The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

Oni, BAO and the mathematics of alignment

The recent realignment in the UK – where figures like Robert Jenrick are “uniting the right” – proves the “defection bug” is no longer a uniquely Nigerian phenomenon. It speaks to a global volatility where traditional loyalties are being tested against the need for results. For many Nigerians, this shift isn’t about lack of principle; it is about self-preservation.

In a system where the Exclusive Legislative List still centralizes power, swimming against the tide has not only lost its authentic ring, it is politically unwise. Therefore, to seek a new terrain for tangible progress is a fantastic offer that should not be sacrificed on the altar of reproach.

On Sunday, January 11, 2026, former Ekiti State Governor, Engineer Olusegun Oni, officially rejoined the All Progressives Congress (APC). By registering at his Ifaki-Ekiti country home, the veteran politician formally shed his opposition mantle, signaling a homecoming that significantly strengthens Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO)’s coalition ahead of the coming electoral cycle.

Oni remains something of a political enigma. Deliberately understated, he nonetheless commands a powerful reputation in Ekiti, where he is widely viewed as the embodiment of clean, steady governance. The former governor possesses a rare, non-partisan appeal that transcends traditional divides. His support is anchored more in a deep-seated respect for his person than in mere party branding. His move to the APC – bringing with him a formidable grassroots structure – will inevitably reshape Oyebanji’s strategic roadmap.

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Oni’s realignment with the progressive fold is likely to stir the indifferent, the non-aligned, and the state’s civil service into action, drawing in those who previously sat on the fence as well as those who habitually sit out election cycles. For Oyebanji, this is more than just a reinforcement; it is a strategic masterstroke that makes assurance doubly sure. With the political mathematics now heavily tilted in his favour, the governor occupies an enviable vantage point.

The Nigerian electoral system – a ‘first-past-the-post’ relic of our British inheritance – has no room for proportional representation. In this winner-takes-all arena, a fragmented opposition does little more than cannibalize its own base. Consequently, Oyebanji may not even require a simple majority to consolidate his hold. With current projections placing BAO on track to clear 60% of the vote, the remaining contenders are left scrambling just to break the 20% ceiling. We are months from the polls, yet even the most imaginative scenario struggles to see a fractured opposition staging a comeback of this magnitude. In the end, Oni’s entry sincerely serves to compound the sorrows of those attempting to swing and swerve against the administration’s current.

Without questions, Oni brings a rare patrician weight to the APC, standing more as a statesman than a mere partisan. His runner-up finish in the last gubernatorial race, achieved with a fledgling party devoid of funds or a formal machine, remains a striking reflection of his personal brand. He is more than a high-profile defector; he is a moral anchor for the administration as the governor begins his pursuit of a second term.

To Oni, the state is an intricate mechanism that demands a precise blend of logic and ethical grounding. This philosophy has often placed him in a raw, existential struggle with the chaotic, immediate demands of ‘stomach infrastructure.’ His political journey – marked by its restless, migratory nature – is not a sign of instability, but rather a tireless search for moral footing within a system he views as fundamentally flawed. By merging his moral authority with BAO’s rationalist framework, the administration has moved beyond mere political calculus, it is actively fortifying the very architecture of the state itself. In a deeply philosophical sense, Oni’s enduring legacy is one of Radical Consistency; he remains a man who would sooner lose his platform than his soul.

Tajudeen Olutope Ahmed, a legal practitioner, offers a striking reflection on this evolution: “As a pioneer councilor in 1997 and a pillar of the Fourth Republic’s dawn in 1999, my political identity was forged in the fires of partisan loyalty. I was a foot soldier for the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and later the Action Congress (AC), viewing the political landscape through a lens of infectious fanaticism.

“In that era, Segun Oni was the enemy – an opponent to be dismantled through grassroots condemnation and the legal rigours of his 2007-2010 tenure. My opposition was total, rooted in the myopic conviction that any rival to our cause was, by definition, an obstacle to Ekiti’s progress.

“This perspective shattered upon meeting Oni personally through my cousin, Ambassador Jolaade Onipede. I found not a villain, but a remarkably humble visionary who even suggested he would have brought me into his cabinet had we known each other then. Today, Oni is celebrated across party lines for his integrity and enduring projects; indeed, his gracious foreword to my 2013 book remains a point of pride. His return to our party is a masterstroke of political realignment – a significant victory for our stakeholders that effectively secures a clear path for Biodun Oyebanji’s re-election.”

• With Ahmed’s conversion narrative, the proof is settled. Q.E.D!

January 31, 2026
Agunsoye: Tribute to the deity at 69

Last weekend, the Elegboro of Ijebu-Jesa, His Royal Majesty, Oba (Engr.) Oba Moses Oluwafemi Agunsoye, clocked 69 years on this earth.

Born on January 24, 1957, Oba Agunsoye traded a thirty-five-year career at the Federal Ministry of Industry for the throne of his forefathers in 2017. Bringing the discipline of a mechanical engineer and the seasoned perspective of a former Director to his reign, Kabiyesi has quietly transformed our ‘Native Nazareth’ through steady, practical leadership.

Perhaps his greatest achievement, however, is the peace he has maintained. His ascension came without the bitter disputes that often fracture communities in Yorubaland. Instead, he has occupied the throne with a quiet dignity and a character that remains entirely beyond reproach.

At 69, rather than merely acting as a custodian of the past, Oba Agunsoye has brought fastidiousness, professionalism and a new sense of peace and progress to the land of his forefathers. He has successfully united the Council of Obas across Oriade Local Government, Ijesa North, and the wider Ijesaland, ensuring stability for all. Under his leadership, the town’s landscape has transformed with the construction of a new Palace, several modern shopping complexes, and new lock-up shops at the Ijebu-Jesa International Market.

READ ALSO: The Economist: Nigeria’s economy moving from the brink

Beyond infrastructure, he has influenced the establishment of the NSCDC Area Command and an FRSC Special Unit to improve local security. His reign has also re-energized our people, leading to the rise of active groups like the Ijebu-Jesa Recreation Club, Heritage Club, and their diaspora chapters in the US and UK, all working together for the town’s growth.

By rallying the community around self-help projects like solar boreholes and scholarships, he has transformed the town into a burgeoning business hub. His is a leadership rooted in integrity and humility – a crown defined not by its gold, but by the tangible progress of his people.

Our revered monarch has made a very good start! As he enters his 70th year, may the Almighty God, the King of Kings, continue to fortify His Royal Majesty, Oba Moses Olúwáfémi Agúnsóyè with the strength and divine health to lead Ijebu-Jesa for many more years!

May Kabiyesi’s years be long, his path be clear, and the Agunsoye lineage continue to flourish under the gaze of the Most High!

K’ádé pé lórí, kí bàtà pé lésè. kí esin oba je’ko pé!

Yèé ló ye ó, Oba ria!

• May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

January 31, 2026
Tinubu’s misstep: Sadists live up to character

The moment the news filtered in that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had stumbled during an excursion with President Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey while on an official visit to the European country, my instincts told me that his detractors would celebrate the incident as if they had just won the jackpot in a multi-billion dollar lottery. And they did not disappoint as they lived up to expectation in extraordinary manner.

By Thursday morning, the social media space had been taken over with caricatures of the President in inflated mockery of a fleeting incident, no thanks to Artificial Intelligence (AI); the latest tool of mischief foisted on us by technology. Some members of a particular tribe, whose daily preoccupation is to pray for President Tinubu’s downfall so their son could become president, took the mischief further, as they were decked in a ceremonial uniform apparently sewn in anticipation of Wednesday’s incident, dancing hysterically to the sound of Ekwe.

Some others pre-occupied themselves with taunts on the social media, completely oblivious of the strategic importance of the President’s mission to a country that is not only capable of enhancing our economic fortunes but also positioned to offer a clue for an end to the security misfortune our country has been grappling with for close to two decades, having at various times been accused of aiding its purveyors.

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To be sure, it was not the first time the President would have such an experience. He had stumbled while climbing the boarding stairs of an aircraft during his campaign tour as the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the build-up to the 2023 elections. And as it is customary, his detractors had made a show of the minor incident in the social media, slanting the story to give the impression that he was too weak and fragile for the office he sought. His admirers were, however, quick to counter the narrative, saying that governance is not a job for the feet but one for the head (brain).

Any fair observer would know that the misstep that caused Tinubu to stumble had nothing to do with lack of fitness. According to his spokesman, Mr Bayo Onanuga, the President simply lost his balance after stepping on a metal object while walking alongside his host. “This is not a big deal except for those who want to make mischief out of a fleeting incident. It was a mere stumble, thank God, not a fall,” he said. What is more, the President continued his engagement as scheduled.

But how did we get to this point? When did we become a people that glory in the misfortune of others? Who, for crying out loud, is immune to stumbling or even falling? One of the earliest life lessons I learnt is that a man’s greatness is not determined by how many times he falls but how many times he rises after falling.

What happened to the President in Ankara can happen to even the fittest of athletes. After all, sporting history is replete with cases of agile athletes who stumbled in their tracks and even fell. Lost on Tinubu’s detractors is the fact that the moment he was sworn into office as President, he seized to represent himself, his family or friends and acquaintances alone. He is the symbol of national authority; the face and image of Nigeria and the representative of every citizen, including those who did not vote for him during the 2023 polls.

It, therefore amounts to self-ridicule on the part of those who chose to taunt him when he stumbled. Mercifully, he is not a weakling who would melt under the weight of such theatrics, much unlike a known presidential aspirant reputed for melting twice on national television, once over the criticisms directed at him by supporters of his political opponents, and once after losing the 2023 election.

On his part, Tinubu is a leader who has not only developed a thick skin to the coarse invectives often hauled at him by his detractors but has also learnt to take even destructive criticisms with equanimity. “I have stopped visiting the social media. They abuse the hell out of me,” he once declared in a light-hearted manner. Chances are, therefore, that he might not even have seen the caricatures of him in the social media after the Turkey incident. But even if he did, one can rest assured that he is not losing sleep over it. His mission in Turkey is far too serious to be distracted by such inanities.

January 31, 2026
Chop alone, die alone

These are the tales of two state chairmen of a popular party.

They are predecessor and successor; the former a lawyer-diplomat, and the other a businessman.

Both were eminently qualified, but one was definitely wiser.

The challenge was money, or put succinctly, the management of corruption or financial inducement.

The diplomat believed in a collegiate approach, collective effort and team spirit. Thus, when bribes were offered to him during local government nominations, he would declare the amount to the members of executive during meetings. The money was shared by all of them.

But the businessman had a way of secretly collecting bribes from aspirants without disclosing to members of his team.

No matter how it was concealed, the bribery always leaked. Exco members always got to know because the mouths of bribe givers were not closed. The exco members would grumble, but they often lacked the temerity to challenge the chairman.

Even at that, the diplomat who carried his team along ran into turbulence during his tenure. An aspirant who offered some money as gift ahead of nominations cried foul when he did not emerge as candidate. He alleged that the chairman took bribe from him and failed to deliver. A petition was forwarded to the party leader. Copies were sent to the governor and the executive committee.

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Swiftly, the exco rose in defense of the chairman, absolving him of the charge. They unanimously told the leader that it was one of those unsolicited unofficial donations to the party and that no member of exco was in the dark. The chairman survived. He completed his tenure successfully.

But it was the other way round for his successor; the stingy businessman-chairman. When he ran into crisis over a dollarised bribe, his exco abandoned him – after all they never partook in it.

He appeared alone before the leader. His defense was turned down. There was no support from exco. The leader remembered how his predecessor was fiercely defended by other party officers. His tenure ended on that note.

The former promoted the idea of “we chop together and survive.” The latter, the idea of “chop alone, die alone.”

Neither of the two approaches is clean. But since politics is always in conflict with morality, wise politicians tend to lean towards the second approach as a strategy for survival in the murky waters of corrupted politics.

January 31, 2026
Lagos and 2027 battle (2)

Ahead of the electioneering, other names being speculated are Jimi Benson, member of the House of Representatives from Ikorodu, who succeeded Abike Dabiri-Erewa, chairman of the Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM).

Benson is the toast of Ikorodu Division. If Ikorodu Division is a state, he may automatically become governor. He has attracted many Federal Government projects to the constituency, which has accorded him fame and increased the popularity of the party.

Also, many Lagosians take the technocrat and experienced politician, Senator Adetokunbo Abiru, very serious. They want him to run because they perceived him as a performer.

Abiru, who hails from an illustrious Ikorodu family, is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN). A loyal chieftain, patriot, astute public administrator, his competence and giant strides in the banking sector have been celebrated. Never afraid of challening situations, anything he touches turns to gold. Abiru enjoys the trust of the party, its leadership and the state.

But sources insist that the financial expert may not personally seek the governorship ticket unless he is called upon to take up the role in furtherance of his dedicated and consistent service to the state, the nation and humanity.

Currently, Abiru is representing Lagos East District in the Senate. He served meritoriously as Finance Commissioner in the Fashola administration before returning to the unfinished business of banking.

He was appointed in July 2016 by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) as the Group Managing Director to lead the turnaround of the regulator-induced takeover of the then-troubled Skye Bank, in a bid to preserve the stability of the overall Nigerian Financial System. The successful completion of the assignment gave birth to today’s Polaris Bank Limited.

READ ALSO: Tunji Olaopa, critical reforms and the Trump challenge (2)

Abiru has also served on various boards, including Airtel Mobile Networks Limited; FBN Capital Limited (now FBN Quest Merchant Bank Limited); FBN Bank Sierra –Leone Limited; and Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System Plc (NIBSS).

More names would be speculated as the Lagosians gaze at 2027.

Lagos APC is regenerating itself. It can boast of a unique academy of successors, who are being groomed and nurtured on the code of trust and service, and their consistency and reliability are not in doubt. It is however, a mixed grill of exceptiional children of party gerontocrats and legends, and other hardworking, dynamic, competent and promising youths. Many of them were thrown up by their personal exposure to activism and mobilisation from campus days. They exhibit traits that underscore giftedness, talentednes, giftedness and creativity. Others have risen to the pinnacle of their professions in the thriving private sector.

Many of them did not enter politics at the top. They were privileged to rise through the ranks, climbing the hierachial ladder of leadership, service and learning.

After the collapse of proposed 60:40 formula for offiice sharing in AD in 2023, Asiwaju Tinubu concentrated on party building, nurturing and strengthening the structure, which has now stood the test of time. He attracted a cult followership in his base and region before becoming a bridge builder with vast networks across the federation.

A party offiicial said: “I can mention, at least, 50 names that are worthy of being saddled with the leadership of Lagos State; men and women who have learned at the feet of Asiwaju.

“They are exactly like the leader, but they have acquired his traits and styles of politics and administration that made him successful.”

According to the official, “Asiwaju has been identifying and targetting some promising youths, who are men of the future. They are talented and they look promising. Many of them do not realise that they are being prepared for the fuuture.”

However, there is a subsisting debate over the preference of the party for technocrats as against core politicians. The argument may be weak. A feature of one tends to run into the other. Technocrats have done the state proud as governors, and they ultimately end becoming politicians. The politicians who loathe technocrats forget to realise that once upon a time, they were also technocrats before venturing into politics.

How is the PDP faring? The Lagos chapter is down completely, weakened by the multiple crises ravaging the divided platform. The Lagos PDP is torn apart across the local governments. But the state executive committee is made up of officers loyal to the Board of Trustees (BoT) member, Chief Olabode George, who is recognised as the state’s party leader by the national leadership.

PDP broke down long time ago. It was erected on a shaky foundation in Lagos. After its first chairman, Olorunfunmi Basorun, was asked to step aside, the party started to wobble from one crisis to another. In 27 years, the chapter has produced over 10 chairmen – Basorun, Muritala Ashorobi, Alaba Williams, Mr. Williams, Setonji Koshoedo,Captain Tunji Shelle, Adegoke Salvador, Adedeji Doherty, and Philip Aivoji. It smacked of leadership instability.

Those who ran from AD/AC/ACN to PDP -Adeseye Ogunlewe, the late Rafiu Jafojo, Olufemi Pedro, Musiliu Obanikoro, Remi Adikwu-Bakare, Wahab Owokoniran etc – later ran back. They compared the two platforms and saw the futility of political wandering.

Unlike in the past, the chapter is in want of a suitable candidate, following the defections that hit the party.

Chinedu Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour has left the party for the African Democratic Congress (ADC), while Jide Adediran has retraced his steps back to APC.

The only aspirant on the platform, for now, is Funso Doherty, who ran for governor four years ago on the platform of a smaller party. He managed to be visible at the factional convention in Adamasingba Stadium, Ibadan.

Since 1999, PDP has been kept under check by the AD, AC, ACN and now APC. Its 1999 candidate, Chief Dapo Sarunmi, lost to Asiwaju Tinubu; Funso Williams also lost in 2003.

Four years later, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, a defector from AD, lost to Fashola. In 2011, Ade Dosunmi could not make any impact.

In the 2015 contest, Jimi Agbade, who was persuaded to try his luck in PDP after his failed attempt in Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA), could not defeat Akin Ambode.

In 2019, Agbaje, after feelers from the electoral commission on the poll outcome, conceded defeat to Sanwo-Olu.

Adediran strayed from APC to PDP, lost his deposit and returned to base.

The three people from AD/AC/ACN/APC – Obanikori, Agbaje and Adediran – could not delivery victory to the main opposition party.

Many politicians are deserting PDP, which is currently at crossroads over the protracted leadership crisis. Since there is no end in sight to the logjam, it is risky for anybody with governorship ambition to adopt it as a platform.

Labour Pary (LP) appears to be in a similar mess, no thanks to the rift between the National Caretaker Committee headed by Senator Esther Nenadi-Usman and the faction led by Julius Abure. Both factions are still in court.

If Peter Obi returns to LP as presidential candidate, it may enliven the members of the structureless party, particularly the Obedients, in Lagos. If he becone the ADC candidate, Lagos LP will automatically shift allegiance to ADC.

The arrowheads of ADC in Lagos are Owokoniran and Funmi Onita-Coker. The national secretary, Raud Aregbesola, understands the Lagos terrain. But he may not be able to penetrare as he contends with a fading influence in the state.

Also, Lagos Labour Party (LP) is not in a good shape, having been deserted by many chieftains, following protracted crises.

The appeal of the LP in the state seems to have evaporated after Rhodes-Vivour lost in the 2023 election. The erstwhile LP candidate has hinted that he might fly the ADC flag in the 2027 general election. But the party has neither confirmed nor denied the hint. It remains to be seen if Rhodes-Vivour still wields the same clout the LP gave him through the social media warrior in his former party.

With the influx of desperate gold diggers who want to reap where they did not sow in Lagos, 2027 will turn out to be interesting in many aspects. But the ruling party and its leading lights need to watch out for a likely repeat of the 2023 experience when non-indigenes plotted to take over the state by hook or crook. Nothing should be left to chances. No discerning party goes to sleep with an agitated opposition brandishing fire near its roof to take over the property.

January 31, 2026
Professor Michael Akpan and man as homo economicus (1)

On the few occasions that I have encountered Professor Michael S. Akpan personally, I have always been struck by his evident sense of humility, meek mien and unassuming disposition. Yet, when it comes to economic discourse, the gentle lamb can quickly transform into a ferocious Lion with an intimidating roar. Like the confident scholar, Professor Akpan does not shy away from controversy; indeed he revels in scholarly argumentation and rigorous academic disputation. This much is evident in his inaugural lecture delivered at Bingham University, where he is Professor of Economics and a former Dean of Social Sciences, on Tuesday, October 21, 2025.

Titled ‘Being an Economist: The Homo Economicus’, the inaugural lecture ranges widely across diverse issues, ideas, concepts and characterizations as regards economics as a discipline and man as the veritable economic species. Professor Akpan commences his lecture with an interesting juxtaposition of two perceptions on economics as a subject by two renowned economists. First, was Professor Sam Aluko who famously described Economics as “a very simple subject deliberately made difficult”. Second was the assertion by Ben S. Bernanke in 2004 that “Economics is a very difficult subject. I’ve compared it to trying to learn how to repair a car when the engine is running”.

It would appear that the lecturer casts his lot with Bernanke as he recalls that in response to a student’s question, he had stated that “economics is truly difficult. But that it requires critical thinking and a measure of discipline to study it successfully”. But he does not interrogate why Sam Aluko depicted economics the way he did and even some of Professor Akpan ‘s analyses in the lecture insinuate that a number of the models and abstractions utilized in economic analysis tend to complicate and obscure reality thus making the subject less easy for many students to comprehend?

Can it be that the aspiration not just of economics but also most of the social sciences to approximate as much as possible the approaches, methods, categories and classifications of the natural sciences this creating the illusion of greater scientific rigor has diminished much of the value of the social sciences as analytic modes of studying and explicating different parcels of social reality?

Professor Akpan ‘s inaugural lecture is not a dry piece of abstract theorizing that lulls the audience or the reader to somnolence. Rather, we have the offering of an academic deeply steeped in theory but also has recourse to a wide range of lived experiences across time and space that enliven his sometimes abstract discourse. ‘Get out of your cloistered ivory towers and live’!!! the great novelist and short story writer, Cyprian Ekwensi once admonished some academic critics who had lampooned his literary works. Professor Akpan, as this inaugural lecture amply shows is as much at home in the abstract world of economic model building as he is in the practical economic terrain of running economic institutions, organizations, and structures to achieve goals both of productivity and development.

In his meticulous manner, he states the four purposes of an inaugural lecture and strives to ensure that his lecture conforms to his format. The purposes he adumbrates are “To showcase one’s research and expertise; to show one’s contribution to public discourse; to share one’s insight in a subject and to introduce one’s future research interests”. The lecture indicates that, as a trained economist, Professor Akpan sees himself as homo Economicus’ par excellence. He explains to his audience that “the homo Economicus’ is also known as the economic man, and for the purpose of this lecture, he is an Economist because he is started his economics with managing the pots in his kitchen”.

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Continuing, Professor Akpan describes the economic man as “a theoretical model of human behavior in economics” and points out that “an economic model is a simplified theoretical and sometimes economic statistics or economic mathematics construct designed to represent a complex system or a complex process, e.g. a model house, a model aeroplane, a model ship or a model factory etc. This means a model is stripped to the barest but has important features of the object it is representing”.

From this premise, he identified five attributes of homo Economicus’ which are major characteristics or features of the person he is representing. Thus, he deduces that the homo Economicus’”is always acting to maximize his profits and utility by minimizing his cost; he is a rational being who always makes decisions and acts rationally at all times; he is self-interested and self-centered, motivated always by egoism and acquisitiveness; he has a short-term outlook – everything of his is now or never and he has a perfect knowledge of what he wants to do in his kitchen and in the markets as a producer, supplier, buyer, seller and consumer”.

Of course, Professor Akpan is not unaware that the concept of homo Economicus’ or economic man, which he traced to Adam Smith, father of modern economics, has “come under damaging attacks by the behaviourist economists and their followers who are now questioning the truism and validity of his attributes, his existence and even the real life examples of him. In other words, they are asking whether the real man has the economic man’s attributes. There are also feminist economists who have taken a swipe at Adam Smith and are asking why he did not create the economic woman”.

The lecturer also refers to the 2014 inaugural lecture in economics delivered by Professor Abdul-Ganiyu Garba at the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and titled “Economics: A Discipline in Need of A New Foundation” in which the lecturer questions the very notion of the existence of the economic man. According to Professor Akpan, “From the results of his metaphysical analysis, the homo Economicus’ obviously failed the existence question and on the basis of the man’s existential failure, Professor Garba asked the question: “Does the homo Economicus’ exist? He listed four evidences of the man’s failed existence as follows: (1) Real humans have a diversity of motives and intentions; (2) They act irrationally; (3):They are inefficient and (4) They select adversely and sometimes are helped to choose because they are unable to rank alternatives or choose a satisfactory option”.

Nevertheless, Professor Akpan, if I am right, defends the notion of the economic man as a creation of the classical economists with its central economic thrust predicated on Adam Smith’s observation of man’s economic attributes which suggest that the economy is self-regulating making sustained unemployment impossible because”If it occurred by Chance, it would last for a short while because, in the long run, the system will self-regulate it back to full employment due to the self-interest of the economic man as a producer and as a consumer in the markets ( Goods and Services; Factors of Production: Land, Labour and Capital”.

Thus the lecturer unabashedly declared that the lecture was designed to “defend the Homo Economicus’, defend his economics and his creator, Adam Smith (1723-1790) and to present some selected publications of the lecturer, some of which have adopted the economic man’s economic concepts, assumptions and markets in their analyses”.

January 31, 2026
Kick in the teeth

I thought they were friends. Did I hear you ask who? Of course, Eric Chelle and Austin Eguavoen. They sat through training sessions as captured on television and the few pictures dropped in the media. Perhaps, there was an understanding to allow Chelle take the decisions.

This writer, like most followers of the Super Eagles, wanted to know the relationship between the Nigerian technical crew and their foreign counterparts with Chelle. What one saw wasn’t impressive, raising the poser of why the NFF chieftains posted Nigerians to work with the coach. You could notice the cold shoulders given to Daniel Ogunmodede each time he ran towards the boss whilst celebrating a goal scored. I also noticed with pain that discussions with the substitutes on the sidelines shortly before they come onto the pitch were done by Chelle’s European colleagues. The second question, therefore, to the NFF would be why they chose these local coaches into the team if they were not going to be gainfully involved in all aspects of preparing and executing tactics before, during and after games have been won, drawn or lost.

All through the matches played at the AFCON, my focus was the oddities of the games – those things the live coverage hid from us back home. And the sight of watching the brief spells anytime the cameramen zoomed on the Nigerian bench sank my heart. They couldn’t be bothered if they sat on the bench as bystanders and not active participants worth their while provided their wages, entitlements and bonuses were paid.

Pity. What hurts is that the Nigerian coaches on the bench in Morocco learned nothing new which they could use to train their teams beyond the physical exercises they watched while their boss brazenly gave the assistants he came along with enough instructions with the aid of the computers and note pads. I was, therefore, excited reading the story conducted with the incumbent Technical Director and former Super Eagles coach and captain Austin ‘Cerezo’ Eguaveon in the print media.

This time Eguaveon literarily kicked Chelle in his teeth when he said in the interview that: “I felt disappointed that we did not include some NPFL players in the AFCON squad. Some players in the team did not even get a minute of action, so why couldn’t we include a few players from the local league? At least three or four would have been better.”

“The players are not bad, and just because we didn’t do well at CHAN doesn’t mean we should throw the baby out with the bathwater.

“This is something we need to look into because it speaks volumes when players come directly from the local league into a major tournament like AFCON.”

At least five of them in the 2025 AFCON squad didn’t play anytime. Why then did Chelle not pick players from the domestic league? Was it not Chelle who chose all the home-based players he selected for the CHAN tournament? An admittance of failure on Chelle’s part of his poor selection of the domestic league players. In fact, I thought Chelle would have replaced injured Cyriel Dessers with one of the enterprising home-based players to serve as his learning curve. It didn’t occur to NFF chiefs also to replace Dessers who left the camp injured with a home-based player.

“We can only advise him; we cannot force players on him. I must also say that he has a lot of respect for the players and wants to see how he can gradually bring them through. We have discussed this a few times, but the timing has to be right,” Eguavoen explained.

“If he stays in the country more often, he will have better opportunities to visit venues and watch players. If he doesn’t, it becomes more difficult,” he added.

Pray Eguavoen, this has always been the crux of the matter for those foreign coaches employed with our money whenever they throw the home-based players under the bus. Instead of the NSC and NFF chieftains to sit down and bridge the gap between the home-based and foreign-based players getting into the World Cup squad in 2030, they were busy planting one-sided stories which portray the falsehood of Nigeria qualifying for the last stage of the qualification matches in March.

These two bodies’ tardy handling of matters concerning the qualification game of the 2026 Mundial want to force Nigeria back into the race at the expense of D.R Congo. Do they want to drag us to the World Cup with fresh stories of unfulfilled promises and failure to pay the players and coaches their match bonuses in the United States (US), Canada and Mexican cities? Shouldn’t Nigerians be told how they fared in all facets of the country’s participation at the AFCON tournament in Morocco, especially the team’s finances with particular attention to those things which poured odium on the country?

”I can’t tell what is going on and it’s the same for all of us in the board of the NFF at the moment. FIFA hasn’t officially charged DR Congo with any infraction. So it’s a whole lot of confusion down here”, he said.

He however said a ruling is expected next month before the playoff in March, confirming that the NFF will no doubt lodge an appeal with the Court of Arbitration for Sports (CAS) if they don’t get justice from FIFA.

”If we don’t get the justice that we expect, then CAS will be the next stop. That I can assure you”, he concluded.

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Can somebody in government not stop these half-truths in the media by our visionless sport administrators whose primary concern is to travel with the teams to competitions outside the country, instead of ensuring that the game is given the fillip of growth that it needs? Who issued the passports and passed them as legitimate documents to the D.R Congo players? How come no eyebrows were raised against the Congolese until our desperate officials latched on it? Since when did FIFA become immigration officials on passport documentation?

Rather than our NFF and NSC chieftains dissipate energy on this D.R Congo misadventure with FIFA and later CAS, they should find a suitable accommodation space for Chelle to reside in fitted with state-of-art gadgets and recreational facilities within his house for exercises in Abuja, if indeed we expect him to truly monitor our home-based players himself. It won’t shock anyone if we are told that Chelle doesn’t have an official vehicle(s) with all the vehicles the big men have parked in their residences untouched. Money to be paid to the international attorney to handle the cases with FIFA and CAS will buy the SUVs for Chelle. Not so here?

I’m glad that Portugal wants an international friendly against Nigeria in Lisbon on June 6. This is heartwarming and the best way to strategically rebuild the team by dropping the ageing and injury-prone ones for new and truly younger ones who can only be found in the Diaspora, according to daily reports in Chelle’s media.

It is obvious the NFF and NSC are satisfied with these quick fixes than making deliberate efforts to revamp the soccer nurseries and academies across the country. I’ve repeatedly written here that countries which excel in sports don’t operate on fiscal budgets. They have sports funding done on biannual of four-yearly circles depending on the sport. Indeed, you don’t run sports by not hosting big competitions; if for anything else, to upgrade the country’s facilities and raise the awareness of such sport(s) among the people.

France, a renowned soccer nation recognised her World Cup-winning team in 2018, not because teachers or civil servants were unimportant, but because exceptional contributions demand exceptional recognition.

January 31, 2026
Tunji Olaopa, critical reforms and the Trump challenge (2)

It is ironic that, even as he exerts all energy in actualising his agenda to ‘Make America Great Again’, President Donald Trump is also, perhaps inadvertently, unravelling the building blocks responsible for his country’s superlative attainments in the first place. For instance, some of his country’s most iconic institutions of higher learning are under siege from the Trump administration as MAGA doctrine seemingly has little patience both for theory and theoreticians. Scientific certainties and proven verities on climate change, reproductive health, vaccines and public health among others are held hostage to rigid ideological stances of dubious intellectual and utilitarian value.

No less damaging are the massive ongoing purges in the public sector under Trump thus eroding the certainty and security of tenure that enabled public officers to be true to their oath of office and stand fearlessly in defence of the public good in the discharge of their duties. It would appear that personal loyalty to Trump has become the most critical factor in being appointed to public office and the key to remaining in such offices. The consequence is the degeneration to the most comical forms of sycophancy and obsequiousness in American political life.

Obviously lost on President Trump is the irony of his offering assistance to protesters against the Islamic Republic in Iran even as officers of the ICE operate like some Hitlerite gestapo gang in Wisconsin and other American cities – an anomaly in the expiring America we used to know. And in his rabid, no-holds-barred clampdown on ‘illegal immigrants’, which, of course, can be defensible in some respects, Trump is undermining the rich diversity of a specialist, skilled immigrant base partly responsible for America’s greatness. And there is the Trump administration’s total withdrawal from or undisguised undermining of several humanitarian organisations that underlay the ‘soft power’ that inspired Ronald Reagan’s description of America as the city on a hill beaming inspirational rays of light to the world. Unfortunately, clouds of darkness have begun to eclipse any such radiance.

As this column has often reiterated, Trump’s unhidden disdain for the weak, poor, vulnerable and feeble of the earth or his contemptuous dismissal of the ‘shit-hole’ countries of Africa should not evoke responses of anger or fury. In any case, such negative emotions would be at best exercises in impotence in the face of a global power behemoth like America. In a way, we should even be grateful that Trump, through his undisguised forthrightness and penchant for telling the truth as he sees it, shorn of all hypocritical posturing, has issued a wake-up call to Africa and the continent’s leaders. You either shape up or face the existential evaporation of your countries as sovereign entities in a world increasingly impatient with failing states that sit atop buoyant resource bases that can be put to better use by better organised and managed polities.

In the first part of this piece, we contended that resetting Nigeria and indeed Africa on the path of socio-economic and political resurgence, a task that has become imperative and inescapable, is no rocket science. It is a feat that can be achieved by doing a number of simple things that elevate merit in the functioning of the public sphere, ensure persistence on the path of this ethical rectitude and being focused not just in effecting seemingly small but impactful changes as well as being diligent in implementing the diverse aspects of the grand visions we conjure of the future flourishing society of our dreams.

We noted that the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) under the leadership of Professor Tunji OLAOPA is already showing the light for us to find the way in this regard. In the first place, it is significant that President Bola Tinubu appointed unarguably the country’s leading authority on public sector reforms as Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC). Apart from the plethora of books he has written on public service reforms in Nigeria and Africa, Professor Olaopa rose to the Pinnacle of his career in the Civil Service where he was a federal Permanent Secretary. He has brought both his theoretical grounding and practical experience to bear on the execution of his mission at the FCSC.

For instance, in September 2025, Professor Olaopa revealed, at an FCSC Strategic Plan Stakeholder Validation Workshop in Abuja, a new Strategic Plan to guide the operations of the FCSC between 2026 and 2030. Speaking on the occasion, he stressed that “This plan is our response to the President’s charge for us to reposition the Federal bureaucracy, making the Commission a catalyst for deepening and consolidating ongoing transformation efforts”. The unpretentious intellectual that he is, Olaopa admitted that the reform trajectory over the last one year had revealed certain limitations and shortcomings which had to be decisively addressed.

In his words, “It became clear that our roadmap needed more evidence -based concrete strategies, change management programs, and carefully crafted projects to truly assure a transformative journey”. Towards this end, the remodeled strategic plan focuses on six key areas which include strengthening the FCSC ‘s constitutionally mandated independence, oversight of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), and public accountability mechanisms; according appropriate priority to reinforcing meritocracy through competitive promotion exercises, structured interviews, and transparent digital recruitment platforms that facilitate nationwide examinations; and, in conjunction with the Office of the Head of the Civil Service, institutionalizing performance -based career management systems that “link promotion and career progression to key performance indicators, citizen feedback, and revised annual appraisal reports fundamental for enhancing accountability”.

Other aspects of the strategic master plan include improving on ethical frameworks, internal audit systems and whistleblower protections, as well as deepening the meritocratic and transparent implementation of the federal character principle, as well as ensuring fair representation for women and persons with disabilities in line with the constitution. According to Olaopa, “These six strategic emphases are lessons drawn from global best practices, especially from Commonwealth Civil Service Commissions in countries such as the UK and Canada…We must recover lost legal and operational independence to shield career management from political interference. Opaque manual processes will be replaced by digital recruitment platforms and performance -based promotions to deepen meritocracy and transparency”.

The Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Mrs Didi Walson – Jack expressed optimism that the FCSC Strategic Plan transcends beyond guiding the Commission alone but will also serve as an enabler for the wider Federal Civil Reform Agenda. Emphasising the shared vision by all stakeholders in developing a world-class public service characterised by professionalism, accountability, meritocracy, and performance orientation to fast-track national development, she stressed that the FCSC Strategic Plan, alongside the Federal Civil Service Strategy and Implementation Plan (FCSSIP), would go a long way to help achieve these objectives.

A significant development under Olaopa ‘s leadership at the FCSC has been the resuscitation of the annual National Council of Civil Service Commissions of the Federation. The highest consultative and advisory platform for strengthening institutional capacy, operational efficiency and governance culture among Federal and Civil Service Commissions in the country, this all important council had not convened for over ten years before the present dispensation. The theme of the 2025 edition of the Council was ‘Repositioning Civil Service Commissions in Nigeria as a Hub of Professionalism in Public Service Human Resource Management’.

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A perusal of the communique issued at the end of the 44th annual Council of the Federal and State civil service commissions, which was held in Umuahia, Abia State, revealed a number of heartwarming trends. First, there is the evolution of a more robust relationship and interaction between the federal and state civil service commissions. Second, is a joint deliberation on as well as inclusive input into the emergence and subsequent implementation of the Strategic Master plan of the FCSC (2026-2030). Third, there is the increased tempo of the participation of state civil service commissions in the deliberations of the council, with positive implications for the overall performance of the body at the federal and state levels.

It is not surprising that the emphasis in much of the points articulated in the communique stresses more qualitative and rigorous recruitment and promotion processes; higher levels of organizational accountability, transparency and efficiency especially through enhanced use of technological innovations and digital platforms; enhancing the organizational autonomy of the Federal and State civil service commissions from partisan meddling to enhance Professionalism and meritocracy in the pursuit of their respective mandates in the public interest.

Attaining higher and more qualitative standards of governance in the public sphere is a necessary condition for Nigeria and other African countries to escape the demeaning characterisation of such countries as ‘shit-hole’ entities. The standards of performance set in the public sphere have positive or negative implications for public education, healthcare, urban planning, environmental control and waste management, housing, public infrastructure, as well as national security, to name a few. Indeed, the quality of service delivery in different areas of the private sector depends substantially on the quality of governance in public sector regulatory agencies.

Perhaps one of the most significant highlights of the deliberations at Umuahia as captured in the communique was the declaration of support by the State Civil Service Commissions for steps being taken by the FCSC to bring other Human Resources Management institutions in the public service such as the Police Service Commission, National Assembly Service Commission, Federal Judicial Service Commission, the Civil Defence, Correctional and Immigration Services Board among others within a networking arrangement to share knowledge, engage in peer review and deepen the common pool for the generation and implementation of ideas, plans and strategies. If accomplished, this will be a major turning point in the qualitative deepening of the various federal and state civil service commissions across the country.

No less critical was the call for the encouragement of State Civil Service Commissions to join the forum of the Association of African Public Service Commissions (AAPSCOMs) as an avenue for enlarging their learning network, broadening their professional outlook and expanding their sphere for peer collaboration. Incidentally, Professor Olaopa is the Vice President of the Association for the West Africa Region.

January 31, 2026
The Nnewi Cathedral blues

The consecration of the newly built Our Lady of Assumption Cathedral in Nnewi should have been a moment of profound joy and spiritual celebration for the Catholic Diocese of Nnewi. Instead, the event has become mired in controversy, exposing what many see as a troubling departure from basic Christian principles of gratitude and courtesy. At the heart of the “Nnewi Cathedral Blues” lies a simple yet profound question: How could the Catholic Diocese of Nnewi in its moment of triumph, so thoroughly erase the memory of one who contributed so substantially to making that triumph possible?

The late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, who passed away in July 2024, reportedly funded approximately 90 percent of the construction costs of the magnificent cathedral that now stands as a beacon of faith in Nnewi. Yet, during the cathedral’s commissioning, neither his family received an invitation to the ceremony, nor was his contribution publicly acknowledged by the presiding Bishop Benson Okoye. This glaring omission did spark widespread outrage among the faithful and observers alike, raising uncomfortable questions about the values guiding the leadership of the diocese.

To be clear, the controversy does not center on demands for the Church to build monuments to Senator Ubah or to immortalize his name in stone and brass within the sacred edifice. Such requests would indeed run contrary to the humility and focus on divine glory that ought to characterize Christian worship spaces. The faithful understand that churches are houses of God, not museums to human achievement, thus no reasonable person expected the cathedral walls to be adorned with plaques bearing the senator’s name or statues erected in his honor.

However, there exists a vast chasm between avoiding personality cults and the practice of basic Christian courtesy. The family of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah deserved, at minimum, an invitation to witness the fruit of their late patriarch’s generosity. They deserved acknowledgment, however brief, of his substantial contribution. This is not about vanity or worldly recognition—it is about simple human decency and Christian gratitude, virtues that should be second nature to those who claim to shepherd Christ’s flock.

The circumstances surrounding Senator Ubah’s withdrawal from the project add another layer of complexity to this unfortunate saga. Having shouldered 90 percent of the construction burden, the senator was, for reasons known only to Bishop Okoye, asked to step back from the project. The details of this decision remain shrouded in mystery, but the subsequent treatment of his memory suggests that whatever transpired left a lasting chill in the relationship between the diocese and its most generous benefactor.

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What is even more funny is how the Catholic Diocese of Nnewi has gone on an overdrive to respond to the matter, such issued explanations attempting to justify or contextualize the snub. But as the saying goes, this amounts to little more than “medicine after death”—too late to heal the wound, too inadequate to address the fundamental breach of courtesy. Belated explanations cannot undo the hurt inflicted upon a grieving family or restore the dignity that should have been accorded to Senator Ubah’s memory during the cathedral’s finest hour.

Perhaps most revealing is what was captured in video footage of the commissioning event. Bishop Benson Okoye can be seen in full overdrive, lavishing praise upon dignitaries in attendance—most notably Governor Charles Soludo and former Governor Peter Obi. The bishop’s words flowed freely in adulation of these political figures, his enthusiasm unmistakable as he honored their presence, his relationship with these persons and their contributions. The contrast with the treatment of the late Senator Ubah’s memory could not be more stark or more troubling.

While living politicians received effusive acknowledgment for merely attending, a deceased man who had poured his resources into building the very cathedral being commissioned was consigned to an Orwellian memory hole. One must ask: What does this selective recognition reveal about the Church’s priorities? What message does it send when political expediency appears to trump Christian gratitude? The optics alone are damaging enough, but the underlying implications cut far deeper.

The bishop’s behavior in this instance, troubling as it may be, does not exist in isolation. Those familiar with Bishop Okoye’s actions will recall previous instances where his actions have raised eyebrows and prompted questions about what befits a servant in God’s vineyard. During the Anambra Central Senatorial Election of 2011 between Senator Chris Ngige and Professor Dora Akunyili, in the heat of the speculated rerun following the fact that the elections were inconclusive, the bishop stunned his congregation in Amawbia with a sermon that ventured far beyond spiritual guidance into the realm of political mysticism. He announced that Ngige was “bewitching Ndi Anambra with the broom”( The symbol of the Action Congress of Nigeria)—a statement so bizarre, so divorced from both Christian teaching and rational discourse, that one must ask: How low could he get?

One did wonder, how voting for a candidate whose party had the symbol of the broom could have transformed such a person into a witch or wizard, well Ngige went on to win the rerun and it is my guess that all who voted for him became full time witches and wizards!

Such episodes establish a pattern that makes the Nnewi Cathedral snub appear less like an isolated oversight and more like part of a broader approach to church leadership—one where political calculations and personal preferences seem to eclipse the timeless Christian virtues of gratitude, humility, and courtesy.

Perhaps the snub was indeed political. Perhaps in the complex web of Anambra politics, acknowledging Senator Ubah’s contributions was deemed inconvenient or potentially controversial. Perhaps there were personal disagreements or ideological differences that made the bishop reluctant to honor the senator’s memory. If so, this makes the situation not better, but infinitely worse. It suggests that the Church allowed worldly politics to dictate its moral posture, that it permitted temporal considerations to override its duty to practice basic Christian charity.

The Church is called to be a light in the darkness, a moral compass when society loses its way, a voice for timeless values in a world obsessed with fleeting concerns. When it descends into the murky waters of political gamesmanship, when it allows grudges to override gratitude, when it treats the dead with less courtesy than it accords to living politicians, it betrays this sacred calling.

Isn’t it profoundly sad that the Church should stoop to such levels? That an institution entrusted with shepherding souls and modeling Christ’s love should become entangled in the very pettiness and ingratitude it is meant to transcend?

The Nnewi Cathedral stands as a magnificent architectural achievement, but the circumstances of its commissioning have left a stain that no amount of marble or stained glass can obscure. One can only hope that this episode serves as a wake-up call, prompting reflection and reform before the Church’s moral authority erodes further in the eyes of those it claims to serve.

January 25, 2026
Lagos and 2027 battle (1)

Political parties in Lagos State have kicked off preparations for the 2027 general election by mobilising for membership registration. The chapters are also warming up for congresses. Next year, there will be a vacancy in the Government House.

The seat of power is prestigious, with Lagos being the fifth-largest economy in Africa. The governor of the Centre of Excellence is more than the combination of 10 other governors in Nigeria.

So limitless are the resources and opportunities. So populous is the megacity. So huge are also the responsibilities and burdens of governing the fast-growing state that is a mini-Nigeria; a blend of diversity, potentials, and liabilities.

The battle is always fierce, but the outcome is always predictable.

There is no shortage of competent chieftains to succeed Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu on the platform of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in next year’s election.

Opposition parties are trying to make the same claim without concrete proof. Since 1999, they have made serious and feeble efforts to dethrone the ruling bloc, but without success.

Will 2027 be different?

APC is exuding confidence in Lagos, its number one stronghold. Although opposition parties are coming up with their peculiar threats and struggles, eyes are only on the ruling party. The large and formidable structure has withstood the stress and storm for almost three decades.

Yet, the ruling party can hardly let down its guard, given its 2023 experience when the incumbency power and influence collapsed during the presidential poll, with the Labour Party (LP) taking the majority votes over the supposedly poll-confident platform.

Lagos APC members are eager to know the party’s stand on its possible flagbearer in next year’s poll and the senatorial district that will produce him. More often than not, those being groomed for power may not even take note.

Historically, the senatorial districts, constituencies, and even divisions may not really matter. They are mixed and interwoven. There is hardly a clear-cut demarcation. In the past, Senator Tokunbo Afikuyomi, who represented the Central District in the Senate, met himself in the West during the following election. The senator is even a Lagosian of Osun origin. Also, erstwhile House of Assembly Speaker Yemi Ikuforiji from Epe Constituency later represented Ikeja Constituency. The party is the ultimate decider of the direction. Currently, an Epe-born politician is representing Ikeja in the Civil Service Commission because he resides in Isolo, which is part of the old Lagos Division.

Once the candidate receives the majority endorsement in the party, a post-primary crisis is nipped in the bud and the party faces the election squarely.

As Sanwo-Olu prepares to bow out, gladiators are returning to the drawing board to perfect their strategies. They are intensifying consultations and underground mobilisation within the party structures. They can hardly wait for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) whistle.

Some of them are setting up media structures. All are saving for the rainy day. A source said some of the aspirants will go to Makkah in Saudi Arabia to seek the favour of Allah.

Unlike in other states, the potential contenders in Lagos are careful not to divert the attention of the governor and heat up the state. They are only making moves silently, scrambling for reliable information and hearing the party’s stalwarts out.

However, the nomination of candidate may follow the usual complex and challenging processes. The trend of consensus is emerging in the ruling party as canvassed by the party’s gerontocrats, including pioneer interim national chairman, Chief Bisi Akande, from the the days of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD). The option, more or less, was adopted in picking Governor Biodun Oyebanji of Ekiti and Bola Oyebamiji of Osun.

Lagos is the base of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and at least in the ruling party, the buck stops at his desk. He holds the aces in a state he has set on the path of steady progress since 1999. He initiated a 24-year-old development, which has now been expanded.

The contemporary history of Lagos attests to the mystery of its succession politics whereby, since 2007, there is no member of the ruling parties – AD, AC, ACN, and APC – who vied for the ticket and got it without the President’s backing.

Asiwaju Tinubu’s successors – Babatunde Fasola, Akinwunmi Ambode, and Sanwo-Olu – have one thing in common. In reality, they are not politicians with solid personal structures but technocrats – lawyer, chartered accountant, and banker – who became outstanding in public service as Chief of Staff, Accountant-General, and Commissioner. None of them is a big politician, personal friend, confidant, ally, and political associate of the leader.

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However, in Lagos APC, only a loyal chieftain can get the ticket. Many have given different interpretations to this concept. But the politicians know the meaning and the essence. Historians will record that while Fashola is credited with the idea of “may your loyalty never be tested,” Sanwo-Olu now comes across as the actual communicator of the strategies for survival. Known for his simplicity, humility, and dedication to the development plan, his successor is expected to build on his good leadership.

Since 2015, no incumbent governor has been in charge of the nomination process. They can only contribute to the party in the overall discussion on the collective succession agenda.

Religion may not be an important factor. The fact that the majority of those eyeing the ticket are Muslims is coincidental. However, for balancing, religion may later play a role in the choice of the running mate.

Indigeneship appears to be a fading issue in cosmopolitan Lagos. Apart from Asiwaju Tinubu, who is a proper and authentic Lagosian, sources have traced the roots of his successors to Ekiti, Ondo, and Ogun.

As a corollary, zoning is weak unless it is meant to achieve a predetermined agenda. The only sub-zone rooting for zoning or rotation in 2027 is the Badagry Division in the Lagos West Senatorial District. The activities of some politicians from the area in this regard are visible in the media. The implication is that a slim strength is being showcased on the platform of ethnicity.

That many aspirants are from Lagos East does not suggest any verbalisation or adoption of zoning. Certain issues are often effectively managed by party leaders because they fall within the framework of internal affairs.

Also, gender is not an issue, although women’s voices tend to favour the choice of a woman deputy governor, if the circumstances allow it.

To serve as Lagos governor is the handwork of fate and destiny. While the privilege eluded giants like Chief Akanbi Onitiri, Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya, Alhaji Ganiyu Dawodu, and Prince Ladega Adeniji-Adele, luck smiled on Alhaji Lateef Jakande, an Awoist journalist jailed along with Obafemi Awolowo for alleged treason in the sixties.

Also, while Chief Dapo Sarunmi, Prof. Femi Agbalajobi, Chief Yomi Edu, and Prince Abiodun Ogunleye could not make it, Chief Michael Otedola miraculously stole the show in the Third Republic.

Ahead of the Fourth Republic, Mr. Akin Kekere-Ekun, Dr. Wahab Dosunmu, Alhaji Rasheed Shitta-Bey, Towry Coker, and Uthman Sodipe presented themselves for selection. But Lagos-based Afenifere leaders of Ogun origin rooted for Senator Tinubu, a National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) financier who just returned from exile. Their words were final in those days. Tinubu won and made a great impact.

In 2007, no fewer than 14 aspirants printed posters. They included Erikitola, Rahman Owokoniran, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Femi Pedro, Tola Kasali, Ogunleye, Jimi Agbaje, Tunde Fanimokun, Remi Adikwu-Bakare, and Hakeem Gbajabiamila. Attention later shifted to Fashola, described by the leader as the SAN with a sound mind.

As some aspirants stepped down in 2015, Ambode and Obafemi Hamzat were left in the ring. The result was predictable. Four years later, Sanwo-Olu suddenly dominated the scene. Other capable people, like Supo Sasore and Muiz Banire, were off the radar. It is, therefore, difficult to predict who will become the standard-bearer.

All the aspirants being speculated are good. The party leadership is conscious of their strengths and weaknesses. Some of them have ‘Plan B.’ They are in the race as a strategy to draw attention so that they can be considered for other positions if the governorship ticket predictably slips away.

Others really mean business. If Dr. Hamzat puts his hat in the ring, nobody would be surprised.

The deputy governor, who competed with Ambode at the 2015 primary, was offered the ticket as the running mate in 2019 before stepping down for Sanwo-Olu. He is now the longest-serving member of the Lagos State Executive Council (Exco).

Since he joined the Tinubu administration as a commissioner in 2002/’3, he has always been in the government. Hamzat served for eight years under Fashola as commissioner before becoming his Special Adviser when he was Works Minister. He is a man of immense experience with attention to detail.

Environment Commissioner Tokunbo Wahab is a lawyer. He is dynamic and hardworking. Before his current assignment, he had served as the Special Adviser on Education. He first showed interest in the number one seat over 10 years ago.

The state’s Chief of Staff, Tayo Ayinde, who was preferred as the successor to Ambode by some influential associates of Tinubu in 2015, has garnered more administrative experience in the last seven years. A security expert, he was the campaign manager for Sanwo-Olu in the Independent Campaign Group in 2019 and 2023. He is loyal to the party.

Other experienced politicians coveting the seat and putting up personal structures to actualise their dreams include the President’s Chief of Staff and former House of Representatives Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila, who has sponsored empowerment programmes in Surulere Constituency and beyond; House of Assembly Speaker Mudashiru Obasa, who was reinstated after the impeachment controversy; and former Governor Ambode, whose second-term bid hit the rocks in 2019. They have served the party and the state to the best of their abilities. As wealthy politicians, they are in positions to fund state-wide governorship campaigns.

Other contenders being speculated are young men and women of note and distinction who have excelled and earned a good reputation in politics, public service and personal endeavours. One of them is the highly promising Hakeem Muri-Okunola, a lawyer who had served as Head of Service in Lagos State before becoming the Principal Private Secretary to the President.

Also, mention has been made of the Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, who is up and doing in his current assignment. A distinguished medical doctor, he is a former Minister of State for Health. Alausa is revolutionalising education in the country through the implementation of broad, bold, brave, and workable reforms in the critical sector. The student loans scheme is being implemented faithfully and industrial peace has been restored in the ivory towers.

January 24, 2026