undemocratically commandeer other people’s party, the ADC, as a special purpose vehicle, to achieve a democratic agenda.  

    Among the major gladiators, at the launch of the coalition was former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi (Okwute), former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El Rufai, former governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, and several others, including Chief Tom Ikimi, Nigeria’s foreign minister during the inglorious years of Sani Abacha. What beguiled this writer most was the video of El Rufai and Peter Obi, holding hands like political love birds. El Rufai, whom many of the followers of Peter Obi would describe as a political Lucifer, was seemingly in a coalition with the arch-angel Peter, to wrought salvation for mankind.

    El Rufai, who openly rebuffed a significant section of the state he governed for being of different faith as the majority which he belongs, was now in a happy relationship with Peter who has been framed as the guardian angel of the faith of that same dishonoured people of Southern Kaduna. Instead of a clash of the extremists of different faith, as many would expect, we now have a coalition. Interesting times. This writer wonders what El Rufai, who has preached and practiced exceptionalism of his tribe and religion, would tell his followers, he was doing holding the hand a vilified enemy of the recent past.

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    Peter Obi, surely is not an archetypal politician, otherwise he would not be in the company of El Rufai, talk less of holding his hands like a long lost lover. Another intriguing drama in the theatre of the absurd is the coming together of presidential candidates who must be president, in 2027 or never. Atiku Abubakar’s chance of becoming president is in 2027, or never. Presently 78 years, Atiku, would be 80 in 2027, and if he misses the chance, would be 84, in 2031, when the next election would hold. On his part, Obi is 63 years, and would be 65 years by 2027.

    If Obi misses the presidency in 2027, he would 83 years, by the time, the presidency returns to the south in 2035 all things being equal. So, for Obi, like Atiku, he must have the presidential diadem in 2027, or never. That explains why after all permutations, he has offered to do only one term, as president, to gain the confidence of his coalition partners. Of course, his greatest obstacle to that aspiration would be Atiku, whose time is also running out. The wily El Rufai would agree to Obi’s deal, more than an Atiku’s presidency.

    El Rufai, would hope that a four-year term for Obi with him as vice president would enable him become a president in 2031. Of course, he believes he can explain away to his people, why Obi, whom he had vilified as a religious extremist, during the 2023 presidential campaign, should now be trusted by the same north he had alarmed in the past.  The other presidential wannabe, Rotimi Amaechi, at 60 years, has age on his side. But he has no cache of votes to bargain with, amongst his fellow gladiators.

    While he came second, during the All Progressive Congress (APC) party primary, he has not been tested on the national scale, like Atiku and Obi. In the coalition, he would likely support Atiku, hoping to be picked as the vice, when Obi departs with his Obidient family. Even if he is not picked, he would have a chance of contesting as candidate for president, after an Atiku presidency, whether one or two terms. So, while El Rufai would be supporting Obi, Amaechi would be angling for Atiku in the presidential primary, should ADC fly.

    But all these permutations would only happen if the invaders are able to pacify the landlords of the ADC to birth the coalition. No doubt, the price for such pacification would be very high, probably higher that what they must have paid, for the present hitch hike ride.  With the provisions of the ADC constitution clearly marking David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola out as illegal occupants of the offices of the party chairman and party secretary respectively, it is absurd that despite their pretentious astuteness, they could jump, without looking at the ground. Clearly, the antecedents of the two men may have been over exaggerated.

    When PBAT referred to the coalitionists as ‘political IDPs’, many did not give credit to the political correctness of that acronym. Now, without doubt, the wisdom in that statement has come to the open. The foremost political IDP, amongst the coalitionists are David Mark, Rauf Aregbesola and El Rufai, who already left their political parties to roam in the wild. Unlike most IDPs, who are usually welcomed by host communities, these ones have been declared persona non grata by majority owners of the party they jumped into.

    Atiku, whose soul has already left the PDP and is wandering in the wild may remain in limbo for some more time to come. Obi, who is fighting not to be internally displaced in the Labour Party, would not smell the presidential ticket of the party, if those opposed to him, outwit his faction in the party. One wonders how these hitherto thought political juggernauts, became enmeshed in this theatre of the absurd. Could it be that the capabilities of these men are overrated?

    How can these men with the enormous resources at their disposal, fail to do basic due diligence, before placing the purchase order for their special purpose vehicle? Could it be that they were hoodwinked into buying a lame horse for a horse race? If they cannot manage their respective political plans to contest in the 2027 general elections, how would they convince Nigerians that they have the capacity to manage the complexities of the Nigerian nation?

  • The squatters

    The squatters

    The gathering of the coalition of the wounded a few days ago resembles the 40 men who worked up a futile conspiracy against Apostle Paul on false charges and, other than false charges, they neither ate nor drank until he was killed, a waste of palate. They also laid a mockery of an ambush.

    These so-called new ADC men are not the types to neither eat or drink, although one of them made a public farce in fancy clothes by pleading hunger in a bash that cost tens of millions.

     Others among them relish their lavish dinner tables and even one of them has a Damocles of corruption hanging over his wife for billions of dollars without a month of  work. None of them would even fast except the mullah among them with a beard and a forked and profane tongue who is fattening on the image of a pariah.

    The hypocrisy bothers, but much more. It started with the squat figure among them who was shooed out of Kaduna like a bleating goat in a garden. He moved from the APC to the SDP, and asked all his fellow wounded whether with a sore head or broken knee to come over to a new place of refuge.

     He assumed a proprietary air until the owners of the land said he, an interloper, a squatter and the landlords had no place for him. He had no grassroots cred, no papers, no love.

    The habitual noisemaker turned voiceless and even meek.

    They all, the wounded, remained in limbo for days. They developed an independent spirit, and wanted a party of their own. They were not good at it as they formed a new party known as ADA, and they were at it until they discovered they had conjured up a copycat. They went back to their vomit. An existing party already had that signature. For a people trying to imitate the coalition formed by their foe and nemesis, they suffered from a bad case of caricature.

    Then suddenly, they all came together under the aegis of the ADC. All we saw was an assemblage of retirees. If El-Rufai left APC as a bleating goat, the new entrants of the ADC were bloated. Bloated as in bored with too much money and nothing else to do with their happy and delicious privileges.

    `They had hardly enjoyed their new home when the true owners, just like the SDP, told them they are squatters. They came with area boys’ swagger. They are banding together to take over another person’s property. If they are not bandits, what other word can describe them? They are the Bello Turji of today’s politics.

    They are all experienced politicians. But so far, they have shown that they do not know how to form a party. They do not know how to defect because some of them like Peter Obi have not left Labour Party. Bode George made that point of his PDP folks. They do not know how to take over a party. They are a pestilent lot.

    There is as yet no commitment to the party. Two of them, Rotimi Amaechi and Obi, gave notice that they were there because of their ambition so they announced their ambition ahead. His move to ADC is feint. He knows it will faint.

    So, Obi, who cannot leave his Obidient rabble in the lurch, is waiting for a takeover of his own. If they do not give him the ticket, just as PDP did not in 2022, he would return to his tent to embrace his crowd of hecklers. He cannot abandon them. They are his breath of life. He is just a squatter among squatters waiting to be a landlord, a self-indulgent opportunism. As for Amaechi, his hunger is a grudge match. He has nowhere to go but to bow to an inevitable crash.

    Atiku, the grand patron of defectors, has a bigger grudge than Amaechi. This is his last chance, and he is going to fight like a bear with a sore head. What we have in this new coalition are coalitions within a coalition. We have the Atiku crowd, the Obi crowd, the El-Rufai crowd and the Amaechi crowd.  When such  bacilli of ambitions coalesce, we can only wait for the end of the story. We are in the first act of an interesting drama, and the most important conflict is not their ambitions and party nominations. It is the prospect of a legal and ego turmoil that will end up like the Labour Party and PDP crises. Claims of conflicting legitimacy will splinter the organ, and everyone will realise that they are tenants of a tenant. Ralph Nwosu, a self-imposed place holder as ADC leader, will tell them, “I thought I was a landlord, but I cannot return your rent. Sorry.”

    The other issue though is that none of them has a big hold on their states or regions. Not David Mark, not El Rufai, who was shooed out, not Amaechi, who cannot hold 13 per cent of Rivers State, not Rauf Aregbesola, who can only fete Atiku to a protem breakfast, not Atiku, who has been dishonoured from a title.

    The bigger point of this so-called delusion is their claim that they are the rescuers of Nigeria.

     They are trying to play on our collective amnesia. They forget that we know all of them. This new group can be divided into two.

     The first are the Jonathan men. The second are the Buharists. These are the men who battled against each other just a few years ago. It shows us ideas have no traction in their action. The only outlier in the group is Atiku Abubakar, who has always been for everyone and for nobody.

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     For instance, was Amaechi not a Buharist? Of course, just like Malami, who  rose from fringe lawyer to attorney general. The Jonathan crowd is led by David Mark, who this time is going to show us how the poor can afford telephones.

    These two governments, Buhari and Jonathan, precipitated the crisis that the present government is trying to solve.

    The Jonathan era wasted the boon of oil and had no rubric for solving the security burden. They spent the nation into huge deficits and rolled the country into foreign exchange rut.

    The Buhari administration was a footloose amalgam of failed men like Malami, who ran the country into a spend-and-waste economy in which N30 trillion  and billions of naira in debt made the present government the real rescuer.

     Now, they want to turn the logic on its head. They committed the sin and they are calling themselves the saviour. The sinner and saviour in one breath. Jesus bore the sin without committing any. This is what made Jesus angry with the pharisees. He said they were a whited sepulchre full of dead men’s bones.

    What is happening with the coalition is a lack of reckoning, what Joseph Conrad describes as “the adventurer’s easy morality, the bravado of guilt.”

    They have committed the sin, and but are acting as though they are sinned against. They should act like real opposition and develop ideas. They have advanced nothing. What can they do better against insecurity? This administration has not solved it, but remarkable progress has been made with the dispatch of not a few bandit leaders.

    Azu Ishiekwene wrote a piece about travelling with a few editors to Zamfara. They feared the air they breathed, but they went to and fro unscathed.

    His prose was so tremulous he might have pondered on the faith that made them undertake the journey in the first place. How many bandits did Buhari eliminate, or Jonathan? The Benue and Plateau recent sparkles of death may have deviated from the progress but the facts speak for themselves in that, unlike in the past, the bandits are fighting for their lives in Niger and Katsina.  Boko Haram is also having a resurgence that is suffering quite a few bruises.

    The coalition should respond to the elimination of ways and means of N30 trillion and the billions of dollars debts. These were the burdens that these same men created in the years of the locusts.

    What they are playing is geriatric politics, the game of old men who know that the time of the end has come for their dreams. It reminds me of the chilling biography about Nazi holocaust titled: Cold Crematorium by Josef Debreczeni, perhaps the chilliest eyewitness account of that misbegotten time. He wrote of a part of the concentration camp where some people were alive but practically out of breath even though they were still alive. They were scrawny, wounded, slobbering, febrile, sterile, weak, and waiting for the grim reaper. Crematorium is hot by definition. But he called it cold because they did not need to go through the gas chamber to go.

    In the case of the coalition, time is their cold crematorium. In his prison memoirs, Soyinka called such fate slow lynching, the title he wanted to call his The Man Died. These men of different stripes in ADC are cobbled together by expired fantasies of power, and are waiting for their epitaph.

  • EFCC, Emenike tangle

    EFCC, Emenike tangle

    There is no question that Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has questions to answer concerning a property at 6 Aso Drive, Asokoro, Abuja, linked to former Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, which was forfeited to the Federal Government. Chief Ikechi Emenike, a former All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate in Abia State, who was a paying tenant at the property, accused the EFCC of “impunity and lawlessness,” saying it forcibly took possession of the house and disobeyed a court order to vacate the property.

    The property was forfeited to the Federal Government as part of assets linked to Alison-Madueke, who faces multiple corruption allegations. The EFCC secured an interim forfeiture order in 2016 and a final forfeiture order in October 2023.  Emenike, a tenant since 2014, was paying rent to the EFCC’s appointed manager.

    Emenike alleged the EFCC acted with “impunity and lawlessness” by evicting him and ignoring court orders. Justice Musa Liman of the Federal High Court, Abuja, ruled on May 16, 2025, that Emenike be allowed access to the property, and also voided an ex-parte eviction order obtained by the EFCC on March 27, 2025, reportedly citing misrepresentation and lack of jurisdiction. Emenike’s legal team further claimed the EFCC obstructed court bailiffs, prompting motions for contempt against EFCC Chairman Ola Olukoyede and counsel Francis Usani.

    However, the EFCC denies disobeying any court order, asserting that “the court granted an order of possession of the property to the Commission on March 27, 2025.  Justice Liman granted the order when the Commission submitted that the property was proceeds of an unlawful act by a former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs Diezani Allison-Madueke, and forfeited to the government through an order of final forfeiture.”

    The anti-graft agency, on June 30, in a statement by its spokesperson, Dele Oyewale, also stated that “the Commission neither suppressed nor misrepresented any material fact before the court in securing an ex-parte order on March 27, 2025 to get a tenant in the house, Chief Ikechi Emenike to vacate the property.”  The agency acknowledged that “Emenike was paying rent on the property when it was under interim forfeiture.”

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    According to Emenike, when the EFCC advertised properties in Abuja, Lagos and Rivers states for auction in 2022, the agency had used the same Abuja property “as a poster.” He said: “I had a meeting with the former EFCC Chairman (Mr Bawa) on the need to grant me the Right of First Refusal. He agreed but promised that they will get back to me after reevaluating the property.

    “While I was waiting for the Right of First Refusal, EFCC suddenly decided against their own law to appropriate the property to their chairman.”

    Emenike protested and went to court. He said: “Justice Musa in a subsisting (unappealed judgement) gave me the Right of First Refusal and told the EFCC that they have no legal right to keep any forfeited property to themselves for whatever use. In the same judgement, he told them that the only option the law gave them was to sell the property and remit the proceeds to the Federal Government’s Single Treasury Account. He ruled that as a sitting tenant, EFCC should give me the Right of First Refusal.

    “EFCC has not appealed the judgement and has also refused to give me the Right of First Refusal.”

     The EFCC claims he “was economical with the truths contained in the judgement of Justice Musa of April 18, 2024 where he clearly stated that Emenike should be allowed to ‘exercise the right of first refusal for the purchase of the said property whenever the Defendant announces or otherwise indicates that the property is to be disposed of, the disposal however to be at the prevailing market price to be determined by the Defendant upon a detailed valuation report from a reputable quantity surveyor.’ “

     The agency’s spokesperson added: “Till date, the Commission has not announced or indicated any readiness for the disposal of the property.  Emenike’s right of first refusal can, therefore, not hold any water.” This argument is convenient, as it allows the EFCC to indefinitely defer Emenike’s right of first refusal without a clear disposal timeline.

    Critical and inevitable questions arise: Why is the agency not ready for the sale of the property? Why is it delaying the disposal of the house? Is it true, as Emenike alleged, that EFCC wants to keep the property for its own use? Even by its own account, based on the court judgement it cited, the lawful course of action is to allow Emenike to “exercise the right of first refusal for the purchase of the said property.”

    The EFCC also stated that “there is no subsisting contempt order on its Executive Chairman, Mr Ola Olukoyede or its counsel in the matter, Mr. Francis Usani.  There was no order of the court served on the EFCC’s boss or his lawyer.” It added that “there is a pending Stay of Execution of the order of the court on June 16, 2025.”

    Notably, in 2022 when the agency publicly listed requirements for participation in its auction of forfeited properties across the country, it said the exercise was “open to members of the public with the exception of individuals/corporate entities who have been/or are being prosecuted by the EFCC; Directors of such companies and employees of the EFCC.”  

    It also said: “Individuals occupying any of the properties listed may be given the Right of First Refusal provided they have a valid tenancy agreement; have paid rent up to date and complete an Expression of Interest (EOI) Form which can be downloaded from the EFCC website.”

    These conditions are favourable to Emenike.  But the EFCC has to list the property at 6 Aso Drive, Asokoro, for sale. It is unclear why the EFCC has not put the property up for sale.

    The EFCC, tasked with enforcing Nigeria’s economic and financial crimes laws, investigates suspects but now finds itself under scrutiny over its handling of a forfeited property at 6 Aso Drive, Asokoro, Abuja – a striking irony.

  • PDP: One step forward…

    PDP: One step forward…

    The optimism that followed the resolution of the rightful occupant of the office of the national secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party PDP at its 100th National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting may after all, be short-lived. 

    Indications are that the decision to allow senator Samuel Anyanwu to act as the national secretary of the party may not be all it takes to end the lingering crisis in the PDP which for many years, straddled the political landscape like a colossus. Early signs of discomfort emerged when the southeast zone of the party while reacting to the decision of the NEC to recognise Anyanwu as the acting national secretary said they would take the decision home for a position on the matter.

    The zone has been insisting on the recognition of Sunday Udeh-Okoye as the authentic national secretary having been so nominated and presented to the NEC by it in keeping with the letters of the PDP constitution. They are yet to make their decision known as this was being put together. Before now, they had threatened to quit the party should Udeh-Okoye be denied that position. That threat has not been rescinded and may have informed the position of the zone to consult more on the ceding of the national secretary to Anyanwu.

    As if that development is not troubling enough, barely 24 hours after the PDP NEC’s decision to reinstate Anyanwu, key leaders of the party led by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar were publicly wooing party members and other Nigerians to join a coalition under a party that was to be unveiled the following day.

    The appeal was contained in a communique signed by David Mark, a former president of the senate after a PDP coalition meeting in Abuja attended by among others, former national chairman of the party, Uche Secondus, ex- governors Aminu Tambuwal, Liyel Imoke Babangida Aliyu and Sam Egwu. Others were Ben Obi, Josephine Anenih, Austin Akobundu and Kola Ologbondiyan.

    Curiously at a press conference addressed the next day by the acting national chairman of the PDP, Umar Damagun following what they called PDP National Working Committee meeting to consolidate the party unity after the reinstatement of Anyanwu as the national secretary, many of those that attended the coalition meeting sat with Damagun at the high table as he threatened consequences for members demarketing the party. Damagun had sought to use the meeting to shore up confidence that the crisis within the party has been finally resolved for good with members now speaking with one voice.

    Though David Mark was not at the meeting summoned by Damagun, he was to later officially announce his resignation from the PDP citing deepening internal divisions and leadership crises. Other coalition members who sat comfortably with Damagun, opted to hold their plans to their chests. But it is only a matter of time for their real plans to unfold. How this double dealing will fare for the overall unity, progress and stability of the PDP is a matter of conjecture.

    But Mark appeared to have set the tone for what is about to unfold when he said, “Deepening divisions, persistent leadership crises and irreconcilable differences have reduced the party to a shadow of its former self subjecting it to public ridicule”. Many of the key PDP leaders who attended both meetings share in Mark’s views regarding the current image of the PDP in the public space.

    Another evidence of festering schism is the conditions allegedly given to Anyanwu for his reinstatement. Anyanwu was reportedly asked to sign an undertaking that he would not victimise any of the staff of the party when he resumes duties before the decision to reinstate him was approved. That was not all, he was also asked to sign a guarantee that he would not obstruct the proceedings of the coming convention of the party billed for next month.

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    These conditions might appear simple but they highlight the deep-seated suspicion and mistrust within the party that could rupture any time soon. Before now, the PDP had witnessed a gale of defections with the switching of camps to the ruling APC by two of its governors, Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State and Umoh Eno of Akwa Ibom State. The party has also cried out that the APC government is working to lure more of its governors into its fold.

    When this threat is paired with the fact that many of the PDP leaders and supporters are neck-deep in promoting the coalition which last week adopted the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the reality of the challenge begins to get more obvious. Mark who signed the communique urging the PDP members to join the coalition has officially resigned from the PDP to assume the position of acting national chairman of the ADC with Rauf Aregbesola, a former governor of Osun State and APC chieftain acting as the national secretary. The reality on the ground is that many leaders and members of the PDP are just waiting in the wings for events to unfold before they ditch the party.

    The leadership of the party knows this clearly and may be severely handicapped in wielding the big stick in spite of its threats that amount to nothing in the face of the inability to discipline members who had been covertly and overtly working for the ruling party.

    PDP has in recent years gone through series of crisis first, starting with events leading to the 2015 elections which saw massive switching of camps to the opposition that significantly contributed to its loss of that election. But efforts to put the party into form again, suffered serious reverses following the rancorous outcome of its presidential primaries before the 2023 general elections. The furore cantered around which section of the national divide should field the presidential candidate.

    That election saw some of the PDP governors working against the party in the 2023 polls. The division that emerged during that election has continued to shape events in the party since then. At the centre of it all, is power struggles for the control of the structures of the party. The attempt by Anyanwu to return to his post of national secretary after losing the governorship election in Imo State further polarised the party along the line.

    Unceasing dispute over the rightful occupant of the national secretary’s office has been the undoing of the party, leading to a series of litigations. Opposition to the return of Anyanwu as the national secretary is in part, located in his alleged loyalty to Nyesom Wike, the minister of the Federal Capital Territory FCT.

     Wike worked for the APC during the last presidential election and owes his             current office to that support. Many PDP leaders are not comfortable with him and fear that his control of the party may lead to its decapitation. Those who left the party in recent times cited the unceasing crisis and the damage to the image of the party.

    Even when the Supreme Court finally ruled on the disputed office of the national secretary, the judgment lent itself to varying interpretations. While Anyanwu claimed victory, the PDP relied on aspects of the ruling that affirmed the supremacy of the party over its internal affairs to hold that Udeh-Okoye who was duly nominated by the southeast zone of the party is the rightful occupant of that office.

    The apex court’s ruling was read differently by the contending parties and each position seemed right until the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC raised objections to a letter signed by Damagun informing the commission of party’s 100th NEC without the concurrent signature of the national secretary. In a subsequent meeting between INEC and the leadership of the party, their attention was drawn to the regulation requiring the signing of such letters by the chairman and secretary of the party and the inconsistency on who is the rightful occupant of that office.

    INEC read the Supreme Court’s ruling in favour of Anyanwu. And the PDP was left with no other option than to have him back in that office albeit temporarily or risk convening a convention whose proceedings could be declared illegal by the courts.

    But they do not still trust him. That was why he was asked to withdraw all cases in court and sign the undertaking that he will not obstruct the proceedings of the convention. One’s reading of the conditions is that those opposed to him still fear he could manipulate the lists of delegates to have a firm hold on the structures of the party or hand over the party to Wike.

    That is the fear. Whether the mere signing of an undertaking will stave off the manipulations that have overtime stifled internal democracy within the party is a matter of time.

  • SNAPSONG  260

    SNAPSONG  260

    We have been too large, too loving, for too long

         Time, once again, for a season of smallness

    Snatch that milk from the starving baby

         Make Greed supreme over the human Need

    Here, once again, are dreams of Empire

         Of conquered spaces and stolen names

    Of galloping horses and blood-soaked swords

         Secured in his royal rout, King Cruelty

    Proclaims the abolition of Kindness.

         And the absolute deification of Ignorance

    In his historic cabinet, an array of stars:

         A viral superstionist who stands modern medicine

    On its parlous head; a valiant cowgirl whose peticidal*

         Prowess earned her the laurel of decisive executioner

    A mephistophelian magnate whose frantic task is 

         Teaching the rich how to make the poor poorer

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    So back, back to the good old days

         When white was white and black was black

    And one knew its place at the top, the other at the bottom

         With no woke wars and DEI debacles

    Tyranny’s terror unnerves the world

         A medieval darkness assails the citadels of Light

    The wind secretively sown that November day

         Has authored a whirl that now assaults our commonweal

    Season of Cruelty, season of Darkness

         But crueller rains have fallen before

    And the noontide Sun has scorched their scorpions. 

         It is Humanity’s eternal blessing that Evil is not immortal