Category: Saturday

  • Government can’t be charmed

    Government can’t be charmed

    Politicians grumble a lot. The Gen-Z ones among them are in a hurry, restless and desperate for power. They can hardly stay on the queue and wait patiently for their turn.

    That’s what led four of them to the same watcher of signs and times – the babalawo who claimed ability to see tomorrow. They had heard of his power of prediction and efficacy in the use of charms.

    Their complaint was that the appointment of Secretaries to Local Government and Supervisors had been delayed by the state government. The four men believed they would make the list, but their main regret was that the process of appointment had dragged on for four months after council elections.

    Local Government chairmen are already working and drawing salaries while they were left in the cold.

    The man with the mystical powers promised to help.

    Their request was that he does something that would make the appointments happen within seven days.

    He gave them a cowry to speak to silently, assuring that the oracle will harken to their petition.

    Of course, they parted with joy after paying the babalawo.

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    Seven days after, no appointment was announced. Nine days, then 14 days, then 21…

    In annoyance, they returned to the babalawo to inquire as to why his assurance failed.

    The seer was surprised too. Then, he started to inquire from them what they told the oracle through the cowry.

    According to them, they told the oracle to spur the state government to announce appointments within seven days.

    The babalawo exclaimed: ‘I see. That’s your fault. The oracle would have been looking for the government, but could not find it!”

    They rejected his explanation and doubted his powers.

    But, the babalawo took pains to explain the bitter truth about how these things work.

    He said: “Charm can catch Governor A, B or C, especially if you mention his name. He is a person who has blood running in his veins.  He can be determined. He is known. But no charm in the world can catch any government, local, state or federal.”

  • As cynics rage over collapsing food prices

    As cynics rage over collapsing food prices

    I felt for former Edo State governor and current Senator representing Edo North in the National Assembly, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, after the barrage of verbal attacks unleashed on him by uncouth social media warriors during the week. His offence? He granted an interview on a television station, wherein he stated that some Nigerians were saying that food items had become too cheap.

    Responding to a question as to whether the radical reforms promised by the All Progressives Congress (APC) led government were being implemented at the expense of the average Nigerian, Oshiomhole admitted that the government promised radical reforms. He, however, dismissed insinuations that the reforms are hurting the average Nigerian, insisting that the concerns raised by the host were not supported by evidence or verifiable facts.

    “Who are the average persons?” he asked. “You pick these things from the mouths of people.”

    He then issued the interlocutor a challenge, saying, “Have you gone to see people complaining? There are Nigerians now saying food is becoming too cheap.”  

     The engagement had occurred against the background of earlier public outcry that food prices were too high. In fits of exasperation at a time that a 50kg bag of rice sold for more than N100,000, yams competed with gold and pepper with diamonds, online warriors literally tore into President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, calling him unprintable names and wondering whether there was still a government in place.

    In response to the outrage, the Tinubu government initiated policies that resulted in the collapse of food prices. But rather than commend the government for being responsive and responsible, stakeholders in the food and agricultural sector, who felt short-changed by the turn of events, have chosen to condemn it. Thus, for the Tinubu administration, it is a case of damned if you do, and damned if you don’t.

    Read Also: Why food prices are crashing, by minister

    Upon my mother’s death in May last year, I travelled to the village for the obsequies. There, I met a brother-in-law of mine who had retired to the village after decades of service in the banking sector. In our discussion on the state of the nation, he was livid about high food prices, blaming it on President Tinubu’s reluctance to reopen the borders for foreign rice and other food items to come into the country.

    By the time I returned to the village in December (about seven months later), my brother-in-law had grown even more bitter with the President than he was previously. Ironically, the source of his anger this time is that food prices had become too low. I would later realise that his anger was stirred by selfish considerations rather than any whiff of patriotism. He had become a cassava farmer in the village, consistently raking in hundreds of thousands of naira, only for the price of cassava to crash, and the years of honeymoon came to an end.

    With the foregoing in mind, it did not come as news to me when Comrade Oshiomhole said some Nigerians were already complaining that food had become too cheap. But the uncouth army of haters on social media saw in his declaration an opportunity to drag the former governor and Tinubu’s political ally. The majority of them even veered off the real issue and resorted to attacking Oshiomhole’s physical appearance and family life.

    But that is not to say there are no exemptions to the online madness. Indeed, some other commentators agreed wholeheartedly with the Edo senator. One commentator said, “That (Oshiomhole’s claim) is the truth. Last week, I bought N1,000 worth of tomatoes and N500 worth of pepper, and I nearly had to hire a trailer to take them home. I could not use all the tomatoes and peppers because they were too many. I had to call my sister to come take half of it because I live alone and could not finish the entire tomatoes.”

    In other climes, cheaper food prices would impel people to roll out the drums in celebration. That, however, is far from being the case in our country, where cynics, pessimists and masochists who have sworn never to see anything good in the administration of President Tinubu have become the opinion drivers on social media. They fear that giving his administration credit where it is due would translate to narrowing the chances of their preferred presidential aspirants in the 2027 elections.

  • AFCON 2025: Sadio Mane’s lesson in leadership

    AFCON 2025: Sadio Mane’s lesson in leadership

    The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) has come and gone as Senegal’s Teranga Lions beat the host team, Atlas Lions of Morocco to lift Africa’s most coveted football trophy. This year’s tournament more than ever exposed a lot about African football, the capacity of the Confederation of African Football (CAF), the beauty of nations imbuing players with a sense of self and patriotism, the values and limits of infrastructural development especially for sports and in this case, global football and every other thing in between.

    The Kingdom of Morocco has in the last two decades taken the initiative to invest massively in the game of football through infrastructural and youth development. They have shown what focus can do especially for a game that is living out ‘the beautiful game’ tag. Global football has become some trillion dollar economic pie. It’s more than a game, it is now an economic and socio-political tool with diverse powers.

    For the African continent, it is paradoxical that she gives the game so much in human capital yet, reaps so little economically due to leadership failures. The various leagues in the world have the brilliant imprints of African players; the English Premier League, Spanish La Liga, Italian Serie A, the German Bundesliga, the Ligue 1 of France and other continental leagues in Africa, Asia, South America which for obvious reasons are not in the same league as those in Europe.

    Morocco’s investment in football has given the nation a seat at the table of football politics and economic benefits. In the last fifteen years FIFA has given them hosting rights for; 2013, 2014 and 2022 FIFA Club World Cups, 2025 Under-17 Women’s World Cup and 2025 CAF Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). They would be co-hosting the 2030 FIFA World Cup with Portugal and Spain. They would be the second African country to host World Cup after the 2010 South African experience. They have also given a boost to female football in the continent with their Atlas lionesses winning silver at the 2025 African Women’s Cup of Nations.

    However, because the impact of football has gone beyond the pitch of play, Morocco’s hosting of 2025 AFCON came with so many lessons for Africa as a continent. The post-independence Pan-Africanism spirit seems to have lost steam. The Moroccans through some actions during the games have shown that geography can be of economic value but without the sociological bonding that ought to exist between the citizens within the geographic region.

    The several racist chants at black players and the bullying of Nigeria’s Stanley Nwabali whose towels were stolen and banana thrown at him and the bullying of the Senegalese reserve goal keeper by both officials, players like Hakimi and ball boys showed some citizens  do not share in the African brotherhood neither do they care about sportsmanship in the game. The post-match taunting of the Senegalese coach, Pape Thiaw by some Moroccan journalists was as unprofessional as it was unethically anti-sportsmanship.

    The leadership of national football associations and even CAF as a continental body must reform to align with set standards for the game not just for the on-the-pitch play but beyond that. Administration of football must not end at attending meetings and competitions. A country like Nigeria that has become notorious for stressing out players and coaches by not paying them allowances promptly must begin to get sanctioned by CAF. There should be no escapism under the cloak of, ‘not interfering with countries’ internal affairs’.

    The welfare of coaches and players is fundamental to the emotional stability of those affected. The idea that Nigeria is a perennial culprit must be addressed holistically. The psychological impact of such administrative inefficiencies cannot be over-emphasised. CAF should wield the big stick if need be.

    The huge security lapses during the games that saw ball boys withhold opponents’ throw-in balls or grab Keepers’ towels must urgently be seen to be sanctioned as a deterrent to others and in preparation for 2030 World Cup the country would be co-hosting. The attack on other country’s fans in some Moroccan stadia was not a good sight. The alleged Mysterious death of two journalists from Mali and Cameroun must be thoroughly investigated and justice seen to be done.

    Read Also: Sadio Mane: God of football was not with Senegal 

    The reported artificial ticket scarcity to the fans of other teams speaks volumes of the sense of hospitality of the Moroccans. If fans and tourists travelled thousands of kilometres to Morocco and ended up watching the matches of their country’s teams from hotel rooms due to some ticket sale shenanigans, Morocco should be investigated and sanctioned if found culpable. That would be a pre-emptive move towards efficiency in the future.

    Despite the very disappointing actions of both teams, the Senagalese coach during the final game was finally concluded with a Senagalese victory. There has been outrage by football lovers due to the leadership crises that led to the chaos during the final game. The referee, Jean-Jacques Ndala from DRC failed as a lead referee of the match for failing to earn the trust of the players by being, alert, fair and firm. The Senagalese disallowed goal ought to have been verified through the VAR before the decision to disallow the goal. To have dashed to VAR to verify and award a penalty to the Moroccan team was the real beginning of the chaos.

    Referees in Africa must understand that while everyone can concede that they are humans, they are still expected like Ceasar’s wife to be above reproach. They must show leadership and objectivity to earn respect and be truly part of the global game. They must be well trained and their training must manifest in the field of play. CAF must understand the value of refereeing to football as a sport. A lot of emotions come with football and refereeing expertly ought to be the calm amidst the storm.

    There are reports that the Senagalese coach has been suspended by CAF for ordering his players to leave the pitch during the penalty argument. He did not show leadership. The spirit of the game is sportsmanship and it is achieved through obedience to the laws governing the game. He did not show good leadership at the most trying moment of African football on a global stage. He let his emotion get the better of his judgment. Leadership demands more than he gave at that instance.

    On the contrary, Sadio Mane, the Senagalese football legend; two-time AFCON winner, Premier League Champion, Champions League champion, FA Cup winner, Carabao Cup winner, Bundesliga champion and a beacon for the game showed what leadership means. He was neither the coach, team captain or even assistant captain but just his integrity earned him the respect of his teammates that he ran to the locker room to tell persuade them to return.

    Mane at that moment showed the world that leadership is not about titles, tags or positions. He displayed perseverance, humility, altruism, patriotism and a huge lover of African football. According to him, he refused to leave with his teammates because he had the reputation of the African football on his mind. It was not about emotions, it was not about ego, simply about showing leadership. It is significant that the suspended Senagalese captain, Kalidou Koulibali handed him the cup to lift after he received it from the CAF President. It was very significant, the world applauded the respect. Without the Captain’s band, a Mane has led his country to two AFCON victories and qualifications for two World Cups in a row.

    As every football lover including Nigerian politicians applaud a Sadio Mane for his integrity, humility and altruism, this period must be one for introspection. Mane does not need a tag to impact the game and lives. He has invested heavily in schools, hospitals, Mosques and football back in his country, impacting lives in ways that is almost making him the symbol of football and philantophy in his nation. Despite his background and all he has achieved, he remains calm, unobtrusive and kind. 

    In a continent with several failed leaders and corrupt political class, Mane emerges as an icon of what leadership ought to be, productive, selfless, compassionate, patriotic and humane. Mane is so humble despite his exploits, he gives so silently and impactfully that only his works speak for him. He is the perfect silent and cheerful giver. Placed side by side most Nigerian politicians, even with his physical size, he towers above many of them who even after using the people’s money to build infrastructure pretend own them and publicize them for accolades and political expediencies.

    Mane through his actions on and off the pitch is a great model to the youths not just in Africa but globally. His contributions to the game at both club and national levels can be seen through his many medals from several continents. Leadership is seen through actions not through rhetoric and ego trips seen in most politicians across the world. He has shown that leadership does not imbue anyone with certain qualities. People bring their innate qualities to leadership. Despite his achievements, he remains humble and thinks more about humans and the game.

    The celebration of Senegal’s AFCON 2025 win across continents is not so much for the mere victory of the team, it is the human family looking beyond football. Their victory is seen as a befitting tribute to Mane and his teammates’ fighting spirit. The cohesion they showed helped them achieve success. He sees himself as an ambassador of a tripartite style; football, Africa and nation/club. Today he speaks to millions without talking. Mane has spoken to global politicians. Here’s hoping his ‘voice’ resonates with generations to come. Congratulations to Senegal.

    • The dialogue continues…
  • Tunji Olaopa, critical reforms and the Trump challenge (1)

    Tunji Olaopa, critical reforms and the Trump challenge (1)

    Ever since President Donald Trump sounded his alarm on the possibility of sending United States troops into Nigeria ‘guns-ablazing’ in response to alleged ‘Christian genocide’ in the country, this column has focused severally on what I have described as the mercurial American leader’s wake up call or challenge to Nigeria and Africa.

    In his seemingly unhidden disdain for weak, mostly poorly governed, inexcusably poverty-stricken and abysmally wretched African countries, Trump may not be the unbridled racist many perceive him to be after all. His may just be a normal reaction of the strong, mighty and wealthy of the world to an otherwise abundantly endowed continent that has no business with the kind of dehumanising poverty with which she is identified.

    It is another testament to the tragedy that is Africa that Uganda’s ruling strongman for over four decades, Yoweri Museveni, despite his advanced age, has just won another landslide electoral victory to lead his country for another seven years. In the emergent post-Trump global order, strength is might. Established rule-based behaviour based on decency, honour and civility has lost resonance. In the new world being born before our very eyes, democratic deficits in Africa and kleptocratic heists of governance leading to massive citizen impoverishment and disenchantment become existential threats to national sovereignty.

    The restoration of democratic credibility, ethical governance and economic progress that impacts millions positively among the Wretched of the earth, thus becomes the immediate imperative response in Africa to an essentially amoral ‘Trumpian’ philosophical outlook on global governance.

    Such a revolutionary transformation in the management ethos of the public sphere in Africa is indeed a necessary condition for black countries with the requisite wherewithal to acquire the deterrent lethal armoury that will make great powers with a Machiavellian eye on the continent’s rich trove of rare minerals and other resources to think twice before leaping on her like lethal carnivores even as they mouth pious declarations of ‘civilizing’ intent.

    Indeed, renowned political scientist and international relations scholar, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, alongside another scholarly African legend, Professor Ali Mazrui, had made persuasive cases, long before Trump, for what has been widely called the ‘black bomb’ to better facilitate the emergence of a global deterrent racial balance of terror. This may not necessarily be as outlandish as some perceive it. Neither will it require superhuman feats of cerebral heroism. Indeed, the human resource base already exists for such a feat in Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt and many African countries.

    What is urgently needed is for a sufficient number of African societies to summon the organisational efficiency, leadership discipline, elite cohesion, and solidifying democratic culture and political stability needed to shoulder such a grave responsibility. Interestingly, while we tend to focus excessively on our flaws and negative traits, there is much, unfortunately imperceptible, good occurring in different spheres of our society in Nigeria, such as an appreciation and cultivation of merit that is a necessary condition for the nurturing of the technocratic culture that must be the basis for a nuclear-powered society.

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    For instance, in his 2016 Convocation Lecture at the University of Ibadan, in which he made a vigorous case for ‘Nigerian Exceptionalism’ in the country’s desired ‘Quest for World Leadership’, Professor Akinyemi referred to a commentary by the CNN on the launching by the National Space Research Research and Development Agency (NASRDA) of five satellites into space since 2003. The professor quotes CNN as reporting that “The NASRDA has launched five satellites since 2003, with three still in orbit delivering vital services. The most recent NigeriaSat-X was the first to be designed and constructed by NASRDA engineers, and more advanced models are in development”.

    And in the words of Professor Akinyemi, “NASRDA has close to 500 skilled and trained staff, some up to PhD level. The programme has ambitious goals. By 2018, it hopes to build Indigenous satellites, by 2025-2028, it hopes to build a national spaceport and develop an indigenous space launcher, and by 2030, it intends to put a Nigerian astronaut into space. These are lofty goals that have received international acclaim”.

    No less critical than charismatic and visionary political leadership at the commanding heights of societal governance are merit-recruited and driven technocrats at the driving seats of bureaucratic structures that propel scientific, technological, artistic, industrial, educational and other attainments to the level of genius that move polities forward at a geometric rate. In choosing Professor Tunji Olaopa as his pick to serve as Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC), President Bola Tinubu demonstrated a commitment to merit as the underlying imperative for the fundamental reforms that are the defining essence of his administration.

    This meritocratic disposition of his leadership style is evident in the outstanding productivity of various agencies from General Buba Marwa’s NDLEA to Mr Tunji BELLO’s FCCPC to Professor Eghosa Osagie’s NIIA to Hafsat Bakarat’s NFIU to Yemi Cardoso’s CBN, Professor Oloyede’s JAMB or Dr Kayode Opeifa’s NRC, to name a few.

    An accomplished political scientist, Professor Olaopa obtained his MSc and PhD degrees in public administration and has gone on to establish his reputation as the leading scholar on public sector reforms in Nigeria and Africa. Rising to the apex position of Federal Permanent Secretary in the Federal Public Service, he has no less than two-score highly regarded scholarly books on different aspects of public service reforms in Africa.

    In a write-up to commemorate two years of Professor Olaopa in this demanding seat, another noted scholar who works with and observes him at close quarters, Dr Paul Onomuakpokpo, noted that “Under Olaopa, there is the overarching quest to bring the best and brightest to the civil service, without undermining the federal character principle. His credibility has invested his leadership with an imprimatur of believability. Through credible promotion examinations, the career progression of the most qualified civil servants is guaranteed. Civil servants are no longer apprehensive that they need to look for millions to bribe their way to rise to the top. Olaopa has demonstrated the courage to stop the promotion of those who do not merit it, no matter the pressure from different quarters. The avenues for questionable promotion examinations, such as leakage and sub-standard examination questions, have been blocked. This has saved the commission from wasting time, money and other resources on court cases”.

    Continuing, he states that “Those who fail no longer bother to contest the grades they have been awarded as they rest assured that the system is now credible. Olaopa’s streak of firsts at the FCSC has received a boon with the introduction of the computer-based test ( CBT) mould for the conduct of recruitment and promotion examinations in the civil service. This novelty imposes on civil servants the salubrious necessity of computer-savviness that is reflective of technological developments in a world where those who have demurred at bracing for artificial intelligence and others are faced with the present danger of consignment to corporate and professional backwaters. It has also shrunk the space for the manipulation of examination results that impugn the credibility of the commission”.

    Remarkably, Olaopa has been able to put into practice his profuse theoretical adumbrations on the imperative of civil society reforms while maintaining harmonious relationships with the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HOCSF), Mrs Didi Esther Walson Jack (OON) and other leadership cadres of the Public Service, many of whom are change agents in their own right.

    A significant development under Olaopa’s leadership of the FCSC has been the resuscitation for two years running of the annual meetings of the National Council of Civil Service Commissions of the Federation; an exercise that had been in abeyance for over a decade. In the concluding part of this piece, we will look in detail at the deliberations of the last Council which held in Umuahia, in Abia State, its exhaustive communique and why its conclusions are germane to the emergence of Nigerian and African public services that can be the backbone of emergent flourishing, vibrant and virile African countries no more vulnerable to the bullying and hectoring of self-interested external self-proclaimed saviour -giants with feet of clay.

  • Pyrrhic victories

    Pyrrhic victories

    Nigerian sports administrators are experts in quick fixes rather than carving out deliberate and enduring structures that would churn out talents seamlessly. I watched the new African Cup of Nations champions, the Teranga Lions of Senegal’s matches and each time tears flowed down my cheeks. I had heavy loaded heart each time commentators reminded us during their games  of the advantages they have secured for the future, particularly their ages.

    May I humbly ask our administrators: ‘how old will these players be by 2030? Besides, there is the deafening noise from a few football lovers trying to sway others to regulate their tunnel vision of making sure that second rated Coach Eric Chelle remains on the coaching bench. If I know our administrators very well, the selection of new players into Super Eagles would be farfetched. If we retain Chelle because of his pyrrhic victories in Morocco, no disrespect to what he has done (somebody needs to tell me),then we would have tacitly embraced cabals which would support the coach’s  retention of certain players always playing our matches, except they are walking with walking sticks.

    A Pyrrhic victory is a win achieved at such a devastating cost that it feels like a loss, with the victor suffering immense casualties, resources, or damage; making the success ultimately hollow or unsustainable, like winning a battle but losing the war. The term comes from King Pyrrhus of Epirus, who famously said after defeating Romans at great expense, “One more victory over the Romans and we are completely done for!”.

    Indeed, the reason our soccer slid into the abyss was because many of us didn’t encourage new entrants into the Super Eagles after what our debutants at the USA ’94 World Cup in 1996 did withtheir what has now turned out to be pyrrhic victories. It got so bad that a sitting sports minister argued that he didn’t want that feat eclipsed by defeats from any country under the guise of playing friendly matches. The boys got so unruly that they plotted the sack of PhillipeTroussier, whose 3-5-2 formation had effectively removed the aging ones. It struck them so badly that it didn’t matter what Nigeria did at the France ’98 World Cup. Playing at the Mundial then was a birthright.

    Our administrators have unwittingly conceded their rights to guard certain tenets of NFF/Chelle contract as it affects Chelle telling the world that his contract isn’t in his hands, when he has a subsisting contract with Nigeria. What happened to the famous right of not divulging anything enshrined in the contract? Isn’t this a breach? What has happened to the infamous oath of secrecy which all the parties in the contract must uphold?

    “The coach was very emotional when he addressed the team after the quarter-final win over Algeria. He didn’t cry, but he was deeply moved. He told us that he has yet to be contacted by the NFF and so anything is possible as regards his future,” the team member told only SCORENigeria.

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    “Really he enjoys the support of the team and has made us one big, happy family. But we also know that several other countries are interested in working with him, with some of them offering him much more money than what he gets in Nigeria.”

    Isn’t this a time bomb waiting to explode in the coming years of Chelle’s tenure? Haven’t we tacitly emboldened the players to pick the coach they want to work with when the chips are down, going forward? These are players with the penchant for civil disobedience when fighting for their entitlement.

    Chelle has joined the league of journeymen that Nigeria has recruited who use our players’ innate skills during matches to enrich their Curriculum Vitae (CV) for future jobs across the globe.

    Former Super Eagles coach and captain, Sunday Olisehwas dumfounded with the ceremony after Nigeria clinched another bronze medal at the AFCON, our ninth in the competition’s history and rightly so. The flipside to Oliseh’s argument is that some of the players are debutant and would surely want to celebrate their first senior medal at AFCON.

    Oliseh submitted further that: “There was a time when the Super Eagles shed tears after finishing second, because to us, anything but the trophy was unacceptable.”

    “Celebrating third place builds a culture of mediocrity.”

    “I will give you an example of what I meant. Before the final in Rabat, a video went viral of the Super Eaglescelebrating winning third place against Egypt. At the media tribune where I sat, both African and European journalists mocked us; they couldn’t believe it,” Oliseh said.

    “We must remember that the decline of our dominance started when we became content with bronze. If we want to be Africa’s best again, wild celebrations for anything less than gold must stop immediately,” Oliseh concluded.

    Oliseh just reminded the younger generation of the Super Eagles that winning a third place isn’t worth it, not with the armada of stars we parade from across the globe. We have the players to win AFCON thrice on the trot, but a better coach who won’t look for amicable resolutions for high acts of indiscipline because it involves one of the big boys.

    What Chelle succeeded in reawakening in the Super Eagles was drill them to required playing weights.But they lacked tactics to dislodge below the line marking, as seen in the games against Morocco and Egypt, which dragged beyond the stipulated 90 minutes duration.

    Unfortunately, our football doesn’t have articulated nurseries whose curriculum comes from the football federation for the good of the game. The situation is so bad that the last expedition to Morocco by the Super Eagles was prosecuted by our Diaspora players who couldn’t sing our national anthem before the matches began. This writer cringed with envy listening to different commentators in the media reiterate the ages of the Senegalese players and how bright their future would be. Left in the lurch is the domestic game still pampers and unable to grow.

    Interestingly, civilised countries develop their sports through the neighbourhood system, where facilities are built to engage the youth and push them away from social vices. Nurseries serve as the bases for storing the data of those discovered. Such information helps to nurture and monitor the good ones to stardom. Besides, nurseries lay the foundation on which the athletes are taught the rudiments of the game. It is at such factories that playing styles and patterns unique to such countries are evolving.

    The countries that excel in sporting events have systems that guarantee enough funds for the sportsmen and sportswomen to compete with the best, such as tax rebates on sport-friendly firms, lotteries, and businesses owned by wealthy nationals who know what is in such a sponsorship and the benefits from the sitting government. Such financial taxes are spelled out to companies and wealthy citizens after agreements have been reached. These cast-in-stone policies are binding on all the parties to such an extent that breaches are adequately addressed to allow either of the parties to seek redress in court.

    ”Nigeria’s failure to qualify for the 2026 FIFA World Cup has carried a high financial cost, with the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) missing out on a guaranteed minimum of USD 10.5 million following FIFA’s approval of a record USD 655 million prize money pool for the tournament. FIFA confirmed that every one of the 48 teams that qualified for the expanded World Cup in North America will receive USD 1.5 million in preparation funds, in addition to a minimum participation payout of USD 9 million for teams finishing between 33rd and 48th place.

    This ensures that each participating Member Association earns at least USD 10.5 million simply for qualifying.

    Nigeria’s absence from the tournament means the NFF will receive none of these funds, a significant blow at a time when many African federations rely heavily on FIFA competitions to support national team programmes, grassroots development and administrative costs.’’

  • January 15, 1966 Coup: A reassessment

    January 15, 1966 Coup: A reassessment

    It is not in doubt that Nigeria’s first military coup d’état, executed in the early hours of January 15, 1966, remains one of the most controversial and misunderstood events in the nation’s history. Led by Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and spearheaded by the charismatic Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, this intervention came at a time when our nation teetered precariously on the brink of collapse. To understand the motivations behind this dramatic action, one must examine the profound crisis of governance that had reduced Africa’s most promising nation to a laughingstock of democratic pretensions.

    By late 1965, Nigeria had descended into what could only be described as organized anarchy. The federal elections of 1964 and the Western Region elections of 1965 were not merely flawed—they represented the complete desecration of democratic principles. These elections were rigged with such brazen impunity that they shocked even the most cynical observers of African politics. In the Northern and Western Regions, opposition parties faced systematic harassment, their members intimidated, their rallies disrupted, and their candidates prevented from campaigning freely. The electoral process had become a grotesque charade where ballots were stuffed, results were written and announced before voting had been completed, and the will of the people was treated with contemptuous disdain.

    The Western Region crisis epitomized the hypocrisy and double standards that characterized the First Republic. When chaos erupted in the Western House of Assembly—complete with a theatrical dance that led to a broken mace and the infamous “roforofo” fighting—Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa moved with lightning speed to declare a state of emergency. This swift action led to trumped-up charges of coup plotting against Chief Obafemi Awolowo, one time Premier and the region’s most popular politician with many of his acolytes in the then Action Group, who were subsequently sentenced and imprisoned. The speed and decisiveness with which Balewa acted against perceived threats in the West would later stand in stark contrast to his paralysis when confronted with actual violence.

    Chief Samuel Akintola’s boast to voters remains one of the most infamous declarations in Nigerian political history. With characteristic arrogance, he declared that even if the people did not vote for him, he would still return as Premier of the Western Region. When this prophecy fulfilled itself through electoral manipulation, the Western Region exploded. Operation Wetie unleashed unprecedented violence as enraged citizens burned properties, attacked political opponents, and plunged the region into chaos. Lives were lost, properties destroyed, and civil order completely broke down.

    Yet here was the supreme irony: the same Balewa who had been so quick to declare emergency rule over a broken mace now claimed, to the utter astonishment of the world, that he lacked the constitutional powers to declare a state of emergency in the face of widespread violence, arson, and murder. This selective application of federal authority exposed the rot at the heart of the First Republic—a government that protected its political allies while allowing the nation to burn.

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    The Tiv crisis in the Middle Belt added another dimension to Nigeria’s descent into chaos. The massacre that ensued, with federal troops deployed against citizens in what amounted to a campaign of suppression, further demonstrated the government’s willingness to use violence to maintain political control. If soldiers could justifiably topple Shehu Shagari’s government in 1983 for corruption and economic mismanagement, what exactly was wrong with the January boys’ intervention when confronted with electoral fraud, regional violence, ethnic persecution, corruption and the complete collapse of constitutional governance?

    Let me submit that the loss of lives during the January 15 coup was indeed tragic. The deaths of Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, and particularly the killing of senior military officers like Brigadier ZakariaMaimalari, Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun, Colonel Kur Mohammed, and Lieutenant Colonel Pam remain painful chapters in our history. One wishes the young officers had found a bloodless path to reform. However, to characterize this intervention as an “Igbo coup” represents a fundamental distortion of historical truth that has poisoned Nigerian discourse for generations.

    Violence is an inherent risk in forceful changes of power—this is an unfortunate reality throughout history. What the January 15 boys sought was not ethnic domination but a halt to Nigeria’s drift toward complete disintegration. If certain elements insist on labeling these young patriots as murderers, then consistency demands we apply the same designation to the architects of the July 29 counter-coup: Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Muhammed, Ibrahim Bako, TY Danjuma, Sani Abacha, and others who orchestrated a revenge mission that saw the targeted killing of Igbo officers and civilians which then  laid the foundation for the Nigerian Civil War.

    The infallible claim that the coupists intended to install Obafemi Awolowo as Prime Minister stands as the primary evidence cited by those who insist this was not an Igbo coup. Indeed, authorities no less than General Ibrahim Babangida have publicly rebuffed the long-held notion that seeks to pass a collective verdict of guilt on Ndi Igbo for an action planned and executed by young  Nigerian officers who had grown disgusted with the corruption and misrule they witnessed. There is also the gnawing evidence of General Aguiyi Ironsi and fellow Igbos like Alexander Madiebo and Conrad Nwawo playing opposing roles to the January 15 protagonists, if I am mistaken the trip mentioned are either Hausa Fulani or Shuwa? Sarcasm intended, It will also appear that Colonel Arthur Unegbe, who was the Quarter Master General, an Igbo from the ancestral town of Ozubulu, gunned down for refusing to hand over the keys of the Ikeja armoury to the January 15 protagonists was also a part of the plot to install a hegemony of the Igbos!

    Now, with all these evidence, it is particularly galling that individuals like Femi Fani-Kayode—whose father, Remi Fani-Kayode, was a direct beneficiary of the electoral manipulations of 1965—continue to peddle this divisive narrative. Alongside an equivocal character like Reno Omokri and the  comedian Bovi, they persist in casting aspersions and stoking hatred against a people who had nothing to do with planning the January 1966 coup, suffered enormously in its aftermath, and continue to bear psychological scars from the counter coup,  pogrom and civil war that followed. Their selective memory and deliberate distortion of history serve only to perpetuate the ethnic divisions that continue to undermine Nigerian unity.

    The January 15, 1966 coup was not an Igbo conspiracy but a desperate intervention by young Nigerian officers who watched their beloved country crumble under corrupt, incompetent leadership. While we may debate their methods, questioning their patriotic motivations while ignoring the catastrophic failures of the First Republic represents intellectual dishonesty of the highest order. Nigeria must finally confront this history honestly if we are ever to move beyond the poisonous ethnic narratives that continue to define our national discourse.

  • Too many cooks

    Too many cooks

    My mind raced back to 2013 where several videos were captured of scenes where former football federation chieftains took bets openly with the late Stephen Keshi mocking him to beat Congo DR, if indeed he was the sole architect of the Super Eagles‘ third AFCON conquest in South Africa, beating Burkina Faso in 2013. Congo DR beat the Super Eagles 2-0 inside the Stadium of Champions in Uyo.

    There was celebration after the loss, especially the way the football chiefs danced and hugged each other openly thanking God for the retributive justice on those who stole their joy after the South Africa 2013 AFCON’s heroics. We haven’t forgotten that the Super Eagles coach announced his resignation in one of the South African radio stations, much to the consternation of top Nigerian officials, including the honourable Sports minister, who heard of the coach’s resignation whilst inside a taxi cab.

    In fact, the minister laughed it off as a huge joke because he had just left the coach after a reward session for him in the home of billionaire businessman and chairman of the truly Nigerian telecommunication organisation. The minister was stunned listening to the coach’s voice inside the taxi announcing his resignation from the Nigeria job despite lifting the 2013 AFCON trophy.

    The Federal Government delegation liaised with the coach, leaving the serving minister and our football chieftains licking their lips in anguish. The battle line had been drawn between the soccer federation’s chiefs and the coach until he was eased out of the job following a string of bad results. Rather than build on the 2013 AFCON success, the feud arising from the AFCON campaign destroyed the Super Eagles to smitten.

    Had the Eagles not been in heavy crises, Nigeria would have done well at the 2014 World Cup. Instead, there was the show of shame over unpaid allowances, with players, coaches and team officials threatening not to play the Round of 16 game against France. The government had to bring in cash of $3.8 million into Brazil to settle the cause of the strike action because the team didn’t train. It won’t be news to read here that the Nigerian contingent spent the night before the game against France sharing the money instead of training. Why were they in a hurry to share the money, even with the cash in their coffers already?

    One was, therefore, not too excited with the Super Eagles outings in Morocco because all the features of the 2013 brouhaha stared one in the face, with most of the characters who fuelled the crises in the past being part of the whole drama which unfolded in Morocco. I deliberately refused to talk about the team’s matches in my columns because I had seen the competition’s chart before games began that for the Eagles to reach the finals of this edition, they needed to eliminate the hosts, Morocco, which from my crystal ball amounted to asking anyone to climb with a greasy pole. The Moroccans were Africa’s number one football nation on FIFA’s monthly ranking. They became the first Africa nation to play in the semi-finals of FIFA Senior World Cup, a feat they achieved at the Qatar 2022 Mundial.

    Many close people wanted to know my impressions about the Nigerian side in Morocco. I told them bluntly that if the Eagles’ outings have been spectacular, it has been largely due to Alex Iwobi’s immaculate defence splitting passes and the sparkling manner he has marshalled the team, with the strikers the biggest benefactor. I told them that for any country to beat Nigeria, their players must stop Iwobi from spraying those defence splitting passes up front towards Osimhen, Ademola Lookman and Akor Adams. I warned them that Morocco had the talent to stop Iwobi, especially with their vociferous fans rooting ceaselessly for them.

    The Moroccans bullied Iwobi off the ball and had the match referee’s indulgent eyes to thank for remaining 11 men on the pitch and not less for the duration of the game.

    Indeed, the Super Eagles haven’t distinguished themselves in competitions where there were crises of unpaid wages, allowances and match bonuses. The Morocco AFCON wasn’t going to be different. There were also the gossips in the media of countries such as Tunisia, Guinea, Angola etc scouting for Super Eagles coach even when he has one year left on contract.

    Eagles’ coach needs to attend regular coaching courses to update his knowledge of the game. The coach’s mono-track coaching mentality is his biggest obstacle to winning titles anytime soon. One had thought he would have fielded Simon ahead of Onyedika in Ndidi’s position because of his experience and the determination to excel he exhibits anytime he is fielded.

    Simon is the best dribbler of the ball in that team and would have created openings in the Moroccan defence like he did for the few times he played on Wednesday night. It was clear that the team needed to truly play differently to make the opposition totter going forward. One is still pinching oneself why it took the Nigerian coach so long to substitute Akor in that game? Truth be told, Akor and Onyedika were lost in that game. A clever coach would have substituted both players, given the quality of stars sitting on the bench.

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    Much of how well or how badly a team plays rests with the thinking of the coaches on the bench. Nigeria played well at the group stage, Round of 16 and the quarter-finals. Enough time for coaches to plot counter tactics, which was what the Moroccans did. Sadly, our boys got worked up by the referee’s poor officiating. Our boys must ensure that they beat the Egyptians today in the third-place tie. The Pharaohs play the counter-attack formation, which means our defenders must be very vigilant, especially as Calvin Bassey won’t be qualified to play the game due to two yellow card offences. Pity!

    The third-place game is the best opportunity for everyone to see if Chelle has improved the team or not. This game offers us the opportunity to evaluate the depth in strength of the squad’s players, depending on how Chelle deploys those who haven’t played a game in the competition since it began on Sunday December 16, 2025. Chelle was given a semi-final ticket mandate which he achieved. He must pull this chestnut out of fire by beating the Egyptians with some of the new boys he kept on the bench. It will also be Chelle’s best chance to claim ownership of his team, not those interlopers hanging around the team.

    Nigeria’s campaign for the 2030 World Cup ticket starts today in Morocco with a bronze medal – no excuses whatsoever. The best two African countries are meeting in the final game of the 2025 AFCON, a confirmation of FIFA’s ranking as perfect. It would be honourable if Nigeria wins today’s bronze medal game and be crowned the third best African football nation. It would be marvellous if we achieve this feat by beating Egypt resoundingly.

    Did I hear you ask which nation will lift the AFCON 2025 diadem, dear reader? Too close to call. Please enjoy the game on Sunday. May the better nation lift the trophy, referee permitting.

  • What path to elite consensus?

    What path to elite consensus?

    So alarming and concerning did this column perceive President Donald Trump’s recent threat to invade Nigeria militarily to check what he described as ‘Christian genocide’ that, over the last three weeks, we have examined diverse dimensions of this warning and its implications. Our central contention has been that this undisguised threatened violation of Nigeria’s sovereignty constitutes not just a danger to the incumbent administration of President Bola Tinubu but an indictment of Nigeria’s ruling class as a whole. Those members of the political elite, who thus gloat over Trump’s categorisation of Nigeria as a ‘now failed’ State and feel surreptitious vindication by the American leader’s contemptuous disdain for Nigeria, are as much an object of his scorn and ridicule as those in power at the centre today on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is instructive that over the last week in the United States, there have been incidents of fatal attacks on innocent citizens by trigger-happy gunmen, resulting in several deaths. One of such killings took place in the vicinity of the White House, leading to the death of at least one National Guard officer and another being injured. In another instance in California, four school children were said to have died in a mass shooting at a child’s birthday party, with several others suffering from various degrees of injuries. Such tragedies have become routine in America where deaths from senseless mass shootings have become endemic. But such failings do not justify the overgeneralized categorisation of that country as a ‘now failed’ State.

    In the same vein, Nigeria’s challenges with insecurity do not necessitate its being depicted in derogatory and pejorative terms. This is particularly so as the accusation of ‘Christian genocide’ in Nigeria completely misses the mark and successive Nigerian governments have not been indifferent or insensitive to the need to tackle the assorted acts of insurgency threatening the country’s territorial integrity and cohesion. It is instructive that various Nigerian groups and individuals in the diaspora actively peddled the propaganda of ‘Christian genocide’ in the country, which President Trump and other far-right Republican ideologues enthusiastically bought into. The harm which disaffected members of the political elite can inflict, directly or indirectly, on their own country reinforces the imperative of forging a viable and enduring elite consensus as a necessary condition for national stability, peace and progress.

    Incidentally, America today also suffers from the plague of a lack of elite consensus. The greatest military and economic power on earth today, despite evident signs of a gradual weakening, is described in the media, academia and other platforms of public discourse in that country as a badly divided society torn right through the middle between the liberals and the more conservative Republicans. Indeed, the degree of polarisation in America may be far deeper than the variant of elite fractiousness in Nigeria as is evident in the bitterness of recent electoral contestations in that country with President Trump instigating an insurrection at the Capitol, a symbol of American democracy, protesting his loss in the 2020 presidential election, which he described as a fraud.

    However, America has the advantage of strong and resilient institutions capable of safeguarding democratic tenets, principles and values, particularly through Judicial intervention, as is the case during Trump’s ongoing second term, when he has stretched the constitutional limits of Presidential powers to their utmost bounds. So far, various courts at the lower levels have blocked the Trump administration’s policy idiosyncrasies and acts of executive over-reach even though he has generally had his way on appeal at the Supreme Court, where he succeeded in getting a majority of conservative judges appointed during his first term. Yet, this has not prompted anyone to label America as a ‘now failed’ State, nor have aspersions been hurled at judges who understandably base their Judicial decisions on facts before them, interpreted within the context of their worldviews and value-orientation.

    But the central point of this piece is the urgent imperative for the political elite in Nigeria to forge the necessary class consensus across political party, ethnic, regional and religious divides without which there cannot be any basis for stability, peace, progress and development. This does not mean that the various factions, factions and tendencies of the Nigerian elite should forget their differences and create an artificial and unnatural commonality. That would be the perfect recipe for a one-party State, which would be detrimental to the continuous nurturing and consolidation of a genuine democratic order, which is a necessary condition for economic development and national cohesion. Rather, forging an elite consensus involves members of the elite recognising their differences and identifying those areas where they must work in unison and accommodate each other, even while vigorously maintaining their differences as regards ideological orientation, policy articulation and philosophical disposition or worldview.

    One area of critical importance for cultivating viable elite consensus among the various factions and tendencies that constitute Nigeria’s ruling class is reaching a common agreement on the indispensability of a transparent, credible and efficient electoral process as a cardinal element of an inclusive democratic system. This implies that both elected officials and their ruling parties, as well as those in opposition, develop a common commitment to the sustenance of democracy. Those who lose elections will not clamour for military intervention or external invasion because of their disenchantment with electoral outcomes while those in power will not undermine or render the opposition ineffective. The elite in power and those in opposition are two sides of a coin that are both critical to the sustenance and continuous development of democracy.

    But then, those in opposition cannot expect the party in government to enforce cohesion within their ranks or help them to devise political strategies to strengthen their parties. That is a responsibility they must undertake on their own. Thus, the continued lamentations of leading opposition politicians on the plight of their parties such as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP), which they blame on deliberate destabilization by the ruling APC, is unnecessary and unproductive. There is absolutely no basis for former Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, to have deserted the PDP with his supporters for the emergent All Democratic Congress (ADC), all in a quest for a platform on which to contest the next presidential election. In further bifurcating the PDP, which already has roots in all 774 Local Government Areas across the country as well as the 8,809 Registration Areas/Wards, Atiku has weakened the possibility of a stronger, more viable opposition arising to effectively challenge the APC at the 2027 polls.

    The ADC is still largely inchoate and is unlikely to become a political machine capable of effectively challenging for power at the centre come 2027. It will also be recalled that it was Atiku ‘s intransigent refusal to allow the PDP national championship to revert to the South after his emergence as presidential candidate of the party in 2023, in violation of its zoning principle, that provided for rotation of power between the North and the South, created the grounds for the fragmentation of the PDP, its loss in the 2024 election and it’s unfolding catastrophic implosion. Indeed, the concession of the presidential tickets of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in alliance with the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the PDP to the Southwest in 1999, to compensate the Yoruba for the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election won by Chief MKO Abiola is the kind of elite consensus necessary to stabilize democratic governance to promote economic progress and political stability in Nigeria.

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    In the case of Mr Peter Obi, he has proven to be utterly clueless in resolving the protracted crisis in which the LP has been immersed. Surprisingly, even his running mate in the 2023 presidential election, Mr Datti-Ahmed, appears to have deserted his erstwhile boss and aligned with a different faction of the LP. Part of the problem is that Obi, just like Atiku, is more interested in finding a platform to actualize his presidential ambition rather than helping to build a solid opposition front irrespective of whether or not he emerges as the presidential candidate. With this kind of individualistic approach by these key opposition leaders, it is unlikely that they can build a formidable front to meaningfully challenge the ruling party for power at the centre in 2027.

    Another area where there must be a consensus on the part of Nigeria’s political elite is the need to join hands across partisan divides to fight the deep-seated and long-standing endemic poverty and grossly unjust inequality that are at the root of Nigeria’s current chronic insecurity challenge. This will entail elite unanimity on fighting the industrial -scale corruption that pervades our national life such that humongous funds criminally diverted into private pockets can be made available to boost food production, provide affordable but qualitative healthcare, generate jobs for millions of our youth, improve access to qualitative education and properly as well a  equip and motivate our security agencies in the ongoing do-or-die struggle against diverse forms of terror against the Nigerian State.

    •This page was first published December 6, 2025

  • The consultant who saw tomorrow

    The consultant who saw tomorrow

    Politicians have many consultants. Since they battle with executive stress, those who are high up usually have paid personal physicians.

    Some have advisers, or political aides domiciled in the universities and human rights enclaves. Others tap the media for problem solving

    Many patronise pastors, sundry spiritualists, including babalawos and other seers who claim to see tomorrow.

    The last category is more relevant during electioneering. It is because they can predict victory and failure, and they can also appease some supernatural forces to avert failure or convert it to success.

    To one of those who claim they can read the signs of the times went four politicians. The four are A, B, C, and D. One of them, A, was jostling for the position of party chairman. B was eyeing vice chairman. Since B was the only candidate for vice chairman, it was certain that he would be vice chairman unopposed. B did not need prayers again.

    But upon getting to the man in an Ijebu town of coastal Lagos, the powerful consultant picked another person, B, out of the four, saying that the crystal ball has told him he would be chairman. The three – B, C and D – protested, reminding him that they came because of A. The man shook his head, meaning ‘no way.’

    He insisted that B, who was not contesting for chairman, would be the chairman. They went back disappointed because B never bought form for chairmanship position.

    Upon request before they departed, the man reluctantly prayed for A. But as they were departing, he still pointed his finger at B, saying that he would still be party chairman. They ignored him and left. They doubted his capacity, competence and claim. They regretted consulting him. They lamented that they gave money and other things to a fake.

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    The party congress came. A was defeated by his rival from another camp or caucus within the big party. But B was elected unopposed as vice chairman.

    However, suddenly, the chairman resigned, and since the state chapter could not hold a new congress, the party asked B to step into the shoe of chairman immediately.

    It was at that stage that the three of them remembered the prediction of the Ijebu man who claimed to see tomorrow.

    Trust replaced doubt. Henceforth, he became their permanent spiritual consultant in whom they were well pleased.

  • Opposition and the phobia for taxation

    Opposition and the phobia for taxation

    It is strange that the new tax laws, and the motivation behind the structural reforms, are being twisted by armchair critics and opposition figures who know the truth but prefer to deny it.

    But the resistance is futile. The law became operational in the first week of the year, and the general public is not fooled by the falsehoods from detractors, saboteurs and fraudsters who prefer “business as usual”.

    Having failed to halt the passage of the legislations by the National Assembly, opposition leaders, who may not have even bothered to study and digest the Act, have curiously regressed into manipulative propaganda aimed at whipping up emotions in a bid to incite Nigerians and discredit the government.

    Ahead of the electioneering, the opposition is losing ground and destructive criticisms have replaced civilised scrutiny. They, therefore, seek short-lived collaboration with their confederates in the business environment. These lackeys perceive that their interests are at risk because the curtains are being drawn on long years of their mindless economic sabotage.

    In the coordinated attacks, a lawmaker stood up during plenary to allege a gap between the Bills passed by the National Assembly and the one assented to by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Up to now, he has not provided the proof of doctoring, alteration, or padding in the law to reinforce his allegation.

    Shockingly, African Democratic Congress (ADC) leader Atiku Abubakar seemed to have taken up the fight from there, alleging that the gazetted laws contain unauthorised alterations, which, in his view, amounted to forgery and a “grave constitutional issue”. He called for a fresh legislative vote rather than re-gazetting to correct what has paled into imaginary discrepancies.

    When the former Vice President alluded to a compromised or flawed process that undermined legislative authority, Nigerians knew that he was playing his peculiar brand of politics.

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    The 2027 electioneering, to political actors outside power, is nearer than imagined. In Nigeria, there is hardly a demarcation between politics and governance. Politics has ceased to be a vocation. It is now a full-time occupation of economic value. This has its implications for the ballot box war, often fought with bitterness and desperation.

    The concern of the former Vice President may not be whether or not the combined tax laws conform to the cardinal principles of fairness, certainty, convenience and efficiency. The fear among the political foes of the government is that the success of the bold and brave reforms may enrich the scorecard of the administration and increase its popularity ratings among the voting public.

    The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) may have also turned itself into a partisan party when it rejected the laws, which it grudgingly labelled a “distorted,” regressive, and unpatriotic enactment that can cause further hardship for workers. NLC President Joe Ajaero demanded a review, alleging lack of consultation and calling for the suspension of the “unpatriotic” tax policies that lack the face of justice. The union leader omitted the benefit of exceptions. He also failed to explain how renaming the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) to Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) can affect workers’ welfare.

    But the attention of Nigerians, particularly those from the financial sector, was arrested by the KPMP’s analysis, which alluded to what it called multiple errors and gaps in the consolidated laws, which the reputable firm apparently failed to point out earlier during the consideration of the Bills at the parliamentary hearings and perusals.

    To the extent that the firm could not adequately avail itself of the opportunity of pointing out those hidden gaps and errors, particularly during the public hearing organised by the National Assembly, some observers tend to argue that the firm’s post-assent observation is an afterthought meant to perforate an iron-cast legislation designed for the benefit of the masses.

    Certain professional firms are indeed entitled to engagements with policymakers and drivers to foster an understanding of the scope, focus, and limitations of the legal frameworks and the basis for improvement. Since society is dynamic, such interactions may be essential to the evolution of new ideas in aid of the current law, thereby making strategic amendments imperative in the future.

    As the implementation of the law was about to commence, business barons and other tax evaders, who perceived themselves as the targets of the visionary and revolutionary initiatives, became weary to stand on the way until their propaganda overwhelmed the low-income earners, taking along the gullible.

    The trick was to mobilise the poor and the indigent and expand the scope of feeble resistance to the pieces of legislation that do not have the potential to hurt even the middle class.

    But the gap in constructive criticisms remained open due to the deliberate omission by subjective critics of the N800,000 annual tax-free threshold. If an intervention by a tax regime does not bridge or close the gulf between the rich and the poor, it is not meaningful and progressive. Here lies the friendliness of the law, its captivating beauty, its human face, its human heart and milk of human kindness.

    The significance of the tax reforms is the relief to the masses – the average worker – through the increased disposable income achieved through the exception. Taxes on rent and essential electronic transfers below ₦10,000 and multiple taxation on small businesses have been removed. The goals is to lower inflation, foster equity by taxing high earners more, and boost infrastructure investment.

    As small companies with lower turnover are exempted from certain taxes, they are allowed to grow, and the threshold for company income tax is increased to ₦50 million yearly. If all these are properly explained to the average worker, the propaganda of those enlisting them into an unnecessary battle against the Federal Government would be futile.

    If, in pursuance of harmonisation and greater efficiency, the small taxes at federal, state, and local levels are merged, would the burden on small traders and informal workers not cease?

    If stamp duties are removed for many, and electronic money transfers below ₦10,000 are also exempted, would daily transactions for the average person not be smooth?

    If higher taxes on large corporations and wealthy individuals are designed to fund efficient public services, infrastructure, and social amenities, is it not in the national interest?

    If the projected five-year tax exemption for companies in the agricultural sector is achieved, would it not lower food prices and boost food security?

    Since these tax reforms are designed to shift the focus from taxing poverty to taxing prosperity, the burden on the average Nigerian is reduced while national economic stability is enhanced.

    The fear of taxation, right from the beginning, has always motivated individuals and organisations to dodge the patriotic duty of payment. A great advantage is the push towards economic formalisation, and the large informal sector, which often made revenue collection a herculean task, is tracked. The expansion of the net is bound to reshape the economy.

    To many analysts, the Tinubu administration has effected a paradigm shift by halting the fragmented, old-fashioned, and inefficient tax system that has not yielded optimal revenue and continued to sustain the poor fiscal environment that frustrates growth.

    The hidden Value Added Tax (VAT) is removed from consumer prices, but input VAT on assets and overheads is reviewed. The VT rate, still at 7.5 per cent, presents a more competitive outlook than the 15 per cent in Ghana, 16 per cent in Kenya, and 15 per cent in South Africa.

    Also, the moderate cut in corporate income tax rate to 25 per cent is more favourable than the 30 per cent in Kenya, 27 per cent in South Africa, and 25 per cent in Ghana. Also, the five per cent excise tax on airtime in Nigeria has been reversed, compared to 15 per cent in Kenya and five per cent in Ghana.

    Accordingly, the top marginal tax rate for high-income earners is 25 per cent in the country. It is lower than the 35 per cent in Ghana and Kenya or 45 per cent in South Africa. Nigerian small-scale businesses pay a zero per cent corporate tax rate compared to about three per cent of turnover in Kenya and Ghana. A feature of the VAT design is the widening of the input VAT recovery to assets and overhead as tax administration and compliance become more digital, with much reliance on tax intelligence and risk-based audit.

    Another advantage is the introduction of clearer guidelines for taxation, which would encourage businesses and individuals to register formally. The path to formal financial services, credit facilities, and government support programmes is open to individuals and small organisations. The beauty of formalisation reflects in the resultant transparency, the reduction of bureaucratic bottlenecks, and greater opportunities for wider participation in the economy. The overall result is the anticipatory increase in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) through a proper focus on production in a conducive economic climate.

    If over 90 per cent of micro and small businesses are out of the “tax-paying” bracket for major taxes – Companies Income Tax (CIT), Capital Gains Tax (CGT), Withholding Tax, VAT, and Development Levy – leading to lighter compliance expectations, and big businesses pay more, there is a reduction in gaps that tend to promote fairness and equity. By ensuring that higher-income individuals and profitable corporations pay more, the pressure on low-income earners is removed.

    As wealthier citizens contribute proportionally more to national development, resources are redistributed without the regression to subsidy, which is appropriated by the rich.

    Also, the opportunity for investment and business growth is enhanced through incentives to investors in many sectors, such as technology, manufacturing, agriculture, and renewable energy. Indeed, as anounced by the tax curator, Taiwo Oyedele, all investors in the capital market are eligible for capital gains tax exemption with over 99 per cent exempted unconditionally based on a threshold of N150 million proceeds and N10 million gains in any 12 months’ period.

    Nigerians can now track how tax revenues are utilised, thereby holding both government and corporate bodies accountable. The added benefit of transparency is that projects that benefit citizens, such as hospitals, schools, and other public infrastructure, can better be funded by the government.

    However, public enlightenment about the essence of taxation should be intensified. This will puncture the misinformation and disinformation machination of opposition figures who, for long, have been the major parasites on the economy and the nation’s astute biggest tax evaders.