Category: Columnists

  • FA Cup’s disturbing mistakes

    FA Cup’s disturbing mistakes

    I’m beginning to sound like a cracked Long Playing (LP) record each passing weekend. But, I won’t stop exposing the flaws in the industry’s development, especially the inept administrative structures surrounding the beautiful game in Nigeria. Our soccer administrators have continued to make the optics associated with the game ugly compared with how those who know their onions make the events around big matches a beauty to behold. In other climes, the country’s FA Cup final games are always a showpiece.  Those countries’ FA members know how to seize the chance.

    For such big games in Nigeria, our federation chieftains make them theatres of the absurd – laughable, raising doubts about their capacity to make events associated with the final game of the country’s oldest soccer competition one to cherish. Yet these federation chiefs are FIFA designated match commissioners and belong to several committees in FIFA, CAF, WAFU etc. It goes without saying that perhaps they sleep during such committees’ meetings, not to be able to replicate what they were part of at such levels of football organisation.

    Imagine watching victorious Kwara United of Ilorin’s players, coaches, officials and their friends mounting unguarded and rickety trailers, driving through the highway, not minding their safety?  They looked more like pushing the trailer than using it to celebrate, as the people weren’t with them to create the ambience which is always eye-catching when done in civilised climes. Obviously not with trailers but top carrier buses created for such a purpose.

    Add the trailer foolery in Ilorin to the ill-advised trip by Abakaliki FC of Ebonyi State officials who escaped a tragic accident due to a brake failure, then you will understand why the Federal Government should declare a state of emergency in sports going forward. Yet, most State Government Houses have brand new buses littering the hitherto empty places in the Governor’s office and house. Couldn’t the State government have directed the release of three of those buses to the team to travel to Lagos, like the heroes that they are? Guess what? Had Abakaliki FC won the Federations Cup, the governor would have at the spur of the moment ordered the chartering of a private jet or an aircraft to convey the contingent to the nearest airport to prepare for a lavish entrance ceremony. Yes, the contingent would have an extra day or living in big hotels in Lagos at the State government’s expense. Pray, who doesn’t know that failure is an orphan? We all love winners. Interesting times. I digress!

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    With most of our federation’s men serving in FIFA, one would have thought the basics to avert breach of protocol before, during and after matches would come to them as second nature. Not so here, with most of the breaches coming from them, especially during trophy and medals’ presentation ceremonies. The stage on Saturday had over 16 officials who had nothing to do with the presentation which over time should not be more than seven for effective control and to prevent overcrowding.

    Officials of Kwara United FC of Ilorin were decorated before players, such that one of the club’s bosses had the temerity to snatch the trophy from the team’s captain and head for the winners’ podium where the players were waiting to celebrate with their captain. Guess what, the club boss raised the trophy aloft as if he played the game. Not satisfied, he passed the trophy to another official, leaving players in awe as meddlesome interlopers stole their thunder. That was the height of the absurdities during the medals and trophy presentation ceremony.

    One is sure that regular readers of this column won’t be surprised to read that the four teams which partook in the FA Cup finals in Lagos for the men and women wore jerseys without their names at the back for easy identification, especially for the radio and television commentators. The story behind this flaw arose from the fact that the FA chieftains in their marketing drives produced the jerseys which the four teams wore. Indeed. It became absolutely impossible for any name exercise, since they were delivered to them at the stadium.

    Can this happen anywhere in Europe, Americas, Asia etc? Organisers kitting participating teams? Who does that? What happened to the teams’ shirt sponsors who kitted them up till the final game? It got so bad that the goalkeeper of the series for women couldn’t receive her laurel because she was poorly dressed. An official collected the prize, with the winner watching dumbfounded. Is anyone, therefore, surprised that our clubs go cap in hand for cash when existing sponsors can’t get value for their sponsorship on a day the world was glued to watching the final game of the country’s oldest soccer competition hitherto called the Challenge Cup. If one may ask our federation bigwigs, how much did each of the two winners get for their efforts? How much was realised as gate takings or did anyone throw the gates open to the fans for free?

    Shame on the NFF. The trophy presentation for the women’s version was done twice. Where on earth is that done? If the guest of honour came late, it should have been overlooked than what was done on Saturday. These two events ought to have been treated differently; meaning the two final games ought to have been on different dates, rather than this tardy arrangement under the guise of saving costs. You want to take a bet?

    What a country! One has been asking if the Super Eagles Head Coach Eric Chelle attended the nation’s oldest football competition; if for anything else, to spot new talents for the four national teams across genders. Of course if Chelle was at the stadium, he would have joined the motley crowd at the winners’ dias to distribute the medals to coaches, players and officials. So, where was Chelle? Certainly not monitoring our players, since the European leagues are on recess. So, why is he being paid so much money in hard currencies only for him not to witness the country’s oldest soccer competition? Nobody will query Chelle. After all, his absence saved some money which would have been spent on his return tickets, logistics, allowances, local flight tickets, hotel accommodation and feeding. Could it be that Chelle didn’t want to waste time watching players who aren’t in his World Cup plans? Maybe.

    The World Cup is neither executed through prayers nor is it a lottery centre where anyone can walk in to operate the gaming machines. No! It is a platform to showcase excellence built over time and not a stage to exhibit mediocrity as we have always done in the past.

    I have no relationship with the NFF which would have required my advice, especially if my help isn’t sought. In fact I’m not a busybody. The reason I talk or write about the beautiful game or talk about it is because it is the King of sports. I also earn a living talking and/or writing sports. You tell me.

  • Comic coalition of confusion (1)

    Comic coalition of confusion (1)

    It all started with the diminutive former governor of Kaduna State for eight years, Mallam Nasir ‘El Rufai, bitterly resigning his membership of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and joining the Social Democratic Party (SDP) amid a flurry of media interviews in which he stridently denounced the President Bola Tinubu administration, which he accused of being the most incompetent and corrupt in the country’s history and inflicting hardships on the Nigerian people through its economic reforms. Coming from a man who as Director- General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) under the former President Olusegun Obasanjo administration was implicated in the corruption -ridden privatization of public enterprises at give away prices to political cronies and hangers on; as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) exposed residents of Abuja to mindless hardship in the name of implementing the city’s master plan and as Kaduna State governor has been accused by the succeeding government of financial recklessness leading to the state’s huge debt burden, alleged misappropriation of funds and rampant human rights abuses, his accusations against the Tinubu administration were utterly laughable to large numbers of Nigerians.

    Many people were thus quick to conclude that El’Rufai’s real grouse against the administration was President Tinubu’s failure to appoint him into his Federal Executive Council (FEC) as he had promised due to unfavorable security reports during the screening of prospective Ministers. Although El’Rufai is now  quick to assert in his increasingly boring media interviews that he never sought to be a Minister under Tinubu, it is instructive that he put off his announced plans to pursue his PhD programme after his tenure as governor in the expectation that he would be offered an appointment. Urging disgruntled politicians within and outside the APC to join him in the SDP to pursue the project of unseating Tinubu and the APC from power at the centre in 2027, El’Rufai was disappointed that the response to his call was hugely underwhelming. Beyond this, in a Kaduna State where he sat astride the apex political authority for eight years, he left the APC like a solitary orphan as no notable member of the party followed in his footsteps.

    Even more dishearteningly for him, the founding leadership cadre of the SDP were clearly unenthusiastic about the prospects of their party being hijacked for the purpose of ganging up against Tinubu or anybody although they had also been critical of the APC government’s performance in office. Thus, El’Rufai found himself joining other aggrieved politicians like former Vice-president Atiku Abubakar, former two-term Rivers State governor and Minister of Transportation for eight years, Rotimi Amaechi, among others pursuing the efforts to register a new political party, the All Democratic Alliance (ADA) as the platform to actualize their obsession with unseating President Tinubu at the next election. Not being adept at the back-breaking hard work involved in the formation, nurturing and organization of a new political party, that effort floundered and this week, the group described by the APC as comprising Internally Displaced Politicians (IDPs), at last found a political party willing to be hijacked and thus landed in the African Democratic Congress (ADC) the leadership of which they promptly dislodged and took over.

    Those described as ‘political heavy weights’ by sections of the media that converged at the Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja to announce their membership of the ADC with funfare include Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Mr Peter Obi of still indeterminate party identity, Nasir El’Rufai, hungry Mr Rotimi Amaechi, former Edo State governor and National Chairman of the APC, Chief Odigie Oyegun, former President of the Senate and a key actor in the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by the late Chief M.K. O Abiola, Mr David Mark, former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation in the Buhari administration, Alhaji Abubakar Malami, former governor of Sokoto State, Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal, former governor of Cross River State, Mr Liyel Imoke, former Minister of Sports, Mr Solomon Dalung, General Tunde Ogbeha (rtd), former National Chairman of the PDP, Mr Uche Secondus, former Minister of Sports and Youth Development, Mr Bolaji Abdullahi, Senator Dino Melaye and two-term governor of Osun State and Minister of the Interior also in the Buhari administration, Ogbeni Rauff Aregbesola. General David Mark became the Interim National Chairman of the emergent, still inchoate coalition, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola its interim National Secretary and Bolaji Abdullahi its protem Publicity Secretary.

    The swan song of virtually all the speakers at the event was their determination to oust President Tinubu from power at the next polls in 2027, which is apparently the only issue on which they are united. But even then, the architects of what is difficult to differentiate from a hostile takeover of the ADC by the anti-Tinubu coalition do not appear to have undertaken a thorough due diligence of their new preferred party platform before their invasion and capture of the party. For, the presidential candidate of the ADC in the 2023 presidential election, Chief Dumebi kachukwu, and a number of the Party’s State Chairmen have condemned the arbitrary emergence of the new national helmsmen of the ADC without adherence to due process, which they describe as a violation of the party’s constitution. The Chairperson of the ADC in Plateau State, Mrs Hanatu Gagara, who supports the new coalition arrangement argued that the former Chairman who stepped down voluntarily for David Mark, Mr Ralph Nwosu, had been the sole financier of the ADC over the last two decades. But does that make the party his private property which he can handover to outsiders at will?

    Those who are opposed to the emergent coalition arrangement within the ADC contend that, according to the party’s constitution, a new member cannot contest for party positions except he has been a member for at least two years. They argue further that national party officers can only be elected at a duly convened national convention and that the former party national Chairman, who purportedly voluntarily handed over to Senator David Mark has since ceased to occupy the position since 2022 when his tenure expired. If the aggrieved members of the ADC decide to seek legal redress in court, the complicated and most likely protracted judicial process may have injurious consequences for the coalition right from inception.

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    Even if the feuding  ADC members eventually unite behind the new coalition arrangement, there are other possibly impeding factors which the aspiring coalition members must contend with and overcome. There is no doubt that Atiku is the main driving force behind the coalition as he seeks a new platform to actualize his ambition since it is obvious that the PDP are unlikely to concede their presidential ticket to him for a consecutive third election cycle. But Peter Obi and Rotimi Amaechi also clearly still harbour presidential ambitions as both men have reportedly expressed their desire to contest the 2027 elections promising that they would serve for one term only if elected. Such a pledge many see as the height of deception and reflection of desperation since an incumbent once elected can easily renege on any pledge to serve for one term This has been only too common a story in our political history and experience. The implication is that even if the coalition suceeds in holding together, the ADC will have very contentious presidential primaries ahead of it and the outcome may be as destructive and disruptive for the party as the 2023 presidential primaries was for the now gravely enfeebled PDP.

    Those opposed to President Tinubu’s re-election for a second term strive to play on people’s emotions by blaming current inflationary spirals on the economic reforms of the administration without stating if there are viable alternatives to these reforms and clearly articulating what these may be. Furthermore, in their various media interviews, the leading lights of the coalition such as Atiku, Obi, El’Rufai and Amaechi assert that the administration has no achievements whatsoever to showcase in its two years in office so far. This is intellectually dishonest. While the gullible may be carried away by such emotional and irrational rhetoric, many discerning members of the electorate will also most certainly be put off by such reckless and fraudulent generalizations.

    In its 2025 Article IV Mission with Nigeria released on July 2, the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) concluded that “The Nigerian authorities have implemented major reforms over the last two years which have improved macroeconomic stability and enhanced resilience. The authorities have removed costly fuel subsidies, stopped monetary financing of the fiscal deficit and improved the functioning of the foreign exchange market. Investor confidence has strengthened, helping Nigeria successfully tap the Euro bond market and leading to a resumption of portfolio inflows… Growth accelerated to 3.4 percent in 2024, driven mainly by increased hydrocarbon output and vibrant services sector. Real GDP is expected to expand by 3.4 percent in 2025, supported by the new domestic refinery, higher oil production and robust services. Against a complex and uncertain external environment, medium-term growth is projected to hover around three and a half percent supported by domestic reform gains”.

    Of course, the IMF acknowledged subsisting challenges and recommended greater efforts to bridge current infrastructure gaps, boost agricultural productivity to address poverty and food insecurity, tackle red tape, boost electricity supply as well as enhance health and education spending. But this is a far cry from claiming falsely that the administration has not achieved anything in two years just for reasons of partisan animosity. In any case, leading members of the emergent coalition have been in critical public offices at the federal and sub-national levels for considerable periods since 1999. They are no less culpable for the grave economic crisis caused by elite corruption, incompetence and lack of vision that the Tinubu administration is trying to tackle. Is there any evidence in their political trajectory that they will offer Nigerians better governance than the Tinubu administration? The answer is clearly in the negative.

  • The balkanisation of PDP

    The balkanisation of PDP

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is distressed. Twenty-seven years after it was founded by eminent political leaders from the six geo-political zones, the party has cracked into two irredeemable parts. From all indications, each part is on its way to the Golgotha, despite the pretences and wall-patching.

    There are obvious reasons for this.

    The main opposition party was broken by long-standing chieftains who failed to unite the platform and offer effective leadership at critical times.

    There is a dichotomy. The position of younger elements, now in the majority and holding the levers of power at the sub-regional levels, does not align with the older generation in what has become a dysfunctional family.

    The younger generation is trying to defend the vision of the core founding fathers, particularly the values of equity, fairness, and justice, through zoning or rotation of the six topmost offices: president, vice president, Senate President, Speaker of House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation,  and National Party Chairman.

    The younger members also insisted that it is better to go into a coalition as a party instead of killing the party or weakening it before moving to another party, thereby obliterating the legacy of the founding fathers.

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    But the elders, flaunting their gerontocratic credentials as former men of power and symbols of old glory, ironically opted for a partisan behaviour that negated these hitherto shared principles. In 2023, they resolved to promote the culture of exclusion, marginalisation, alienation, personalisation, and monopolisation of privileges. Since that electioneering, the party has not remained the same.

    Many chieftains have bidden farewell to the party that gave them fame and embraced a platform on the fringe to pursue the narrow interest of a veteran presidential contender who may likely retrace his steps to the PDP he had repudiated, if he loses the poll, as he did in the past.

    The mainstream PDP is still being led by Acting National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Damagum, who now seems to have a less headache to contend with, although no serious leader would be comfortable with the decimation of his platform. His major challenge now is how to contain those trying to shove Senator Samuel Anyanwu aside as the party’s National Secretary.

    The second PDP comprises aggrieved elders, led by Atiku Abubakar, who invaded the African Democratic Congress (ADC) during the week, acquired its liabilities, and inherited its crisis. The Atiku club’s only aspiration is to install the former vice president as president. There may be no room for other aspirants, except those interested in governorship and legislative positions.

    It is merely a camp within the mainstream body seeking an imaginary political refuge outside its natural habitat. It is not a coalition in the real sense because all the people it has attracted, except Chief Rauf Aregbesola, have the PDP blood flowing in their veins.

    If the All Progressive Congress (APC) is their target for liquidation, then, the strategy has taken off on the wrong foot. The ‘PDP-ADC’ should have remained in the mainstream PDP, which, if fortified, could offer a position of strength as a time-tested and resilient brand.

    The implosion means that the two factions – PDP and PDP-ADC – would be at war in 2027 instead of combining their arsenal to tackle the APC. As the two PDP factions battle for power ahead of the 2027 general election, there may be no reservoir of energy to frontally tackle the ruling party when the real combat begins.

    The turn of events is unfortunate for the once-acclaimed largest party in Nigeria. Two days before the exit of the Atiku camp to the ADC, it appeared that respite was coming the way of the troubled platform. The PDP managed to avert a looming danger. It surprisingly refrained from behaving like a rattled dog destined to get lost in the forest after failing to listen to the hunter’s whistle.

    That was on Monday when the party elder, Commodore Bode George, described the PDP as an immovable Iroko tree whose strength lies in its resilience and capacity for survival.

     But a day later, the gains of the wise decision taken by the stakeholders were lost. Atiku presided over a coalition meeting in Abuja attended by members of his camp, including Gen. David Mark, Senator Aminu Tambuwal, who was described by the sacked national chairman, Senator Iyorchia Ayu, as the hero of the 2022 presidential convention; Gabriel Suswam, Donald Duke, Liyel Imoke, and Uche Secondus. In their communique, they proposed the break-up of PDP and welcomed the coalition with open hands.

    The PDP’s saving grace on Monday was the umpire, which rendered the unsolicited patriotic service as the constitutional monitor of political parties and their activities. Peeping into 2027, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) saw a danger looming for the main opposition party when it sidelined the statutory guidelines for the issuance of notices for critical party meetings, particularly the National Executive Committee (NEC) and the National Convention.

    In utter ignorance, Damagum unilaterally sent out the notice of the NEC meeting, thereby violating the rules and processes. That was after the PDP governors had, in their wildest imagination, sent Anyanwu packing as the party’s National Secretary and decreed that his deputy, Setonji Koshoedo, should take over in an acting capacity.

    Only the Atiku camp has defected to ADC. This seems to have resolved some intra-party disputes. Therefore, the mainstream camp should mend the fence within, close ranks, and reconcile on agreeable terms.

    There are four tendencies in the decimated PDP struggling for the soul of the party on equal terms.

    The first is the Damagum/Wike group. It consists of a section of the National Working Committee (NWC) and the G-5, with the exception of Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde. They are insisting that Anyanwu should not be disturbed. Also, they are holding on to the court judgment which supports the acting chairmanship of Damagum till December.

    A big problem is how the party would handle Wike, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, who has vowed to support the second term bid of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, despite being the undisputed leader of Rivers PDP. He was a great asset to the PDP who galvanised the platform until after the problematic 2022 presidential primary, when reality dawned on him that some forces were bent on circumventing the zoning principle.

    The second group is the PDP Governors’ Forum, which is bent on getting Anyanwu, an ally of Wike, out of the way. It is a proxy war against Wike, who has been up in arms against the governors.

    The third appears to be a one-man band. Although he chairs the Governors’ Forum, Senator Bala Mohammed, governor of Bauchi State, is believed to be nursing a presidential ambition. The aspiration is at variance with the popular feeling in the PDP about presidential zoning.

    The view, particularly among members of the party in the three geo-political zones in the South, is that the ticket should be zoned to them.

    The fourth is the Southeast Caucus, which is battling with the acrimony at home. The agitation for the removal of Anyanwu by the regional caucus and replacement with Sunday Udeh-Okoye is supported by Enugu State Governor Peter Mbah, who had re-echoed the threat by the Southeast Caucus to review its relationship with the leadership of the party.

    The onus is on the Peace Committee, headed by former Senate President Bukola Saraki, to approach the challenge of reconciliation with more seriousness. Speed is required for him to accomplish his task because delay may be dangerous.

    It appears that Saraki has an understanding of the conflicts tearing the party apart. He managed to resolve the Anambra governorship nomination logjam by appealing to Anyanwu, who had been sent packing from the national secretariat to sign the form of the PDP candidate.

    Already, the vulnerability of the PDP is obvious. It has lost two governors – Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State and Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom – to the APC. Federal legislators from the party have also defected to the ruling party.

    As the party prepares for the National Executive Committee (NEC) and National Convention meetings, it should resolve to put its house in order. The PDP leaders should know that their sphere of influence has shrunk. The votes in its strongholds would have to be shared between the old PDP and the new one masquerading as ADC.

    But it can continue to strategise, do introspection, embrace the reality and plan to bounce back.

  • Fiscal discipline is solution to concurrent budgets implementation

    Fiscal discipline is solution to concurrent budgets implementation

    Last week, the Senate of the National Assembly initiated the process of considering the proposal by Mr. President for the approval of concurrent capital budget implementation of the 2024 budget along with the 2025 budget. The issue of concurrent budget operation has been part of our national corporate culture for many years, before the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Therefore, concurrent budget implementation is a sign of the weight of legacy issues inherited by successive administrations. I believe that no responsible government will deliberately set out to implement concurrent capital budgets within a year. Therefore, I hope that the current administration will overcome the challenges and eradicate this legacy budgeting culture, amongst other challenges.  This is why, as my own civic duty and contribution to national development, on the 3rd of January, 2025, after the President presented the proposed 2025 Federal Government budget the National Assembly, I wrote on this Column a missive, titled; “Critical Success Factors for 2025 Budget”, in which I elucidated on some key factors to ensure that the 2025 budget is executed in a way and manner that is timely and effective. I will re-dimension some of them in today’s missive.

     Fiscal Discipline is crucial

    In my view, this recurring issue of concurrent budget implementation is largely due to a lack of fiscal discipline. In my view, Fiscal Discipline is one of the pillars for successful budget implementation, performance, and impacts. Therefore, fiscal discipline should begin from the stage of budget planning. It is at this point that we set our budget parameters and projections, for example, the projected global crude oil pricing, Nigeria’s crude oil throughput, and other variables. Projections are always impacted by global socio-economic dynamics, and or our internal socio-economic dynamics. Accordingly, I belong to the school of thought of being conservative with those numbers and parameters, even though the school of thought of being audacious with projections and parameters suggests that people will be put on their toes to deliver. However, as an apostle of “promise-based” leadership, I always prefer to under-promise and over-achieve, rather than to over-promise and under-achieve.

     More importantly, the world is facing one of the most unpredictable geopolitical and socio-economic dynamics in recent history, which could upset any economy that is not well hedged and reinfenced, or budgets that are not prepared with expected risks and shocks in mind. Moreover, the performance of a budget is directly proportional to the reality of the inflows and revenues that we are expecting, for instance, in Nigeria, Crude Oil output and sales, etc.

     Effective Policy Consultation and Policy Coordination

    In my view, the budget performance is also a function of budget execution quotient, policy consultation, and policy coordination. For instance, last week, the Honorable Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, received the Accountant General of the Federation, Mr. Shamsudeen Babatunde Ogunjimi, in his office. And one of the requests by the Honorable Minister was that the Accountant General should kindly expedite the payments for food and essential commodities supplied for the consumption of students at the unity schools across Nigeria, which is significantly affecting the students’ education. He stated that sometimes he had to delay the resumption of students to schools due to the unavailability of food for the students as a result of delayed payment to suppliers.  The Accountant General, in his response, stated the challenges with the budget system, which reflects on the cash flow and payment process flow of the government, and the need to evaluate the best system to use. This scenario speaks volumes about the lack of alignment of critical policies and cash flow, which is a subset of fiscal discipline.

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     I agree with the Accountant General of the Federation that there is a need for the federal government to agree on a budget system that is most suitable to our current socio-economic situation in Nigeria. In my view there should be a consensus between the Revenue generating entities, the enablers (cost centers), and the control and compliance groups of the government under the leadership of Mr. President, such that when if a budget system is adopted, all stakeholders, across all the arms of government will buy-in and move lockstep while implementing our budgets, with dashboard updates to all portfolio holders to know their budget performance status and also to know what to expect, so that they can be assured for keeping to core mandates as well as contractual and financial commitments, while they will be able to re-prioritize accordingly. This will also enable the Accountant General of the Federation to be more effective and efficient in supporting all Arms and MDAs (Ministries, Departments, and Agencies) of the federal government. The Reports of the Auditor General of the Federation with regard to Budget implementation will ensure compliance with extant laws, regulations, and timelines, as they also provide the necessary guides for prudence and accountability.

     Budget Parameters Versus Cashflow Management

    Cashflow availability and/or backing, which is a function of revenue, and defined budget priorities, are other reasons why budget implementations of the previous year dovetail into the budget of the current year. If you plan your budget for an upcoming year and the projected/ expected revenues do not come in as expected, the Accountant General will have issues with managing the cash flow for the entire federal government. And I think those are some of the critical inhibiting factors to the successful implementation of our budgets.

     Regular Budget Performance Tracking and Review

    It is expected that at the beginning of each quarter of the year, and at the end of the quarter, there should be budget performance tracking that should be done by the Executive Arm of Government, if we are expecting challenges, then all MDAs are made aware are prepare to hedge appropriately, so as to ensure that there are no capital project clashes or slippages. The National Assembly is also supposed to take budget performance tracking very seriously from the point of view of oversight, which is also done by the various committees of the parliament. Budget performance tracking will enable the successful implementation of the current year’s budget, while it will also facilitate better budget planning for next year.

     In addition to budget performance tracking, reviews of the overall budget implementation and the social and economic impact assessments should be undertaken, not just by both the Executive and Legislative Arms of government, with the objective of eliminating this embarrassing national issue. This is so that, going forward, by 2026, we can put the issue of concurrent budget implementation behind us and be more sure-footed.  Otherwise, there are ripple concomitant effects of slippages of capital projects execution, and making the needed social and economic impacts

     Elimination of Budget Padding

    Another classic case of Fiscal Indiscipline is Budget Padding by the National Assembly. Hence, total stoppage of budget padding at federal and sub-national levels is another form of Fiscal indiscipline. For example, according to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), in the 2021 budget, a budget padding of about N300 Billion was inserted in the Budget, while a budget padding of about N100 billion was inserted in the 2022 budget by MDAs. Budget Padding must be contained or eliminated, if we are serious as a nation. Otherwise, monies that should be invested and expended on critical projects will be ferreted away into corrupt pockets, while critical projects will continually be moved to next year, to the detriment of Nigeria and Nigerians.

     Political Will, Fight against corruption, and Consequence Management

    The government should consider impact assessments, especially social, economic impact assessments, as critical barometers to determine the progression or trajectory of our social or economic growth and development in this country.

     Part of the consequence of running concurrent capital budgets within the same year is the domino effect on the cost of capital projects and the cost of governance. For instance, if the government was supposed to execute a project for $10Billion last year, and the project is moved to this year, the project will likely be executed at the cost of $12.5billion or more, while clashing for funding with the targeted capital projects for the current year. So, if you amortize the cost implication on projects across all sectors, the ripple effect across the entire socio-economic value chain of the country will be enormous. Hence, the more we have avoidable capital budget implementation slippages, the more we will have concurrent budget implementation and consequently capital projects implementation delays and the attendant negative socio-economic costs and impacts.

     That is why political will is very crucial to ensure that there is zero tolerance for non-performance. If Government officials are dropping the ball, if they give me projections that are not correct, and/ or they have budget implementation quotients, there should be consequences. The officials who fail to deliver should be sacked or reprimanded. After all, while President Bola Tinubu is trying to cater to the needs of Nigerians, he faces opposition parties, cynics, and critics, while the weak links in the administration sit pretty with no consequences. This will only further promote non-performance, mediocrity, and corruption. Consequently, the good people and champions of the administration will become disillusioned, demotivated, and frustrated because the indolence of others will significantly dilute the overall performance of the administration. When examples are set that there is zero tolerance for non-performance, that is the only way we can go forward. Otherwise, things will continue to get worse.

  • Solution to terrorism

    Solution to terrorism

    Preamble

    No professional builder of worth will ever commence the roofing of a house without first taking a cursory look at the structural design of such a house including its foundation. In the same token no good columnist will want to proffer a solution to a mammoth problem like terrorism without first examining the circumstances that brought it about in the first instance.

    Some few weeks back or thereabout, ‘THE MESSAGE’ has engaged in analysing terrorism from every conceivable angle revealing its genesis, exposing the role of some nations and individuals in it as well as unmasking the identity of a related kingpin called Osama Bin Laden.

    Terrorism is not a new phenomenon peculiar to modern time. It has long become a part of human lifestyle especially since man’s wants began to outweigh his needs and thereby creating greed in him.

    Since about 2000 years ago when the first act of terrorism was perpetrated, no single year has passed by without an incident of terrorism in one part of the world or another. That first act was perpetrated by a radical offshoot of the Zealots (a Jewish politico-religious sect during the 1st century AC) active in resisting the rule of the Roman Empire over Judea.

    Zealots emerged in 6 AC when Judea was put under direct Roman rule and the authorities ordered a census for the purpose of taxation. The Zealots’ argument was that acknowledging the authority of the pagan Roman Empire would mean repudiating the authority of God and submitting to slavery.

    Led by Judas of Galilee, a Zealots’ faction called Sicarii (‘dagger men’) adopted a terrorist tactics assassinating Romans and even Jews who were in favour of Roman authority or sympathetic to it.

    Although that rebellion was eventually put down, and many members of Sicarii probably including Judas, were killed, others continued to advocate uncompromising resistance to the Romans. One of Jesus’ disciples, Simon, was a Zealot (see Luke 6:15).

    According to a renowned Jewish historian, Flavius Josephus, the Zealots played a major role in inciting and sustaining the general Jewish uprising that began in 66 AC against the Romans. Although they continued to attack other Jewish groups, they fought bravely in defence of Jerusalem until its fall in 70 AC. Thereafter, another group of Zealots held the fortress of Masada against besieging Roman troops until 73 AC, when they all committed suicide rather than surrender.

    From that experience, the aggrieved peoples of the world began to borrow the idea of terrorism as a method of demanding for their rights. And thus, through the annals of history since then, terrorism has become like a triggered gun which can be fired deliberately or accidentally at anytime and anywhere.

    Based on the same experience, an Islamic movement known as the Assassins used similar tactics in their struggle against the Christian Crusaders who had invaded what is today part of Syria. That was between 1090 and 1272 AC. The Assassins embraced the same notion of self-sacrifice and suicidal martyrdom evident in some Islamic terrorist groups today. They regarded violence as a sacramental or divine act that ensured its perpetrators would ascend to a glorious heaven should they perish during the task.

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    In modern time, the word terrorism was first used in France to describe a new system of government adopted during the French Revolution in 1789-1799. Called regime de la terreur (Reign of Terror), the then new regime was intended to promote democracy and popular rule by ridding the revolution of its enemies and thereby purifying it. However, the oppression and violent excesses of the terreur transformed it into a feared instrument of the state. From thence, terrorism has had a decidedly negative connotation. The word, however, did not gain wider popularity until the late 19th century when it was adopted by a group of Russian revolutionaries to describe their violent struggle against tsarist regime. Terrorism then assumed the more familiar antigovernment slogan it has today.

    According to Encyclopedia Encarta, terrorism is by nature political because it involves the acquisition and use of power for the purpose of forcing others to submit, or agree, to terrorist demands. By unleashing terror, terrorists intend to generate publicity and draw attention to themselves in their bid to generate power. And in the process, they foster an environment of fear and intimidation that they can exploit to their advantage. As a result, the success of terrorism is best measured in terms of the attention it draws to the terrorists as well as the psychological impact it exerts over a nation and its citizenry. Terrorists typically attempt to justify their use of violence by arguing that they have been excluded from, or frustrated by, the accepted processes of bringing about political change. They maintain that though their method is reluctantly chosen and even regrettable, terrorism is the only option available to them. Agreeing or disagreeing with this logic depends on the side of the divide to which the sympathizers belong. This is what brought about the aphorism “One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter” which underscores how the use of the word terrorism can be highly subjective depending upon one’s interest.

    Although terrorism is generally believed to be a primordial development, its intensity in modern time is strengthened by technology which engenders corporate or state sponsored terror. Prior to the invention of bomb, terrorism was limited to individuals and groups of aggrieved persons. It was only the climax of reactions by aggrieved people to negative policies of authorities or their misrule.

    All terrorists share one and the same characteristic: They never take actions randomly or senselessly. Every terrorist wants an attack to generate maximum publicity because media attention helps to achieve the intimidation needed for the success of terrorism. Accordingly, terrorist acts are carefully planned. Testimony by a terrorist convicted in the 1998 bombing of the U.S. embassy in Kenya revealed that al-Qaeda spent nearly five years to plan that attack.

    Several essential elements go into planning a major terrorist attack. Planning begins with gathering of detailed reconnaissance and intelligence about a target: its defenses, vulnerabilities, and patterns of daily activities. Meanwhile, logistics specialists ensure that all the supporting tasks are accomplished. These tasks include assembling the weapons and other supplies and communications equipment needed for the operation, arranging for safe houses and transportation for the terrorist attack team, and mapping escape routes. A bomb maker or other weapons expert often joins the final planning phases. And after all the preparations have been completed, the operation is handed over to the team that carries out the attack.

    For security reasons separate teams that do not know one another execute each step, from planning to logistics, attack, and escape.

    All terrorist groups share another basic characteristic such as secrecy about their operations. Terrorists operate underground, concealed from the eyes of the authorities and from potential informants among the populace. To maintain secrecy, terrorist groups are often organised into cells, with each cell separate from other cells in the organisation but working in harmony with them. A terrorist cell can be as small as two or three people, with only one person knowing someone in another cell. Should the authorities apprehend a member of one cell, they can obtain information only about the activities of that cell—or at most about an adjacent cell—and not about the entire organisation. For this reason terrorists prefer this organizational structure of interconnected cells. The structure narrows up in pyramid fashion, as it rises toward the group’s senior command structure and leadership at the top, to whom very few have access.

    Terrorism often targets innocent civilians in order to create an atmosphere of fear, intimidation, and insecurity. Some terrorists deliberately direct attacks against large numbers of ordinary citizens who simply happen to be at a particular place at the wrong time. More selective terrorist attacks target diplomats and diplomatic facilities such as embassies and consulates; military personnel and military bases; business executives and corporate offices as well as transportation vehicles and facilities, such as airlines and airports, railways and railway stations, buses and bus terminals as well as subways. Terrorist attacks on buildings or other inanimate targets often serve a symbolic purpose: They are intended more to draw attention to the terrorists and their cause than to destroy property or kill and injure persons, although death and destruction nonetheless often result.

    Despite variations in the number of attacks from year to year in the past few decades, one feature of international terrorism has remained constant: The United States has been its most popular target. Since 1968 the United States has annually led the list of countries which citizens and property were most frequently attacked by terrorists. Several factors can account for this phenomenon, in addition to America’s position as the sole remaining superpower and leader of the free world. These include her geographical scope and ambitious imperialist tendency as exemplified by her many military bases around the world.

    Although most terrorist groups have failed to achieve their long-term, strategic aims through terrorism, their adoption of violence has on some occasions brought about significant political changes that might otherwise never be possible. Moreover, despite the claims of governments to the contrary, terrorism has sometimes also proven successful on a short-term, tactical level like winning the release of prisoners, wresting political concessions from otherwise resistant governments, or ensuring that causes and grievances that might otherwise have been ignored or neglected were addressed.

    Terrorism was used by some nationalist movements in the anti-colonial era just after World War II, when British and French empires in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East were dissolved. Countries as diverse as, Cyprus, Kenya, and Algeria owe their independence to these movements.

    Evidence of terrorist success has come more recently in the examples of Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness in Northern Ireland and Yasir Arafat in the Middle East. Adams, the president of the political wing of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Northern Ireland, and his deputy McGuinness both won election to the British Parliament in 1997. Arafat, as leader of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), won international recognition for the PLO. Through tactical victories and political achievements, each of their organizations has demonstrated how a series of terrorist acts can propel to world attention long-standing causes and grievances.

    The most spectacular terrorist incident of the anti-colonial period was the 1946 bombing of Jerusalem’s King David Hotel, by a Jewish underground group known as the Irgun Zvai Le’umi (National Military Organization). The hotel was attacked because it served at that time as the military headquarters and offices of the British administration in Palestine. Ninety-one people were killed and 45 others injured: men, women, Arabs, Jews, and Britons alike. The Irgun’s commander at the time was Menachem Begin, a future prime minister of Israel and 1978 Nobel Peace Prize co-winner.

    Begin is not alone among those once called terrorists who later attained the highest levels of power in their newly independent countries. Others include Kenya’s president Jomo Kenyatta, Cyprus’s Archbishop Makarios, and Algeria’s president Ahmed Ben Bella.

    During the late 1960s and 1970s terrorism assumed more clearly ideological motivations. Various disenfranchised or exiled nationalist minorities—as exemplified by the PLO—also embraced terrorism as a means to draw attention to their plight and generate international support for their cause. The PLO sought to create a state in what was historically known as Palestine: the land that became Israel in 1948 and the West Bank and Gaza Strip—territories occupied by Israel since the Six-Day War of 1967.

    A Palestinian group, in fact, was responsible for the incident that is considered to mark the beginning of the current era of international terrorism. On July 22, 1968, three armed Palestinians belonging to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) hijacked an Israeli El Al commercial flight from Rome, Italy, en rout Tel Aviv, Israel. Although commercial planes had often been hijacked before, this was the first clearly political hijacking. The act was designed to create an international crisis and thereby generate publicity.

    But perhaps the most conspicuous terrorist act that formed a catalyst in the Palestinian cause was that of 1972 Olympic Games in Munich, Germany at which some Palestinians stormed the Israeli camp and murdered 11 of the Jewish athletes in cold blood. That dastardly act though held the world nonplused and sent jitters to most governments it nevertheless paved way for the global recognition of Palestine as a waiting independent State.

    Two years after that tragic event, (1974) the United Nations invited the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) leader, Yasir Arafat to address its General Assembly and consequently granted observer status to the PLO. Thus, within one decade, the PLO as a political entity without a state had established formal diplomatic relations with more than 86 countries as against Israel’s 72. The PLO would likely never have attained such recognition without the attention that its international terrorist campaign drew to the plight of thePalestinians in refugee camps.

    It must be remembered that the World War I was precipitated by terrorism through the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, by a Serbian nationalist. And it was as a result of that war that the Bolshevik Group seized the power in Russia which culminated in what came to be called Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR). The ripples effect of that development later polarized the world into the Capitalist and Communist camps with emergence of countries like Cuba and China and their entailed armament race.

    Because religion was used to justify, legitimize, and even encourage, violence in the assassinations of Egypt’s president Anwar Sadat in 1981 by a group of Islamic fundamentalists and that of Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1994 by a group of Jewish extremists, the world tends to attribute terrorism to religion more than anything else. This is a wrong focus considering the various examples cited above. And besides, terrorism is now basically of two major types-internal and external both of which are inter-related. When these two are compared, one will discover that external terrorism can be more easily tackled than the internal one. But generally, what is the solution to terrorism? Read on next Friday In sha’a Llah. 

    3 Responses to “Solution to terrorism “ 

    TATA Rating:     

    said this on 05 Feb 2010 1:40:38 AM CDT

    thanks for the lesson, but i doubt with such illustrious history and rate of success, there could be a solution to terrorism…

    (Reply to this comment)

    Lumumba Rating:     

    said this on 06 Feb 2010 6:32:56 AM CDT

    You created a confusion between military tactics and strategies of national liberation movements and acts of terrorism as a weapon of war. That they both share violence in their methodologies does not make them the same. Linking Ben Bella or Mau Mau with terrorism is flying in the face of history and turning it upside down. Even going by your history, you stated terrorism started 2000 years ago. Before then nko? Or was that the beginning of history as we know it?

    (Reply to this comment)

    TATA Rating:     

    said this on 07 Feb 2010 3:43:03 AM CDT

    lumumba…first acknowledge his premise..one man’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter…that dismisses your confusion…as for the 2000 years, he had to start from somewhere, or at least where there is a semblance of recorded or dated history…it is called historiography…

    (Reply to this comment)

  • Towards a one-party state?

    Towards a one-party state?

    Some people including my humble self are wondering whether the political game in Nigeria is the struggle to attain a one-party state in the country. One has lost the count of which governor of a state with his entire state legislature has defected to the ruling party. When it started, it attracted my serious attention but now I just ignore the ridicule because that is what it is. Those of us who were born at a time when Nigeria was undergoing democratic tutelage under the British, we sure know what democracy means. It is not that there were no crossing of carpets in Britain or the United States but these were due to ideological cleavages not to ensuring staying in power in the face of a rolling and approaching federal powered train.

    This tide of desertion from one party to another just shows that there are no political parties in Nigeria but electoral contraptions put together to contest elections and share state offices for the benefits of individuals and not the people. Parties have been reduced to mere companies whose shareholding directors build them to contest elections and to share profits at the end of the venture more or less as venture capitalists looking for best results and dividends.

    Our ancestors would turn in their graves seeing what their successors have turned party governments into. The parties unlike in the past do not have party organisations or party bureaucracies which in the past of my youth were nearly as powerful as state bureaucracies and were responsible for party ideas and ensuring that members of parties in government stuck to party ideologies. I remember that in the days of good parties, members in government and boards and parastatals contributed percentages of their salaries ranging from five to 10 percent to the party treasuries from which party officials were paid.  No one knows today how parties are run financially and where parties get the funds for running their bureaucracies. 

    In the past, officers of parties monitored what members in government were doing and whether they were complying with party ideologies. In the good old days of the Action Group (AG) in Western Nigeria, no party member in government could have more than a plot of land in state land. I remember when my brother, Chief Oduola Osuntokun was Minister of Lands and Housing in the old Western Region and his ministry controlled all state land in the region stretching from Ibadan to Lagos including Maryland, Ikeja, Ilupeju, Ikorodu road etc., he neither allocated a plot of land to himself, children or relatives because he already had a single plot in the government reservation in Ibadan.

    I remember Nasir El Rufai while defending allocation of state lands in Abuja to himself, his wives and infant children when he was in charge of the federal capital territory saying they as Nigerians had rights to state lands!  I hate to be personal. Most public officials including bureaucrats now routinely build estates on state land without batting an eye lid. It has become an unsaid ideology for state officials to fortify themselves financially with government funds against a future when they would not be in government and the revolving door of corruption goes on. If there were serious parties holding officials feet to the fire of party ideologies, this situation would have been avoided.

    Permit me the necessary digression. There is nothing new in advocacy for one party rule. This was greatly advocated sincerely by some post-colonial rulers like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Modibo Keita of Mali, Sekou Toure of Guinea, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and even conservatives like Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal and   Kamuzu Banda of Malawi. Their arguments in those days was that in African polities before the advent of colonialism had no political parties divided along ideological lines nor was there anything like government and opposition and that whenever the head chief – Oba, Sarkin or whatever he was called spoke, that was it and there was never any room for opposing views. The argument is that the modern democratic praxis was divisive and waste of time that an African or developing country can afford.

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    To me these arguments are time serving and untenable and outrightly unintelligent. In any system, there should always be room for arguments after thorough discussion. The search for truth is attained through arguments and logic in the Hegelian fashion. Even in a family, there should be room for discussion and different opinions if there is to be progress in the family. If this argument is true of families, it must be true of nations and states. Our post-colonial leaders also said that because of the plural natures of our countries, one party system promotes unity whereas when there is room for more parties than one, different groups or ethnicities tend to form ethnic and tribal parties as illustrated by the example of the multiplicity of parties in Nigeria along tribal lines. This argument applies to countries as small as Switzerland and Belgium where division along parties seems to mirror the ethnic divisions in the countries.

    My argument is that a free country should tolerate parties formed along ideological or even linguistic or ethnic lines. A constitutional provision could be made for harmonisation of ethnic and tribal identities without silencing people in a homogenised national government. The examples of almost all the  post-colonial territories that embraced the one-party dogmas which have now reverted to multiparty democracy has proved the  lack of authenticity of one party system. Any party system destructive of individual freedom and all the tenets of liberalism is not worth it. All the dictatorship of the past that had tried to justify autocracy have ended in abject failure and the cracked up idea that one-party rule promotes rapid economic development have been exposed for what it is as a deceit and facade for corruption and illogical arguments.

    I honestly believe all reasonable people must be opposed to one-party state because it promotes dictatorship and rather than stability, it promotes instability and military dictatorship because when there is no other way of removing a government, people resort to coup d’état by the military or rebellion of the people which is worse than military take-over. I would rather we continue to have the chaos of multi-party rule than unified dictatorship. Liberal democracy may not be neat and may not the best system in the world but all other systems have been proved not to be better including one party system.

    What Nigeria is inching to be is not even an ideological one party system like the failed command communist system in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe which failed miserably. What seems to be going on here is a ramshackle one party system which is not backed by any well thought out ideology but a belief in joining a moving train which if you don’t jump on it quickly, one may be left behind. There is no target or goal or mission but just to remain in office for personal selfish financial self-aggrandisements. This is not a good argument to support one party state which this mass defection towards the ruling party will lead to.

  • Soldiers of June 12

    Soldiers of June 12

    DAUDA MUSA KOMO, remember him? He was the soldier who struck fear into the Ogoni people of Rivers State as their administrator between December 1993 and August  1996. To the Ogoni, the native home of renowned playwright, Ken Saro-Wiwa, who was executed with eight of his kinsmen on November 10, 1995 by the Abacha junta, Komo was a terror.

    The execution of the Ogoni 9 was a bestial act carried out under judicial cover. History will remember Komo’s role in what culminated in their execution. Komo’s tenure in Rivers where he was born in 1959, and died last May 30, left Ogoni worse off. The scars he left in Ogoni are still as visible today as they were then because of the way he handled things. He was more interested in working with Shell, the multinational oil firm, than the people.

    As Fela sang in one of his popular songs, Komo left the military trademark of sorrow, tears and blood (STB), in his trail after his exit from office. Since that incident which happened in 1994/95, Komo has been in the black book of many Nigerians, irrespective of where they come from. But this same Komo who acted more as a dictator is now being painted as a democrat by a fellow officer, the irrepressible Col Umar Abubakar Dangiwa, who deserves the Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR) that he got. As a witness to the June 12 history, I can attest to his role. That is a story for another day.

    Komo’s name appeared prominently on Dangiwa’s list of army officers who fought for the revalidation of Chief M.K.O Abiola’s mandate, but who were not given national honours during the celebration of Democracy Day last June 12. Dangiwa too was not among the honorees, but the President corrected the omission later by giving him CFR. In his reaction to the President’s decision, Dangiwa said there were other officers deserving of such honours too, and listed Komo, among them.

    To Dangiwa, Komo was a democrat at heart. However, he looked more a dictator, a terror, and a nightmare in the face to those he was supposed to lead in Rivers then. It is obvious that besides Komo, there are other names that would not have made it to that list, if it had been compiled by other persons, regardless of their profession. The post-June 12 actions of many officers on Dangiwa’s list did not portray them as soldiers of democracy; they acted more as opportunists when fortune smiled on them. I am not here to bùry anybody, but to state the facts as they are.

    This is a matter that is in public domain and which was witnessed by many who have come of age today. We know of some of the things that Dangiwa wrote about, though we were not in the barracks with him. We got tips about those who wanted the election results announced and Abiola formally declared winner; as well as those who did not want the election upheld because a court had stopped the poll; and those who wanted Abiola arrested and detained, with the key thrown into the ocean.

    Above the level of officers listed by Dangiwa as June 12 ‘heroes’ were their superiors, the Generals, who were also said to be in favour of Abiola taking office. These Generals were not on the list. It was believed then that if these Generals had their way, they would take over from the maximum ruler Ibrahim Babangida and hand over to Abiola, who was duly elected President on June 12, 1993. But Sani Abacha took over, and nothing of sort happened, to the shock of many, who had in their benign ignorance, counted him among those Generals.

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    What did we not hear then? Just wait, you will see. As soon as Abacha comes to power, he will invite Abiola and handover to him to form the government. This ING (interim national government) led by Chief Ernest Shonekan is what it is fidi e (interim), it won’t last. Awon soja ma gba s’egbe, wa gbe ijoba fun Abiola, eyin ema wo (soldiers will kick ING aside, bring in Abiola and hand over to him and end this interim nonsense). These and many more were the tales the public was regaled with.

    So, when Abacha removed Shonekan on November 17, 1993, the people’s expectations were high as they looked forward to him handing over to Abiola. It turned out to be  the beginning of the nation’s long night – four years of the locust that only ended following Abacha’s death on June 8, 1998. Abacha sent Komo to Rivers to do an hatchet job. Komo executed it with clinical efficency, using his sidekick Major Paul Okutimo to make life hell for Saro-Wiwa, especially. It was Komo’s and Okutimo’s poor handling of things that fueled the Ogoni crisis. It eventually led to the unfortunate killing of the Ogoni 4 in 1994, an act that appeared to have been orchestrated to get Saro-Wiwa.

    Saro-Wiwa and Abacha were no strangers to each other. They served together in Alfred Diete-Spiff’s executive council in the state in the late 60s and early 70s. Saro-Wiwa was a commissioner, while Abacha was then a military commander in Rivers. You will think that they should be friends, but it was otherwise. Abacha could not stand the sight of Saro-Wiwa. Thus, he needed a trusted officer to send to Rivers to stop the environmental rights campaign, gathering momentum then, which was championed by Saro-Wiwa and Ledum Mitee, among others. Mitee escaped the hangman’s noose in 1995, as the court freed him to give a semblance of a fair trial of the Ogoni 9.

    Komo fitted the bill, and he discharged his mandate to his master’s delight. What Komo and Okutimo did in Rivers between 1993 and 1996 paved the way for the Niger Delta crisis which engulfed the oil-rich region in the early days of the return to democracy in 1999. Komo might have fought for the revalidation of Abiola’s ‘sacred mandate’ as the business mogul himself put it in the heat of the fight for June 12, but he changed course when he became Rivers administrator in December 1993, barely five months after the annulment of the election.

    Dangiwa, Komo and others might have fought for the restoration of June 12, but some of them did not stand to the end. They changed gear when they became politically exposed. Only a few remained true to their commission to the end. No matter what some people, whether as soldiers or politicians might have done for June 12 in the initial stage of the struggle, once they capitulated thereafter, they they no longer deserve any honours. As the scriptures say, only those who persevere to the end will be saved. Likewise, only those who stood on June 12 to the end, should get national honours.

    It will be absurd for anyone to suggest today that Abacha be honoured for fighting for June 12 when he did not do the needful when he had the opportunity to do so, no matter the impression he created that he believed in the cause? Like him, others, many of them his subordinates later got into political office, either elected or appointed, and messed up. Such people too deserve no national honours. Some even traded their mandate for political office, and got away with it. Their betrayal of the June 12 cause does not justify the honour they got. But then in life, some get luckier than others, no matter their misdemeanours.

    This does not mean that everybody should benefit from their betrayal of a cause they once fought for. Komo, who was from Kebbi State, is dead now. God rests his soul. Since the June 12 saga will outlive those of us who witnessed it all, it is important that things are put in perspective for the sake of posterity. By the way, another officer who deserves to be honoured for his stand on June 12 is Major-General Ishola Williams. I know his time would surely come. These are the kinds of officers we should celebrate, and not those who either as politicians or  soldiers traded with June 12.

  • Death flow at dawn

    Death flow at dawn

    There is the likelihood that the Niger River got straightened along its spine and tributaries to make room for houses and livable acreage. When nature fights back, flood becomes the shibboleth of horror across areas submerged. Yet, it is hardly “flooding” as Toni Morrison would say, it is “remembering.” It’s the water simply “remembering where it used to be.”

    Let’s assume, on the flipside, that the case in Tiffin Maza was remarkably different; that its land tract was never underbed to a rippling river. Let’s assume that the tragic flood that overran the once vibrant agrarian township, tucked in the heart of Mokwa, Niger State, was triggered by human infestation of nature’s waterway, does it justify the devastation wrought by the May 28 – 29  downpour?

    Not by a smidgen, I’d say, irrespective of the Federal Government’s claims otherwise. The government’s attempt to assign blame was

    telling. The Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation, Prof. Joseph Utsev, denied allegations that the Kainji and Jebba dams’ discharge caused the flood, attributing it instead to “torrential rainfall, climate change, and blocked waterways.”

    Unregulated building activities and encroachments, he said,  blocked a seasonal tributary of River Dingi, which normally remained dry except during periods of heavy rainfall. The absence of efficient alternative drainage channels also worsened the situation, he claimed.

    What has been omitted, whether deliberately or negligently, is that just weeks earlier, in April, the Jebba dam released water, flooding farmlands and killing 13 people. There had been warning signs, yet no precautions were taken. There was no coordinated evacuation plan. No community-level awareness drive and pre-flooding simulation. Just the same bureaucratic shrug that always follows a Nigerian tragedy: “We regret the loss. We will investigate.”

    Such devil-may-care attitude neither assuages the bereaved nor corrects the faultlines that triggered the disaster. And Mokwa, still reeling from the devastation of the May flood, can only wait with bated breath for the next deadly wave of flash flood.

    Ask the beleaguered residents of Tiffin Maza. Between the dirt paws of the Mokwa, Niger State township, a persistent draft of misery leapfrogs across the ruins, as if to reenact the tragedy caused by the heavy rainfall that started on the night of May 28, resulted in the deadly deluge of May 29. By the time the water reached Madarasatul Tarbiyyatul Islamiyya, a Quranic school hosting about 870 almajiri boys in Tiffin Maza and the mosque opposite it, it was no longer a river but a maw. A cold, muscular predator that peeled boys from sleep like overripe fruit and flung them into its mouth.

    AbdulMalik, 15, from Sokoto, screamed his mother’s name until the flood washed it from his tongue. Abba, also 15, from Sokoto, thrashed in the dark until his frail limbs stilled. Lawwali, 16, from Niger, equally got swept away, vanishing beneath the serpentine tide. Salamanu, 18, from Niger, had barely opened his eyes when the water closed its mouth around him. Muhammadu, 20, from Niger, equally drowned. The harder he fought, the deeper he sank. The sixth boy, unnamed, was found with a body battered beyond identity, yet no less mourned.

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    They were almajirai, mostly underage boys, but the water devoured them and swept them away in its tide. More than 500 homes were destroyed. Some 121 were injured. More than 3,000 individuals, were displaced in the flood that impacted over 9,000 people in total, according to the Director of Information, Niger State Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Dr. Ibrahim Audu Hussaini. Hussaini.

    But beyond the scale of the Mokwa disaster lies the scandal of who died. Not just how many. The almajirai, a floating population of underage boys subjected to religious training, are among Nigeria’s most systemically neglected citizens. They rarely feature in demographic data and public safety planning. They are educated without infrastructure, sheltered without walls and raised without parental care. Thus, their vulnerability when disaster strikes—be it fire, flood, or famine.

    The reasons for their vulnerability are manifold but not mysterious. Almajiri children live in open, low-lying, and often unsanitary spaces: mosque courtyards, abandoned buildings, under market stalls, and bridges. They often lack any form of early-warning safety nets. 

    Sources living close to the Madarasatul Tarbiyyatul Islamiyya, the Quranic school in Tiffin Maza, claimed that about 120 pupils died in the flood, but the school’s proprietor, Mallam Hassan Alhaji Umar, claimed that only 48 almajirai were missing, of which six have been certified dead.

    A 2024 study conducted across Kano and Kaduna found that three out of every six almajiri boys die before adulthood, exposed to hunger, violence, disease, and now, environmental disaster. The study concluded that for every six almajirai, three die, two get lost, and only one survives to adulthood. These numbers depict our national shame in flesh.

    At the heart of the Mokwa calamity lies a double failure: of infrastructure and imagination. The first is concrete: bridges not maintained, dams poorly managed, and urban planning left to guesswork. The second is cultural: a failure to imagine children like the almajirai as deserving of the same dignity, safety, and future as any other child.

    The flood exposed both failures. The town’s arterial bridge collapsed. Emergency workers were cut off, and recovery was delayed. An excavator had to be brought in to retrieve bodies from the wreckage. And when, days later, the authorities declared rescue efforts suspended, their words were chilling in their finality: “There is no one left to find.”

    But perhaps the greater tragedy is that most Nigerians have accepted and moved on, while bracing for the next catastrophe. In a country where disaster is regularised, death becomes ambient. Nigeria has learned to tuck children into unmarked graves while ignoring their names. This is scary.

    The Mokwa flood is not merely an act of God but the culmination of decades of state failure, misgovernance, and strategic neglect.

    To prevent future tragedies, Nigeria must radically rethink its approach to disaster preparedness and the structural neglect of vulnerable populations, like almajirai. The almajiri system requires a complete overhaul driven by a proprietor-government partnership. All almajiri schools should be registered, and the pupils must be provided with proper shelter, healthcare, and psychosocial support.

    Equally urgent is the need for climate-resilient infrastructure. Flood-prone states like Niger must invest in embankments, efficient drainage systems, and elevated housing designs built with the realities of a changing climate in mind. Disaster preparedness should begin at the grassroots and involve both secular and non-secular schools. Community-based early warning systems, whether through SMS alerts, local radio broadcasts, or traditional town criers, can offer lifesaving seconds of notice and foster a generation capable of responding more intelligently to emergencies.

    We cannot respond to crises effectively if we do not know who lives where. Every almajiri school and informal community must be mapped and integrated into a digitised database and national emergency frameworks.

    The government must also must also account for poor urban planning decisions: settlements allowed in floodplains, blocked drainages left unchecked, and warnings ignored. Only through such coordinated, humane, and forward-looking action can the memory of those drowned in Mokwa, especially the unseen almajirai, be honoured beyond lip service.

    After the flood, there were no marble tombstones or state funerals in their wake. Just quick burials in shallow, anonymous graves. Nigeria has already forgotten them. But their memory lingers in a sandal half-buried in mud. In a slate smudged with rain. In the eyes of those who scurried from death that they might collapse into life.

  • Time and culture

    Time and culture

    You do not have to be an anthropologist to know that culture is not static. Rather, it is dynamic. Every aspect of culture changes from time to time but at an unpredictable rate. Depending on the stimulus, some aspects change slowly over time, others extremely fast. What is frightening about cultural change in Nigeria today is the quantity and quality of change and the effects, both positive and negative, on extant social, political, and economic practices.

    Changes to the body and appearance

    Let’s begin with physical appearance. For those who are 60 years or older, there are many noticeable features in the appearance of today’s youths, some of which attract jaw-dropping reactions. “Look at this young man, Prof,” said a fellow octogenarian to me as we waited in the Departure Lounge in Warri for a flight to Lagos. The boy in question had two distinguishing features: his hair was braided like that of a woman, while his girlfriend wore a yellow wig on her head, with the “hair” drooping over her shoulders. As my friend and I continued our conversation, more youths boarded the plane until over half of the passengers were young men and women mostly under 30. In addition to braided hair and coloured wigs, there were differently shaped beards and more wig colours.

    As we focused on the girls, we noticed unusually rounded butts and hips, protruding backwards and sideways. I was told they wore butt and hip pads for enhancement. The pads are filled with silicon. Many wore similar enhancements to round out their breasts. In certain cases, the enhancement pushed up half or more of the breasts which made them look like they were about to pop out. Some cared less about breast enhancement than about how much of their breasts were exposed. They wore V- or U-shaped vests that exposed as much of their breasts as you cared to look. The craze for bodily enhancement has generated many customers for cosmetic surgeons, who pump the silicon into butts and hips. I am told some girls even enhance their lips!

    What we observed at the Warri airport led me into deeper reflections on widespread cultural change among Nigerian youths, using Yoruba youths as a reference point. My mind went straight to women’s gele (headgear) and the new makeup tradition. A billion Naira industry has developed, consisting of itinerant makeup artists, who beautify women’s faces and tie their headgear for social occasions, such as weddings, birthdays, and funeral ceremonies. I understand that ready-made gele is now in the market.

    I also recalled the traditional Yoruba sooro and buba, which our young men have reduced into tight-fitting outfit in the direction of English trouser and shirt. Even the traditional voluminous agbada has been reduced in size by the youths. The result is that the extra volume flowing beyond the hands is no longer there to wrap around the shoulders for fashion effect.

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    Music and pop culture

    For today’s Yoruba musicians, music is about rhythm, not about lyrics. True, youths sing along with the musicians, but there’s nothing about philosophy, culture, or history in the songs. Octogenarians like me cannot but be nostalgic about the musicians of our time: Fatai Rolling Dollars; Adeolu Akinsanya (Baba Eto);  Ebenezer Obey; Sunny Ade; Dele Abiodun; Orlando Owomoyela (popularly known as Orlando Owoh), and, of course, the Afro King himself, Fela Anikulapo Kuti. They produced historical, cultural, political, and philosophical songs you remember and learn from. The scanty lyrics of today’s music are about self, sex, money, and other material things. Their cultural basis is not the Yoruba that I know.

    Change in attitude and value orientation

    Traditional values of community and respect for elders have given way to emphasis on individuality. Hard work is no longer considered the best path to wealth accumulation and material possessions.

    Change agents

    This leads to the drivers of cultural change in contemporary Nigeria. In the forefront is the intertwined influence of globalisation, modernisation, and the technologies of communication. Interactions with other cultures have been influenced by these factors more than ever before. In particular, American pop culture and the American dollar are global currencies. American pop culture has had the greatest influence on Nigerian musicians. American musicians and some sports icons are also among the drivers of dress change and bodily practices—beard, plaited hair, and clothing style—among Nigerian musicians and youths in general.

    Another driver of change is corruption and the material orientation of the society, led by the political class. Corruption erodes necessary support for educational institutions, which are the grooming ground for the youths. In the absence of necessary tools for learning, most of the youths pass through the system with little or no skills to sustain them after graduation. While in school, many join gangs and Yahoo groups, while others engage in other deviant practices. In the absence of employment, they engage in more deviant practices or professionalise the ones they carried over from school.

    For many of them, social media provides a means of escape. All they need is an adopted mentor and a target of abuse on X, Facebook, and similar media. This was particularly evident during the 2023 presidential election, when Peter Obi’s Obidients (Obidiots) targeted his political opponents and whoever expressed a contrary opinion. Their behaviour manifested the erosion of values that social media promoted.

    The point about culture is that it takes a life of its own once change sets in. You cannot stop it by legislation or coercion. Nigerian youths are on a course of change that may consume the whole nation in a few decades when my generation and the one after me are long gone. The social practices at that time will be regarded as the culture of the people.

  • Wanted: ‘Quarterly Audits with Consequences’

    Wanted: ‘Quarterly Audits with Consequences’

    The Senate Committee on Public Accounts is belatedly querying NNPCL and its predecessor NNPC over audit discrepancy queries for 2017-2023 amounting to N210 trillion -N210,000,000,000,000. Assuming a realistic Nigerian population of 160m, 160,000,000 not the much boasted but questionable 200m+, that is N210trillion divided by 160m i.e.  N1,312,500/per Nigerian or N187,464/year/Nigerian. It is fraudulent and disgraceful and speaks volumes that the 2017,2018,  2019, 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023 audits were not done or dealt with as and when due WITH CONSEQUENCES. Is the 2024 Audit also ongoing?   There is also a Police probe over N50b.

    There is no Ministry, Agency and Department, MAD, and Corporate ‘Fear of Audits’. But there is Corporate ‘Fear of Audits with Consequences’. Such ‘Consequences’ must include public disgrace, appointment termination, demotions, return of funds and prosecutions/jail terms.  This fear is a tool to help prevent fraud and misuse or abuse of funds.

    Nigerians are tired of often fruitless but very costly media circus lawyer-led frenzy and multi-year consuming EFCC, ICPC-led chases through endless smiley-lawyer courts to recover billions or trillions of already stolen people’s funds all made useless by the naira crash. Look at the ex-CBN banker demanding reversal of court ordered forfeiture of the estate with 753duplex i.e. 1506 actual homes. Think what that money, if ‘unstolen’ in the first place, would have done  in the education and child and mother care of Nigerians, many now dead, deprived or suffering.

    ‘AUDITS WITH CONSEQUENCES’ IN GOVERNMENT AGENCIES SHOULD BE QUARTERLY, EVERY THREE MONTHS, AND ADDED TOGETHER AT YEAR END AND MADE READY BY MARCH THE FOLLOWING YEAR.

    It is quite distressing to the general population to see the huge press coverage given to the slightest information, misinformation or deliberate rumour, true or false, about any politician. At the end of the day, these stories have little or no positive impact on the individual citizen. Entertaining politics, political shenanigans and politicians take up too much of our media space.

    Meanwhile, there is hardly ever any assessment of the contribution of the politician to the development landscape. The media would be better concentrating on performance than on the glitz and glamour of political life provided at the expense of the poor citizens. In addition to information of how many wristwatches, cars and houses a particular politician owns, we expect a report of the contribution that particular politician to the development of the society.

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    As we move through 2025 and into 2026, politicians and the press seem to have cancelled that period from the political calendar and are now vocal about 2027. This is the beginning of a repeat of past mistakes culminating in the shutting down of governance for one year pre-election. We cannot allow this to happen between July 2025 and 2027. The poor citizens suffering in IDP camps, driven from homes and farmlands, without jobs, without a school cannot afford for politicians to take a sabbatical year off their development responsibility just to raise an ‘election war chest’ for an election  campaign. Nigerians have suffered too much from such ‘Time out’ periods.

    Politicians must work out the best way of continuing their political ambitions while continuing to work the machinery of development for the entire elected period, without disrupting the growth of infrastructure or truncating the dreams and the delivery to the citizenry of progress. There is too much for politicians to do for them to take their eye off the people’s needs. And besides, the politicians can hold up the achievements in 2026 to increase their chances of winning the election in 2027 on merit not money.

    POLITICIANS: WORK TILL YOUR LAST DAY IN OFFICE AS IT MAY JUST BE YOUR LAST DAY IN OFFICE IF YOU ARE NOT RE-ELECTED…and then Judgement Day. Of course, politicians should further their careers. However, by taking the fat salaries per month they cannot stop working for development for one year or more pre-election. If you take the money, do the work every month. Nigeria cannot afford to pay politicians huge amounts of funds and ‘Salaries And Perks’ only to have large numbers of them take a year off with nothing tangible done, just to try to win the next elections.

    President Tinubu has had his New Tax Laws agreed and has signed into law after several months of wrangling.  They come into force January 1, 2026 and suggest a very cerebral approach to prevent over-taxation, double taxation and puts more money in the pockets of poor and low-income workers, considering the poor naira value. There is no increase in VAT which remains at 7.5% though it could have gone to 10% for upper class consumptive products like food, clothing, cars and expensive drinks and perfumes. There were vicious objections in area of VAT distribution especially between VAT-generating states and VAT consumer states. There will be VAT exemptions for low-income workers and lower taxes for medium income workers and reduction in tax in certain productive areas like agriculture and an introduction of redistribution of VAT proceeds.

    This will introduce a huge responsibility on tax authorities and the citizenry. A lot will depend on the patriotism and subsequent honesty of the citizenry, accountancy firms and tax officials. The Bible singled out judges and tax officials for special prayers to enable them to avoid temptation. How have times, opinions and practical aspects in these areas changed over 2000 years? Only time will tell.