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Category: Emmanuel Oladesu

  • Aregbesola of ADC

    Aregbesola of ADC

    In the realm of politics and socialisation, former Internal Affairs Minister Chief Rauf Adesoji Adesoji Aregbesola exudes some peculiar idiosyncrasies. From the outset of his political journey, he maintained his course on the progressive lane.

    He was a jolly good fellow among this class of politicians who are mostly entrenched in the Southwest. It was this political class that held sway until the PDP era of locusts held the region by the jugular in the early days of this dispensation. Aregbesola never mingled with them. His eight years of governorship in Osun State came after a legal battle against the PDP forces.

    Wherever Aregbesola went with his progressive family, he lit up the occasion. He is well grounded in the Yoruba style of entertainment: his smile, songs, dance, and choreography spurred the crowd to cheery moments.

    But things have changed for him. Politics has redirected his steps to align with anti-progressives. 

    Now, he appears to be the odd man out in the entire coalition melodrama, gimmick, and miscalculation that now pale into a fictitious crowning of an otherwise illustrious political career.

    Aregbesola’s involvement in the gang-up against his leader, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is confounding and worrisome. Perhaps, it is also the greatest challenge confronting the former governor and, until three years ago, the undisputed alter ego of the Asiwaju of Lagos.

    For 25 years, Aregbesola was more or less the deputy leader of the Asiwaju political family. Since his days as Works and Infrastructure Commissioner in Lagos State under former Governor Tinubu, he was the opening and exit door to Bourdillon, the ‘seat’ of power and centre of influence. He was perceived as a trusted and dependable ally in times of peace and war. The leader was said to have reposed so much trust in him as a favourite associate that he once said that even if Areagbesola carried a cutlass and gun into his bedroom, he would believe that Rauf held them to protect him against his enemies and not to harm him.

    The bond was so thick that the leader often personally took delight in reserving meals for Aregbesola on his dining table, with an instruction that it should not be touched by anybody else, however important the other person might be.

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    After seven years as a member of the Lagos State Executive Council, Aregbesola relocated to Osun State for a rescue mission, like Dr. Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State. The initiative came from Asiwaju, who wanted to liberate the Southwest from the jaws of conservative marauders on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which recently split into the party’s mainstream of Damagum/Wike/Saraki/Makinde/Bala Mohammed and African Democratic Congress (ADC) of Atiku/Mark/Ikimi.

    At the height of his glorious reign in Osogbo, the state capital, Aregbesola, fondly called Oranmiyan or Symbol, declared during his ‘Aregbe Till Day Break Programme’ that he was as large in Osun as in Lagos. It was an understatement. As the moving spirit of the Mandate Group, the caucus that gave the Justice Forum sleepless nights, his advice was hardly set aside by his former boss. Countless men and women have been assisted to become commissioners, advisers, lawmakers, aides, civil servants, ruling party officers, and contractors through his recommendations. A very charismatic personality, he was a skilled negotiator endowed with persuasive talents.

    As governor, he was a powerful organiser, mobiliser, and planner. He is a shrewd politician who learnt at the feet of a strategist. Although there were criticisms against certain policies and programmes of his administration, he did his best. His government was better than that of Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, his predecessor who surrendered the stolen mandate in court after protracted litigations.

    The strange thing now is that Aregbesola has been drafted to take up the title of interim secretary in the estranged PDP, which masquerades as ADC. It may be a moment of emotional wrenching for him and followers who now find themselves attempting to pull down the APC, on which they previously rode to political relevance. It would be a sad day in the Southwest when Aregbesola embarks on the tour of the six states to de-market his great leader.

    The inability of political leaders to resolve their conflicts is the bane of the Yoruba nation. The Awo/SLA, Ajasin/Omoboriowo, Ige/Afolabi, and Ajasin/Olateru-Olagbegi rifts defied solutions. They went to their graves with animosities. Up to now, a section of Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, led by the late Acting Leader Ayo Adebanjo, is still waging war on President Tinubu. The crisis resolution mechanism is always weak in the region’s progressive camp.

    The crippled relationship between Aregbesola and his leader was surprising to the late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, who wanted to mediate, shortly before he passed on.

    Since the infamous speech at Ilesa, the gulf had widened between Aregbesola and his progressive allies. Observers believe that the Osun chapter of the party took adverse measures, including suspension and expulsion, which Aregbesola’s supporters used as an excuse to deepen the polarisation. But, according to the chapter, obvious anti-party activities cannot be condoned.

    Either in APC or ADC, Aregbesola is in the eye of the storm. A dark cloud or temporary setback in a long journey can tax the adaptive resources of an individual to the brim. But it is not the end of life. The transient vicissitudes can be handled with care based on experience. It is always the province of the wise to exercise caution in the face of threats to ambitions and relevance. Since conflicts may later yield to compromise and tactical settlement, reaction to a problem, either self-imposed or externally inflicted, should be moderated because it is always more weighty than the action that provoked it.

    Amid conflicts, some little chances should be left open for amity, if some thoughts could be spared for tomorrow. Words are fragile. Like the egg, they cannot be recouped once dropped. They are documented in the hearts of friends and foes and the social media. That is why the Yoruba often caution their kith and kin to imbibe the traditional ethics of moderation in times of annoyance.

    Memory is powerful, and the manifestation of the mental faculty includes recall. Intelligent people always bear these in mind. Intelligence is not limited to the acquisition of knowledge and skills; it encompasses the entire gamut of reasoning, comprehension or understanding and judgment. The expected outcome is problem-solving.

    So also is the role of perception in politics. The way an important actor is regarded, understood, or interpreted is subject to his political behaviour, particularly any choice made in the constantly slippery field. What is treasured most in the life of an uncompromising adherent is continuity, consistency, and loyalty, which could be tested by occasional or transient hardship.

    Glowing tributes are paid to them when they endure and survive the adversity of politics. In the minds of people and books of history, they are celebrated for courage, resilience, and faithfulness.

    The indomitable Awo admonished his followers to always elevate the interest of the party over the personal agenda. He believed that if personal interest is jettisoned, accommodation could be found for the individual within the larger, collective interest of the group.

    But steps could be retraced after severe deviation from a known path. In doing this, ego is not bruised; it is only suppressed for reason to triumph. It is not cowardice but the conscious amendment of political life on a moral lane. Although it is often said that politics and morality exist in an antithetical relationship, the Yoruba cultural ethos advocates a set of guiding principles and values that shape the behavior and worldview of the Oduduwa children, and central to this ethos is the concept of Ọmọlúwàbí, which embodies virtues, including integrity, respect, and excellence.

    The uncritical fraternity with strange bedfellows, even in the opinion of apolitical fans of the Ijesa ideologue, is a mockery of a certain identity and antecedent, which made him popular as a political actor and elicited respect from the residual class of radical elements.

    Although it is often said that core principles could be sacrificed on the altar of political interest, it may not be the absolute reality in all situations. A difference could be made by men of fidelity who value honour and integrity, the rare virtues that also predispose them to be calm, patient, reticent, and avoid embarrassing mistakes when a political career momentarily runs into turbulence.

    There may be justification for embracing this path of resistance to internal pressure and external influence. But it takes a lot of soul-searching and painstaking self-assessment.

    What matters is not the beginning but the end of things, and indeed, the judgment of history.

    While the freedom of association is fully guaranteed in the 1999 Constitution, Yoruba elders, long before the constitution came into existence, had always warned their children to maintain moderation and avoid bad company.

    Even the Ifa oracle alludes to the careful choice of human relationships as a guide against negative influences. It highlights the concept of “eewo” (taboos), which are prohibited actions that could be detrimental, including associating with people or environments that lead to negative outcomes.

    This lends credence to the Yoruba adage: “Aguntan to ba’ja rin a je’gbe.” (The sheep that associates with the dog would eat faeces). It is an admonition for the wary to “shine their eyes” about whose company they keep: “Show me your friends and I will show you your character.”

    Also, in a Hadith, the Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said: “A person is on the religion of his close friend. So, let each of you look at who you befriend.” It is a warning that bad company could corrupt good morals.

    In the Bible, it is stated: “Do not be misled; bad company corrupts good character.”

    Aregbesola’s natural habitat is the progressive camp where Tinubu is the leader. He may not understand the grammar of politics spoken by his emergency friends in PDP-ADC. It is not a bad idea to halt the sudden fraternity and return home. He is, for now, mingling with strangers in a dark alley.

    Reconciliation with his progressive family is not late.

  • The balkanisation of PDP

    The balkanisation of PDP

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is distressed. Twenty-seven years after it was founded by eminent political leaders from the six geo-political zones, the party has cracked into two irredeemable parts. From all indications, each part is on its way to the Golgotha, despite the pretences and wall-patching.

    There are obvious reasons for this.

    The main opposition party was broken by long-standing chieftains who failed to unite the platform and offer effective leadership at critical times.

    There is a dichotomy. The position of younger elements, now in the majority and holding the levers of power at the sub-regional levels, does not align with the older generation in what has become a dysfunctional family.

    The younger generation is trying to defend the vision of the core founding fathers, particularly the values of equity, fairness, and justice, through zoning or rotation of the six topmost offices: president, vice president, Senate President, Speaker of House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation,  and National Party Chairman.

    The younger members also insisted that it is better to go into a coalition as a party instead of killing the party or weakening it before moving to another party, thereby obliterating the legacy of the founding fathers.

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    But the elders, flaunting their gerontocratic credentials as former men of power and symbols of old glory, ironically opted for a partisan behaviour that negated these hitherto shared principles. In 2023, they resolved to promote the culture of exclusion, marginalisation, alienation, personalisation, and monopolisation of privileges. Since that electioneering, the party has not remained the same.

    Many chieftains have bidden farewell to the party that gave them fame and embraced a platform on the fringe to pursue the narrow interest of a veteran presidential contender who may likely retrace his steps to the PDP he had repudiated, if he loses the poll, as he did in the past.

    The mainstream PDP is still being led by Acting National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Damagum, who now seems to have a less headache to contend with, although no serious leader would be comfortable with the decimation of his platform. His major challenge now is how to contain those trying to shove Senator Samuel Anyanwu aside as the party’s National Secretary.

    The second PDP comprises aggrieved elders, led by Atiku Abubakar, who invaded the African Democratic Congress (ADC) during the week, acquired its liabilities, and inherited its crisis. The Atiku club’s only aspiration is to install the former vice president as president. There may be no room for other aspirants, except those interested in governorship and legislative positions.

    It is merely a camp within the mainstream body seeking an imaginary political refuge outside its natural habitat. It is not a coalition in the real sense because all the people it has attracted, except Chief Rauf Aregbesola, have the PDP blood flowing in their veins.

    If the All Progressive Congress (APC) is their target for liquidation, then, the strategy has taken off on the wrong foot. The ‘PDP-ADC’ should have remained in the mainstream PDP, which, if fortified, could offer a position of strength as a time-tested and resilient brand.

    The implosion means that the two factions – PDP and PDP-ADC – would be at war in 2027 instead of combining their arsenal to tackle the APC. As the two PDP factions battle for power ahead of the 2027 general election, there may be no reservoir of energy to frontally tackle the ruling party when the real combat begins.

    The turn of events is unfortunate for the once-acclaimed largest party in Nigeria. Two days before the exit of the Atiku camp to the ADC, it appeared that respite was coming the way of the troubled platform. The PDP managed to avert a looming danger. It surprisingly refrained from behaving like a rattled dog destined to get lost in the forest after failing to listen to the hunter’s whistle.

    That was on Monday when the party elder, Commodore Bode George, described the PDP as an immovable Iroko tree whose strength lies in its resilience and capacity for survival.

     But a day later, the gains of the wise decision taken by the stakeholders were lost. Atiku presided over a coalition meeting in Abuja attended by members of his camp, including Gen. David Mark, Senator Aminu Tambuwal, who was described by the sacked national chairman, Senator Iyorchia Ayu, as the hero of the 2022 presidential convention; Gabriel Suswam, Donald Duke, Liyel Imoke, and Uche Secondus. In their communique, they proposed the break-up of PDP and welcomed the coalition with open hands.

    The PDP’s saving grace on Monday was the umpire, which rendered the unsolicited patriotic service as the constitutional monitor of political parties and their activities. Peeping into 2027, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) saw a danger looming for the main opposition party when it sidelined the statutory guidelines for the issuance of notices for critical party meetings, particularly the National Executive Committee (NEC) and the National Convention.

    In utter ignorance, Damagum unilaterally sent out the notice of the NEC meeting, thereby violating the rules and processes. That was after the PDP governors had, in their wildest imagination, sent Anyanwu packing as the party’s National Secretary and decreed that his deputy, Setonji Koshoedo, should take over in an acting capacity.

    Only the Atiku camp has defected to ADC. This seems to have resolved some intra-party disputes. Therefore, the mainstream camp should mend the fence within, close ranks, and reconcile on agreeable terms.

    There are four tendencies in the decimated PDP struggling for the soul of the party on equal terms.

    The first is the Damagum/Wike group. It consists of a section of the National Working Committee (NWC) and the G-5, with the exception of Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde. They are insisting that Anyanwu should not be disturbed. Also, they are holding on to the court judgment which supports the acting chairmanship of Damagum till December.

    A big problem is how the party would handle Wike, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, who has vowed to support the second term bid of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, despite being the undisputed leader of Rivers PDP. He was a great asset to the PDP who galvanised the platform until after the problematic 2022 presidential primary, when reality dawned on him that some forces were bent on circumventing the zoning principle.

    The second group is the PDP Governors’ Forum, which is bent on getting Anyanwu, an ally of Wike, out of the way. It is a proxy war against Wike, who has been up in arms against the governors.

    The third appears to be a one-man band. Although he chairs the Governors’ Forum, Senator Bala Mohammed, governor of Bauchi State, is believed to be nursing a presidential ambition. The aspiration is at variance with the popular feeling in the PDP about presidential zoning.

    The view, particularly among members of the party in the three geo-political zones in the South, is that the ticket should be zoned to them.

    The fourth is the Southeast Caucus, which is battling with the acrimony at home. The agitation for the removal of Anyanwu by the regional caucus and replacement with Sunday Udeh-Okoye is supported by Enugu State Governor Peter Mbah, who had re-echoed the threat by the Southeast Caucus to review its relationship with the leadership of the party.

    The onus is on the Peace Committee, headed by former Senate President Bukola Saraki, to approach the challenge of reconciliation with more seriousness. Speed is required for him to accomplish his task because delay may be dangerous.

    It appears that Saraki has an understanding of the conflicts tearing the party apart. He managed to resolve the Anambra governorship nomination logjam by appealing to Anyanwu, who had been sent packing from the national secretariat to sign the form of the PDP candidate.

    Already, the vulnerability of the PDP is obvious. It has lost two governors – Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State and Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom – to the APC. Federal legislators from the party have also defected to the ruling party.

    As the party prepares for the National Executive Committee (NEC) and National Convention meetings, it should resolve to put its house in order. The PDP leaders should know that their sphere of influence has shrunk. The votes in its strongholds would have to be shared between the old PDP and the new one masquerading as ADC.

    But it can continue to strategise, do introspection, embrace the reality and plan to bounce back.

  • Adebayo: A soldier of democracy bows out

    Adebayo: A soldier of democracy bows out

    He was a man of many parts in a historic journey of over eight decades – a good teacher, an astute administrator, a progressive politician, a principled pro-democracy activist, a trustworthy community leader, and an elder statesman.

    Cornelius Olatunji Adebayo, former governor of Kwara State on the platform of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and chieftain of National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) has bowed out after illness. He was 84.

    The consensus about him is that he was a gentleman and a refined politician who could not levy partisan war; he was a man of honour and integrity.

    Adebayo died a fulfilled man, having made his mark in teaching, his chosen profession, and politics, his vocation. He was a teacher at the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), before he returned to the Northwestern State to serve as Information Commissioner. In 1983, he was kicked out of the Kwara State House by the coup plotters, barely three months after succeeding Alhaji Adamu Attah of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

    The deceased left behind a country that is just trying to find its feet again under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, his compatriot during the anti-military rule campaign. He bade farewell to a divided pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, where a deputy leader pronounced himself as leader when the leader, Pa Rueben Fasoranti, is still alive. He left behind an oppressed and marginalised Kogi West Senatorial District, which, in the absence of zoning, can only aspire to produce the governor in vain.

    Although he claimed non-membership of any political party, which many of his admirers doubted, he was a distinguished chieftain of Afenifere, which joined other forces to float the severely bastardised, abused, rattled, and weakened platform, the Alliance for Democracy (AD).

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    One significant pain of the heart for Adebayo was his apt description as a Yoruba northerner. He was neither an ethnic chauvinist nor a religious bigot. But the eminent politician never forgave the colonial masters for the improper grouping of tribes into divergent provinces without considering historical and cultural factors. The consequence is the identity crisis, which the affected Igbomina, Ebolo, Kaba, and Ijumu and a section of Lokoja people are still battling to resolve in Kwara and Kogi states.

    Unlike the Aro of Mopa, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, who adjusted to the geographical accident of diverse tribal lumping, C. O. Adebayo, like ‘Mallam’ Bello Ijumu and Chief Sunday Olawoyin of Offa, complained bitterly. Indeed, Olawoyin sustained the fight for the regrouping of the Yoruba in that axis with the Southwest. So far, it has been a lost battle.

    At a lecture in Lagos, Adebayo lamented the consequences. When the Southwest was growing and the Yoruba were savouring free education and other people-friendly policies and programmes of the then Premier Obafemi Awolowo, the opportunity eluded his people. But Awo managed to give some scholarships later to Yagba and Kabba youths later. Adebayo also lamented the disparity in the development pace and the obvious marginalisation of his kith and kin who found themselves in the northern region.

    But he won other personal and political battles.

     Adebayo became a commissioner by merit under the military rule. Since he had built a reputation as a university teacher, the military governor had a reservoir of respect for him. In the two ministries of Information and Economic Development, and  Education, he added value to the administration.

    He was part of the Ibadan/Ife group of intellectuals who were influenced by the Awoist credo. Other members were Bola Ige, Wumi Akingbonmire, Itsey Sagay, Samuel Aluko, David Oke, Banji Akintoye, Akin Omoboriowo, and Bode Olowoporoku. Some of them who later took active part in the Second Republic politics became members of the Committee of Friends, which metamorphosed into the UPN, led by Awolowo.

    Adebayo’s election into the Senate underscored his popularity among his people. In the Senate, he was not a bench warmer. But the UPN Caucus, led by Senator Jonathan Odebiyi, could only bark from the opposition; it did not have the fangs to bite hard. The quality of legislative opposition was superb. But Nigeria would have benefited immensely if Awolowo were president. He was the best President the country never had.

    However, the UPN itself came under stress as from 1982 when some chapters were torn apart by nomination politics. Deputy Governor Sunday Afolabi, Michael Omisade and Busari Adelakun challenged Governor Ige to a duel in Oyo State. In Bendel, Demas Akpore never saw eye to eye with Governor Ambrose Ali. In Ogun, Soji Odunjo started fighting Bisi Onabanjo. In Ondo, Akin Omoboriowo pulled out his supporters to fire salvos at Adekunle Ajasin. The party was in turmoil.

    In Kwara, Adebayo challenged Olawoyin, and the party, right from the Ikenne home of Awolowo, was polarised. Understandably, the party leader threw his weight behind his old ally who suffered a lot of bruises for the Action Group (AG) in the repressive hands of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). Governor Lateef Jakande of Lagos, whose grandfather hailed from Omu-Aran, and Onabanjo backed Olawoyin for governor.

    However, Ige, who had been involved in a similar battle with Archdeacon Emmanuel Alayande in 1979, donated his experience to Adebayo.

    Twice were the shadow polls conducted by Adebodun Adewumi, a lawyer, and twice did Adebayo floor the old Action Grouper. At the third exercise, Awolowo painfully upheld the results, with a passionate appeal to Olawoyin to see it as democracy in action.

    A post-primary crisis was unleashed on the Kwara chapter. Reconciliation became an uphill task. All the party elders supported Olawoyin. The delegates, and majority of them were the youth who were not fascinated by stories about Olawoyin’s heroic past – tilted the pendulum of victory for Adebayo. The matriarch, Mrs. Hannah Awolowo, and her friend, Alhaja Abibatu Mogaji, had to travel to Ilorin to pacify the supporters of Olawoyin.

    When the UPN campaign train rolled into Kwara, Olawoyin’s supporters protested. Later, they deferred to Awo’s moral authority.

    Adebayo knew the coast was clear for him to win. Already, there was also a storm gathering in Kwara NPN, the structure of the highly influential Senate Leader Olusola Saraki, who had sworn to abort the second term bid of the Ebira prince, Adamu Attah. The Wazirin Ilorin sealed a deal with Adebayo. NPN’s top-notchers, including the minister, Akanbi Oniyangi, warned that should NPN lose Kwara, Saraki would lose his honour. The kingpin ignored them and rallied his supporters to deliver Adebayo.

    But three months later, the curtains were drawn on the young administration. UPN and NPN were ideologically different. Nobody could actually predict how Governor Adebayo would have successfully managed his benefactor in four years. In fact, he was denied the opportunity to prove his mettle as governor by the military. After the December 1983 coup, soldiers started harassing the political class in a bid to cow them into submission. The majority of them were banned from politics to give the new breed a wider space.

    But Adebayo resurfaced on the scene in the botched Third Republic, particularly during the June 12 crisis. Having been a victim of military high-handedness before, he joined forces with pro-democracy agitators to demand the de-annulment of the historic poll won by Moshood Abiola of the banned Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    It was his undoing. He was targeted for liquidation by General Sani Abacha’s men. He had to hurriedly leave Nigeria to evade arrest and possible assassination. His next point of call, unlike other compatriots who had extensive foreign contacts, was Ivory Coast, where he suffered until a visa was secured for him to travel to Canada. Adebayo never wavered in spirit as a NADECO chieftain.

    But it was a lost battle. The annulment was not reversed. The symbol, Abiola, died mysteriously in detention. In 1999 when civil rule was restored, the majority of those who supported the annulment and the interim contraption headed by Ernest Shonekan found themselves in power.

    Adebayo enlisted in the post-1999 battle for true federalism. When Afenifere was engulfed in a protracted crisis, he stood on the side of reconciliation and peace. He never wanted to act as a divisive and destabilising factor. In fact, Adebayo was being projected for future leadership within the ethnic mouthpiece. Up to now, Afenifere remains divided.

    Due to his composure and peaceful disposition, no Afenifere member raised an eyebrow when he joined the Obasanjo government as Minister of Communications. He had insisted that he was not an AD chieftain. It contrasted sharply with the reaction of the group when Ige was made the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice. At the ministry, he presided over the privatisation of NITEL. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) invited Adebayo for questioning on the Siemens bribe scandal, there was no subsequent report indicating that he was incriminated.

    As Adebayo, the gentleman politician, goes home, his memories as a progressive will linger for a long time, especially among those of his generation and those who came after them.

  • Benue’s darkest moment

    Benue’s darkest moment

    A pall of darkness has fallen over Benue. This year is remarkable for anxiety, pain and fear in the Northcentral state. Human life seems to have no meaning as people are slaughtered at will like rams. It is short, brutish and nasty. When will the carnage end?

    Even, if it ends, how can the victims and the generality of indigenes and residents quickly recover from the inevitable post-traumatic experience?

    The motive for the bloodletting is largely unknown. The serial killers are not leaving clues, although some survivors claimed they had them speaking a particular northern language. So far, they seem invincible. They carry sophisticated weapons that embolden them and instil fear in their targets. This means that the onslsught is heavily funded, also by unidentified sponsors. Their activities are beyond kidnapping. They outrightly kill, maim, destroy houses and vanish into thin air, leaving blood and sorrow in their trail. They only return to repeat the attack with greater intensity in another location. As they set houses ablaze, whole families are wiped out.

    No doubt, they are terrorists and bandits of special breed. But where they come from is a matter of conjecture. The governor, Rev. Fr Hyacinth Alia, suggested that they are foreign elements who crossed the borders illegally to perpetuate mayhem. The reverred Tor Tiv, Prof. James Ayatse, alleged calculated genocidal herder-terrorist invasion. He also said the bandits are on a curious land grabbing expedition similar to the Plateau scenario.

    Rival politicians, who have alleged that the violence has nothing to do with ethnicity and religion, insisted that it is politically motivated. Some critics disagree, saying that the marauders were instigated by symbols of a particular religious tendency pushing for supremacy.

    Yet, other monarchs accuse unnamed politicians of heating up Benue in a way and manner that can make an emergency rule more compelling.

    These claims have not been ascertained or substantiated with unassailable evidence. Thus, there is confusion. There is indignation. The apprehension is palpable. Nobody knows what would happen next.

    Farmers are sacked from farmlands in the ‘Food Basket of The Nation’ in this crucial planting season. This has far-reaching implications for the country that has set a target for food security. There is mass withdrawal from the traditional occupation and consequential loss of anticipated income.

    Rights and freedom from molestation are deprived. The problems of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are compounded. They are tragically displaced from their camps. Many people are missing. Houses are destroyed. Communities are dispersed. Chances of survival are slim.

    Tension has engulfed many local governments yet to be visited by the unknown gunmen. The major victims are the masses. The governor is greatly troubled because when he was elected two years ago, he was not given a democratic mandate to preside over corpes and mass burial. He is a popular priest, whose antecedent as a shepherd was widely acknowledged. But the political congregation – the people of the state, irrespective of their tribes and beliefs – are now under siege for no fault of his.

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    In the last two months, the attention of the state government has been diverted. Governance is only possible, effective and meaningful in an atmosphere of peace. As attention shifted to the inexplicable war in Benue, other things are put on hold.

    Fr. Alia has worked hard in the last two years to distribute expanded dividends to the people. It is distressing that his government is being distracted by these crises.

    While the persistent violence has been attributed to known factors, including terrorism and banditry, it has been said that it festered because the home condition never permitted an atmosphere of collective resistance or problem solving.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s admonition to the Benue leaders, ahead of his visit to the state during the week gave an hint. He dispatched a high-powered delegation to do preparatory consultations, including security assessments, and interface with local actors to ensure that the his intervention yields  positive results. The Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, a former governor of the state, was party of the delegation.

    Politically, the state is divided. It is normal in democracy. But the Benue chapter of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is polarised by the feud between the camp of the governor and that of the SGF.

    The governor’s supporters have alleged that Akume’s was aloof to the plight of the state government as the agony of the people grew in leaps and bounds, despite being a former governor and political leader. In reaction, Akume’s men fired back, saying that the governor neither listened to fatherly advice nor permitted the required perley with some leaders of the security agencies. The unnecessary media war underscored the gap between the godfather and ‘god-son governor.’ But observers cautioned against the politicisation of the crisis that needed solutions that can come through joint efforts.

    Concious of the Benue political situation, President Tinubu also urged the people to learn to manage their hanger and frustration, and live in peace to put an end to the menace. He also advised Fr. Alia and other Benue leaders to maintain peace and harmony among themselves.

    Benue is a heterogeneous sub-national unit. The clevages were precursors of conflicts among the ethnic groups who at a time were at loggerheads. Also, the state had had a dose of herder-farmer clashes with multiple debilitating effects. Many were beheaded on the farms and in their villages few years ago and there was no trace of the perpetrators. Even, at a time, former Governor Samuel Ortom, while on the farm, had to run for his life, leaving his security aides to repel the bandits.

    Concious of Benue’s plurality, the President admonished the people to live above the division and see themselves as one single, huge family living in the same house, staying in different rooms, but living together in harmony and unity in diversity for collective prosperity.

    It is reassuring that President Tinubu has given a marching order to the security chiefs to curtail the violence and apprehend the perpetrators. Some survivors said security agencies tried to repel the attacks. But, it is embarrassing that not a single arrest has been made in connection with the serial killings. Now that the president is putting security chiefs on their toes, his tone suggestes that heads may roll, if nothing concrete is achieved.

    But, President Tinubu also set the stakeholders on the path of home grown solution. The indigenes and residents are expected to be vigilant and assist the security agencies in intelligence gathering. First of all, those who subvert the communities by acting as informants to bandits should be fished out.

    Self-defence has been advocated. It means that people would have to arm themselves. The darkside is that it may make communities more vulnerable due to lack of ‘local arm control.’ In peace time, some desperate political actors may arm their thugs. After the elections, these thugs may abscond and turn the guns on society as armed robbers.

    Many believe that state, community police or multi-layer policing is helpful, particularly in ensuring security at the state and local government levels. It means more investment and the expansion of recruitment to reduce the current abysmal police/citizen ratio. The truth is that policemen are too few, relative to the huge population.

    Besides, state or local police, as being envisaged, are expected to possess adequate knowledge and understanding of the history, tradition, geography and sociology of the particular environment. The policemen are expected to reside in the communities. Thus, they have a stake there, and they are likely to develop a sense of attachment to the people and their security expectations. Through that sheer involvement, they develop commitment to community welfare.

    Fr. Alia has called attention to a grave challenge. That is the problem of porous borders. If the point of entry and exit remains porous, foreign bandits as illegal migrants, may sustain the pattern of attacks. Therefore, the policing of borders is very crucial.

    It is a trying period for Benue. If the bloodshed is not halted, the killers may be inadvertently motivated to spread their tentacles to other states.

    May it not happen.

  • Many sides of MKO

    Many sides of MKO

    Long after his tormentors and co-conspirators may have been forgotten, his name would continue to ring bells. It will not fade from the hearts of the people from generation to generation, particularly among the lovers of democracy.

    It is because his name is permanently associated with a a novelty;  a model of rigorous, problematic, energy sapping and highly demanding electoral process, which the sit-tight soldiers prescribed. So patient were the voters who endured the storm and stress for the sake of anticipated popular rule. Yet, it ended in fiasco because the shady transition programme was designed to fail.

    In the history of the beleaguered nation-state, no election, either before or after, had met the standard or satisfied the wider criteria of sanity, credibility, fairness, justice, integrity and honour more than the June 12, 1993 presidential poll won by the candidate of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola.

    Its callous and criminal annulment aborted the dawn of a new era. On that note, the Third Republic collapsed after eight years of dubious experimentation by the hypocritical Evil Genius and military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, architect of the gloom and doom. June 12 paled into an illusion of hope, and it was back to square one, despite the huge mental and financial investment.

    Thirty two years after the colossal setback, elections in Nigeria have remained defective, often trailed by condemnation, disputation and litigations. There is no democratic antecedent to build on. Despite the hues, cries, riots and indignation, the results of the historic poll were never re-validated; the winner was denied and detained, and his corpes were only brought out for burial, five years after languishing in detention. The dream was cut short. It was the end of an era for the business tycoon-turned politician, who was not allowed to reach his potentials.

    But 27 years after his demise, his profile towers above his foes. The charm, grace and magnetism of MKO have endured. He remained an idol of the masses that voted for him against all odds. Up to now, they are bewildered at the truncation of the popular wish. June 12 was the day of victory-turned defeat, a day of triumph that slided into a monumental disaster, a day of valour hijacked by military cowardice, a day of change that transformed into retrogression, a moment of success that ultimately yielded failure, a day of inhumanity of man to man, a day of great betrayal by the gap-toothed General, a day of rage by protesters, and day of war against commonsense by the military cabal.

    The road to June 12 was long and tortuous. Also, the political transformation of the symbol was legendary. In the begining, popular attitude to Abiola in certain quarters was that of ambivalence. But he managed to successfull cross the bridge from the conservative front, where he opposed Awo and reason with his newspapers and other resources at his disposal, to the progressive field, where his previous political sins were surprisingly forgiven by the ‘unforgiving’ Awoists. He was endorsed by all and sundry in his native Yorubaland.

    A household name, his status, wide contact, large heart and philanthropic gestures opened the doors for him in other zones, where he successfully built formidable business and political networks.

    The multi-millionaire attracted envy. Abiola was variously perceived as a self-confident technocrat, a successful accountant who understood the language of money, business mogul, entrepreneur and employer of labour, a socialite who made friends easily without discrimination; a military collaborator and friend of ambitious and power-hungry coup plotters;  a witty and tricky boardroom guru, a smart government contractor.

     A poor lad, he led a band, like a begger, singing in the early morning  during Ramadan, to get coins, and may be, crumbs, to keep body and soul together. He overcame poverty by luck; through manifold academic opportunities that catapulted him to Glasgow University, Scotland where he studied accounting. At work, he was dedicated; full of ideas, ìnitiatives, zest, and vigour. Indeed, a great attribute of his life waa his resolve to succeed.

    Read Also: Aiyedatiwa to disburse Tinubu’s N1.2B ‘Renewed Hope’ cash conditional transfer for over 16,000 households

    Abiola loved power, and from childhood, he gained political consciousness. However, his false steps in the Second Republic backfired. As the chairman of Ogun State chapter of the banned National Party of Nigeria (NPN), he could not lead the party to governorship victory. The senatorial ambition of his beloved wife, Simbiat, also crumbled. He was later stopped from aspiring to the national chairmanship when he sought to displace the mighty Chief Adisa Akinloye. His presidential ambition also met a brickwall. A top ‘notcher,’ Dr. Umaru Dikko, Transport Minister, said the ticket was not for the highest bidder.

    Abiola retraced his steps and concentrated on his business empire. He made more money and ploughed back to the society. He became the highest donor to homes, churches, mosques, and universities. Monarchs started falling on themselves, scrambling for his attention. Among others, he accepted to be the Basorun of Ibadanland, and the Aare Ona Kankanfo of Yorubaland bestowed on him by Alaafin of Oyo. Then, he became a radical or activist of sorts, fighting for reparation. He also turned attention to sports and he became its pillar in Africa.

    A great wowaniser, he could not reject the attention of beautiful ladies. That is typical of those who are extremely driven by such impulses. He married more wives and attracted more concubines from far and near, enjoying life to the fullest. Today, Abiola’s children are too numerous. It is sad that some of them grew up contending with father absence. His Will is still a subject of strife and rancour in the polygamous family.

    As veteran politicians were working hard to establish political associations in the Third Republic, Abiola was only involved in business prospecting. Then, he came back the second time, more fortified, seizing the polity by storm. He saw an opportunity to be on the firing line. As Nigerians yearned for civil rule and competent leadership in those dark days, he offered himself for service.

    Seasoned politicians had been banned. Thus, he became the best aspirant. There was no rival in the real sense of the word. But foes within the party described him as an opportunist, who was watching from sidelines, only to come and reap where he did not sow.

    His involvement brought out the best in him. He was politically sagacious. His economic analysis was superb. The stammerer had much to say. On why he joined the fray, he said “you cannot drive a car from the back seat. The only guy who has any chance of driving a car is the guy who sits by the steering and I want to get that seat. It is then I can drive that car as I want.”

    He deployed his skills of negotiation, rallying behind him influential party leaders and the masses. He was the toast during the presidential debate. Othman Tofa, his colleague in the old NPN, was no match. Nigerians still recall his campaign slogan: ‘Hope 93,’ with the objective of poverty abolition. It was highly captivating. Evidently, the election had been won by MKO before June 12.

    Fear gripped his military friends, the handlers of the transition programme. The election was scheduled for the raining season. But weather was benevolent on poll day. All went smoothly, to the consternation of IBB and his cohorts- the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) of Arthur Nzeribe and Abimbola Davies. The exercise, according to domestic observers and foreign monitors, was free and fair.

    Abiola and his supporters never anticipated the annulment. Therefore, there was no predetermined strategy to confront the challenge. But, he had the masses behind him. They fought. Many sacrificed their lives. The grand battle was coordinated by the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) at home and abroad.  Many of the chieftains were targeted for liquidation. Many, including Bola Ahmed Tinubu, President of Nigeria, Prof. Wole Soyinka and General Alani Akinrinade, managed to escape abroad. Abiola’s wife, Kudirat, was not lucky. She was assassinated in Lagos.

    Then, a mistake occured after the Interm Government of Ernest Shonekan crumbled. Wise men became novices. They were surprisingly cajoled by Gen. Sani Abacha, a coup plotter, who lied to them that he would handover to the winner of the historic poll. He reneged and tension rose.

    The military was adamant. The spate of bombings increased. As Abiola jetted out to seek global support for his mandate, the loquacious propagandist and Information Minister, Uche Chukwumerije, yelled, saying that Abiola had become the first Aare Ona Kankanfo of Yorubaland to flee from the battlefield.

    He later proved the military junta wrong, returned to the country, resurfaced at Epetedo on Lagos Island and declared himself President-elect. Arrested and detained, he never returned alive.

    But the military also could not enjoy any respite. Apparently, Abiola was underrated by the soldiers as a man who could not dare the guns. He proved them wrong by sustaining the battle. He fired salvos at his friend, saying:”Make no mistake, my opponent was not Tofa in the election. It was President Ibrahim Babangida who is not courageous enough to face me at the ballot.” Later, he added: “I am prepared to face the firing squard of General Babangida.”

    Rejecting the annulment, he said ‘you don’t abort a pregnancy after the baby is born.’

    Abiola had initially rejected the Interm contraption after IBB steped aside. He said: “A sacrifice is necessary only if it will be acceptable to the god.” To those seeking an inexplicable softlanding through negotiation with the military without his consent, he said ‘you can’t shave a man’s head in his absence.’ He insisted on his mandate till the end.

    What killed him? What did he eat or drink? Who killed him? How did he die? Where is the autopsy? The answers remain elusive.

    Conscience is an open wound; an internal verson of punishment. The judgment of history is inevitable. That’s why the ghost of June 12 continues to hunt the deserters and betrayers, including those who arranged the interim malady, the soldiers of fortune who opened fire on protesters, those who said MKO was not the messiah due to ego and envy, and other elements of subversion, who nevertheless, came to power on the ashes of the struggle.

  • Amaechi and politics of birthday

    Amaechi and politics of birthday

    The greatest miracle is the creation, particularly of human beings, in the image of God. Birth is an extraordinary event, which science cannot totally unravel. Its divine nature makes birthday a compelling anniversary.

    Thus, many people, especially politicians, usually package remarkable activities to mark their special days.

    For them, it may be a day to make certain statements before assembled guests, who are their fans, associates, admirers and spectators. For critics of lavish birthdays which mirror ostentatious lifestyles, birthday may as well pale into attention-seeking and attention-getting schemes, and a sort of defense mechanism.

    It could also be fittingly designed for ventilation of grievances, as recently witnessed by friends of the eminent politician, Rotimi Amaechi, former transportation minister. When the former governor of oil-rich and crisis-ridden Rivers State rolled out the drums for his 60th birthday in Abuja, he also drummed support for coalition ahead of 2027.

    Between now and the next general election, birthdays of political gladiators may follow the same pattern.

    These milestones: 25 as jubilee celebration, 50 as silver and 60 as diamond are significant events because the history of political actors is also, in part, synonymous with the history of their impact, positive and negative, on communities, states, regions or zones, and countries.

    If the party leaders enter the septuagenarian, octogenarian and nonagenarian club, in the light pf the fact that executive stress is concomitant with political life, there is much joy. Yet, few manage to attain a century, thereby making an exceptional celebration more captivating.

    Prayers for the celebrators by the celebrants are effusive. Lectures, visit to orphanages, book presentations, and empowerment programmes are common features nowadays. On their birthdays, leaders like to make some important statements that may make media headlines the following day. An example was Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who said what he was celebrating, at 77, was the imminence of his transition to eternal life. He said he would continue to serve after his departure.

    It was in difference to the the prayer of the Psalmist: teach us to number our days, so we can put our hearts in the path of wisdom. This is stock taking, and it is critical to consolidation and preparation for the reality of an end in the transcient world.

    Barely a year after, the sage passed on.

    The many perspectives about birthdays are shared by those who are inclined to celebrate. It is a day of thanksgiving and honour for the sacredness of human soul, which only God can decree into existence. Birthday then, is a celebration of procreation, generativity, breakthroughs and survival. 

    To parents of celebrators, it is a celebration of family extension. It may also be the celebration of feats, academic success and marriage, parenthood and work.

    Many new generation Christians have now added a new dimension to it. To them, birthday is a celebration of new birth and salvation; a mark of being born again. Some converts now change their date of birth to the day they made a decision to shun the world and all its evils to embrace Christ.

    Indeed, birthdays become a day of resolutions for the faithful who intend to make a clean break from the sordid past and chart a new course of history.

    Yet, it is for many a festival of worldliness, show off and vanity; a display of wealth, connections, networks and status.

    For the weaker sex, it is an avenue or platform for subtle private accumulation. It is an occasional trading opportunity, whereby the husband sponsors the ceremony, with the celebrator-wife receiving multiple gifts and smiling to the banks. It is even common these days for ladies to openly announce their impending birthdays on WhatsApp page, accompanied by the display of account numbers. The commercial message is clear.

    In the ancient Roman society, birthday became a day of bravado, ego and assassination; a celebration of power and brute force. John the baptist was the casualty. He was imprisoned by Herod Antipas because he condemned the monarch for divorcing his wife and marrying Herodias.

    During the king’s birthday, Herodias’ daughter, Salome, performed a dance that pleased the monarch, who promised her anything she desired. Apparently in excitement, Salome consulted her mother, who prompted her to request for John’s head on a platter.

    According to the biblical account, Herod, despite his distress, fulfilled his promise and had John beheaded in prison. His head was brought on a platter to Salome, who gave it to her mother.

    Read Also: Atiku, Amaechi, El-Rufai desperately united for power, says APC

    In contemporary Nigeria, for some top politicians, birthday is an avenue for political mobilisation. In this generation, only two leaders – Awolowo and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, President of Nigeria, have had the unique privilege of hosting the world for their birthdays. Others try to mimick them occasionally in varying degrees, but theirs are unable to surpass the Tinubu crowd.

    The charismatic Zik could not even rival Awo in that spectacular planning and organisation of socio-political event. Interestingly, Awo challenged his arch-rival to a duel by allowing the take off of his newspaper, The Nigerian Tribune, to coincide with Zik’s birthday on November 16, 1949. It was possible that Awo was trying to make a point.

    When he was in jail, Awo’s disciples never missed his birthday. All newspapers were filled with congratulatory adverts by admirers on March 6. Except those outside the country, all Awoists would throng Lagos, Ibadan or Ikenne for the annual festival, obviously the major political event of the day in the country.

    Before cutting the cake, Awo, with his jewel of inestimable value, Yeyeoba HID, beside him, would thunder. His well researched speech would dwell on the state of the nation and remain a reference point in socio-economic and political commentary.

    Even, after his passage, Awo Foundation continued to celebrate the birthday, which was later sparsely attended by scartered Awoists whose strife and rancour had polarised Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, up to now.

    Like Awo, President Tinubu’s birthday, from when he was governor of Lagos, has always attracted the cream of the society, cutting across the political class, government functionaries, diplomatic corps, business community, academia, pro-democracy forces, clergy and laity, traditional institution, and the media. In actual fact, no elite of the progressive bent, and even friends in the conservative camp, distinguished and influential member of the society would want to be left out in the informal census. After the national anthem, the next is : ‘On your mandate we stand,’ sung by fanatical supporters.

    The highlights of the spectacular gathering, usually organised by Prof. Yemi Osinbajo (SAN) and other disciples ‘in those days,’ were the colloquium and the panel of discussants who usually dissent a given problem and proffer solutions. It is usually an enriching engagement and reunion of associates from far and near, with the Amazon, First Lady Senator Oluremi, resplendent in moderate colourful attires, playing the role of host at the reception.

    It appeared that a week ago, Amaechi attempted to raise his birthday as platform to draw attention and  mobilise for his current pre-occupation – coalition, the subject matter that has polarised the polity ahead of 2027.

    The coalition jointly spearheaded by him, Atiku Abubakar who he opposed in 2015 and 2019 presidential polls; Peter Obi of Labour Party (LP), Nasir El-Rufai and other co-travellers who are still hiding their faces.

    The snag is that why coalition or alliance talks that had prospects in the past were based on the activities of like-minded political parties, groups, organisations, the current effort is motivated by aggrieved individuals who were left in the cold after the setting up of the cabinet by the President. They are retracing their steps and seeking collaboration with elements they once disowned and derided during past electioneering. While some angry politicians try to acknowledge Asiwaju Tinubu’s feats, they now cleverly assert that the benefits end in private pockets.

    The former Rivers State House of Assembly Speaker, one-time governor and ex-minister, who was in power for uninterrupted 24 years, told what  his successor as governor, Nyesom Wike, described as lies when he said that he was hungry. The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister said it was a wrong way to celebrate birthday.

    That remark, coming from him, never resonated with the public that sustained him with huge resources while in power between 1999 and 2023.

  • Tinubu and two years of ‘Renewed Hope Agenda’

    Tinubu and two years of ‘Renewed Hope Agenda’

    Two years later, it is evident that Nigerians made a wise choice. It is also clear that they never voted for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu in vain. Despite the constraints, the country now faces the future with confidence and an assurance of a new lease of life.

    Through the implementation of the ‘Renewed Hope Agenda’, a solid foundation has been laid for a brighter tomorrow.

    Most Nigerians did not doubt his competence, patriotism, and capacity to make the country recover from its challenges. Even his rivals were well-versed in his antecedents, battles, triumphs, networks, and pedigree as a thinker, strategist, tactician, dynamo, and risk-taker. They would have underrated him to their political peril.

    Many obstacles were thrown in his path. He was rejected by the nation’s self-proclaimed power brokers. He was disowned by influential leaders in the ruling party. Midway, he was deserted by some friends and subverted by close allies.

    The naira change sparked protests that were injurious to his bid for power as candidate of the ruling party. Many thought the cash scarcity was orchestrated by the government of the day to inflict pain on the hoi polloi. Leaders in the top echelon of his party suddenly denied the existence of a presidential zoning agreement in a bid to scuttle his chances. He was severely abused on social media by miscreants recruited to peddle lies about his health and wealth. The ignoramuses campaigned against his strategic option of a Muslim/Muslim ticket. Unable to find a rational ground, they labelled it a religious war, an Islamisation agenda.

    Ethnicity was also thrown up, as it is being attempted now, to incite tribes against one another. Ethnic felons invaded his home base. They infiltrated the state’s political space with the desperation of a hungry hyena. They ganged up for a defeat.

    After the inauguration, the opposition unleashed its media onslaught. The bad losers intensified efforts to distract him. The litigation battle was fierce.

    Akin to the infamous twelve two-thirds of the Second Republic, the self-appointed mathematics teacher of politics misinterpreted the FCT votes for a stand-alone calculation in the aggregated ballot. There were so many issues they filed before the tribunal for determination. The court tutored them how not to interpret the Electoral Law from the pedestrian’s pedestal.

    In the end, he survived the plots, the tricks, and the evil machinations of his foes.

    The opposition gang knew from the beginning that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu would live up to expectations. They knew that even if he touched ashes, they would turn to gold. This reality of competence and capacity for performance has compounded their frustration and limited the effectiveness of their propaganda, prevarication, and falsehood in the media.

    They still build castles in the air about weakening the administration through virulent attacks, with the aid of a section of compromised and adversarial media, deluding themselves into believing that they could cajole Nigerians, who are the mass beneficiaries of the bold reforms, laudable policies and verifiable people-friendly programmes.

    As they gaze towards 2027, the coalition curators fear that after four years, the President would be unstoppable, having earned the full trust and undiluted respect of voters, who now reassess his administration realistically, based on its feats, despite the mounting socio-economic and political challenges.

    An experienced politician, President Tinubu knew where he was heading. He could not be teleguided by the forces of a principality – the cabal that had held the county by the jugular for decades.

    The President set out by setting up a cabinet of talents. The Federal Executive Council (FEC) is a reflection of the country’s political diversity. Indolence is not condoned among the members. A year and a half later, a corrupt minister and others who could not measure up were relieved of their positions.

    Never afraid to make tough decisions, the President, right on the inauguration ground at Eagle Square in Abuja, exhibited rare courage and dared the public enemies by removing the fuel subsidy. He could not be intimidated by the barons. They, therefore, regressed into the outdated campaign of calumny and cheap blackmail.

    Read Also: Infrastructural development in FCT monumental under Tinubu – Ortom

    The inexplicable subsidy usually drained over $10 billion each year. Within two months of its removal, Nigeria’s savings exceeded ₦1 trillion.

    Later, the forex was overhauled and much later, tax reforms were initiated. The harmonised exchange rates have been aligned. The pain of inflationary pressures was real. But it is transient. The bold step drew over $6 billion in foreign inflows and confidence in the currency was restored.

    In all his decisive steps, President Tinubu has been guided by a national interest. He is also not afraid of the judgment of history. But in sticking to the protection of collective interest, he has also motivated Nigerians to make a joint sacrifice because reforms require patience, time, and resilience.

    To his credit, the President consults widely; he is accessible and there is no blockage of feedback on his policy and programme implementation. He is not the President of APC but the leader of all Nigerians. He does not discriminate. Due to his style and method, he has been able to work smoothly with the governors and National Assembly members who now understand him as a symbol of unity.

    The synergy between the Executive and the National Assembly has contributed greatly to the smooth running of government, unlike the cat-and-dog relationship of the past when the Executive and the Legislature never saw eye to eye. It was as if the primary duty of the parliament was to bring down the Executive, and vice versa.

    This Executive/Legislative harmony has been uncritically confused with rubber-stamping by the lawmakers. But to right-thinking citizens, it underscores a dose of maturity critical to democratic stability. The mutual understanding has not led to the violation of separation of powers and checks and balances. It has doused conflicts and contributed to the prevailing peace in his administration.

    President Tinubu combines the experience of a senator, pro-democracy activist, governor, national party leader, opposition arrowhead, and president in steering the ship of state in a challenging time. His major opponents lack these rich credentials.

    The unique presidential style of wide consultation has heralded improved inter-governmental relations, exchange of ideas, conflict resolution, and consensus building. Under his watch, the President and heads of the sub-national units, irrespective of political leanings, share a joint vision of development. They are working harmoniously as partners in progress.

    Governance is demarcated, to a certain extent, from politicking, thus preventing a diversion of attention from state business. President Tinubu is endowed with irresistible social skills. Thus, the rapport between him and the governors from the opposition camp is confounding to opposition leaders who have been used to the hullabaloo of the past and the tension it unleashed on the polity.

    The increased allocations to states and local governments should foster development at the state and grassroots levels at a faster rate.

    Unlike in the past, the hands of the central government are not heavy on the other tiers that form the federating units. Gone are the days of ruptured and acrimonious federal/state relations that were characterised by federal bullying and seizure of state and council allocations.

    Neither is any anti-graft agency deployed as a malicious tool of oppression, suppression, blackmail, witch-hunting, and victimisation of perceived political opponents.

    A culture of equity is also being promoted. In resolving the crisis of distribution, the novel model of fairness and justice has given birth to six development commissions that are equivalent to the number of geo-political zones. Huge resources would be channelled to these agencies to meet the peculiar needs of the zones. It is now up to each region to ensure that the commissions meet the targeted objectives of regional development.

    President Tinubu has also given impetus to electoral reforms by ensuring that post-2023 off-cycle governorship and parliamentary elections substantially complied with the Constitution and the Electoral Act. He has shown that election is neither a war nor a do-or-die affair. That is the hallmark of statesmanship.

    The twin challenges inherited by the current administration are insecurity and a dilapidated economy. President Tinubu has fought terror with renewed vigour. Over 13,500 terrorists have been neutralised in the Northeast and Northwest. The no-go areas, particularly the Abuja/Kaduna axis, have been liberated from hoodlums.

    It is expected that other forms of violence will be curtailed when state police structures come on board. Border security has to be reinvigorated and the communities have to play their roles in combating insecurity through intelligence gathering and sharing. More policemen and soldiers should be recruited to fill the shortfall in the security architecture – at all levels.

    Also, it is expected that the ‘Nigerian Forest Security Service’ will harness local knowledge to secure rural frontiers and safeguard natural resources.

    The economy is a work in progress. But the hardship is coming to an end. The government has reported that over $10 billion FX debt has been cleared; a 3.84 per cent Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth was recorded in the last quarter of last year, the highest in three years. Foreign exchange reserves have increased from $3.99 billion in 2023 to $23.11 billion last year. It should be pointed out that the GDP is also driven by the resilient non-oil sector.

    The government has attracted investment in the new oil and gas sector. Over 900,000 are beneficiaries of the Presidential Loan and Grant Scheme.

    However, much still needs to be done. Inflation is a big threat. The standard and quality of living need a lot of work to improve. Electricity supply is stabilising, but at a huge cost under the ubiquitous shylock service providers. The huge government support has not fetched many benefits to the citizens. The service providers still shortchange the industries, households, and individuals while smiling to the bank.

    The President recently approved ₦32.7 billion for the National Social Investment Programme (SIP). Fifteen million households are targeted for direct support.

    Also, the President has reinstated the conditional cash transfers to 12 million vulnerable households and launched the Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation to expand formal lending to women and young citizens. If these schemes are implemented well, they would boost socio-economic adjustment and expand relief across the national social strata.

    Yet, three achievements still stand out: the N70,000 minimum wage payment to workers, the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), and the successful infrastructure battle.

    More universities, polytechnics, and colleges are springing up across the country, thereby expanding access to tertiary education among the youth. But the upgrading of polytechnics to universities has provoked some debates. Are polytechnics not making enough contributions to technological development?

    The injection of more funds to the federal technical colleges is laudable. It is good news that technical college students would now be entitled to monthly stipends. In the nation’s quest for technological development, these colleges have big roles to play so that Nigeria would no longer rely on artisans from Benin Republic and Togo and Chinese technicians who have become highly prized expatriates.

    To the delight of Nigerians, Labour agitations for a minimum wage yielded results under the Tinubu administration. It is the baseline for earning a living wage. Now, labour tensions have drastically reduced. It is gratifying that some states, taking a cue from the Federal Government, are paying more. This is a positive signal to seeing an effective federalism in action.

    Indeed, no fewer than 300,000 students have benefitted from student loans. It is one scheme of equality and equity. The burden is being lifted off parents, guardians, and indigent students whose education was hitherto threatened by low socio-economic status.

    President Tinubu is constructing the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway. He has reiterated his administration’s commitment to completing the Lagos/Sokoto Highway and the Lagos–Ibadan standard-gauge railway. Recently, the President decided to make Nigeria a huge construction site. According to the Works Ministry, 440 road projects are ongoing. There is no geo-political zone that is left out. Through these projects, employment is generated. There will also be ease of movement, the market will be integrated and business will boom. It would be more pleasant if many governors could replicate these feats in their states.

    It is just half time in the time of this administration’s first tenure. So far, there is transparency and there is accountability. The President has two more years to do more and consolidate. Nigerians expect more giant strides across the sectors. The CNG conversion initiative is relatively slow. Yet, the gains would be enormous, if the initiative is fully embraced.

    Local government autonomy raised hopes. If it is delayed, they melt away. Nigerians have to decide whether the country should be a two-tier federation of one general, central, national, or federal government with the 36 states as coordinate units or a three-tier system comprising federal, state, and local governments. Either of the two is good, but the operators matter.

    The need for state police should no longer hang in the air. The Bill for its creation is taking too long and thirsty for presidential assent.

    It is gratifying that President Tinubu has been endorsed for a second term by his party. The opposition has pushed the country to a situation where Nigerians now earnestly anticipate 2027. There is a need for critical balance. Politics should not be allowed to divert attention from governance.

  • Alaafin, Olubadan, Soun: A renewed power tussle

    Alaafin, Olubadan, Soun: A renewed power tussle

    A renewed power struggle is creating tension among three foremost traditional rulers in Oyo State. Like their predecessors, Governor Seyi Makinde and the House of Assembly may not find it an easy nut to crack.

    The tension cannot be totally doused by legislation, litigation and force. History connects the three monarchs, their domains, the natives and the residents.

    The bone of contention is: who should preside, permanently, over the Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs? The poser is about the hierarchy among the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade; the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Owolabi Olakulehin, and the Soun of Ogbomoso, Oba Ghandi Laoye.

    The Traditional Rulers Amendment Bill being considered by the House of Assembly had proposed the Alaafin as the permanent chairman, the Olubadan as the deputy chairman and the Soun as the vice chairman. The Alaafin was naturally comfortable with this arrangement, which affirms his historical superiority and supremacy over all Oyo towns and villages in the old Oyo, Oke Ogun and even Osun divisions.

    But the Olubadan and the Soun kicked against the proposals. Instead, they suggested a rotational chairmanship, which they believe would foster equality and, in their view, equity. The House of Assembly adopted the second view and proposed a rotational chairmanship among the three monarchs.

    The proposal has not gone well with the Alaafin. To his people, the government is trying to trample upon culture, tradition and history. They are reminding Governor Makinde and the House of Assembly that there is a pending case before the court on the controversy.

    Reminiscent of the past, there is an ego tussle among the three royal fathers. It may be difficult to arrive at an amicable resolution of the long-standing conflict due to the lack of fidelity to history. Many historians are taking sides in this highly controversial matter due to sentiments. Others are rewriting history, thereby peddling falsehood and worsening the confusion.

    The controversy is not alien to the state. It started in the old Oyo State. The leadership composition of the traditional rulers’ council led to a quarrel between the Alaafin, the late Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, and the Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Okunade Sijuade, the type of rift that never reared it ugly head in the early days of the same Alaafin and the late Oba Adesoji Aderemi.

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    Following the appointment of the Ooni as the President/Permanent Chairman, the Alaafin protested. He reminded the government that he was the king of Yoruba in the pre-colonial days. To prove his case, he alluded to the Oyo Empire, which covered all Yoruba land, up to Ilorin, parts of Lokoja and Popo in Benin Republic. The Alaafin also pointed out that during the Kiriji War, his grandfather, Oba Alowolodu Adeyemi’s correspondence with the British showed that he was recognised as the number one monarch in Yorubaland and his authority was undisputed.

    Oba Adeyemi III was well versed in Yoruba history, tradition and culture. He had also read widely. Thus, he came up with quotations from British papers in the archives and notable history books by Rev. Samuel Johnson, Prof. Ade Ajayi and Prof. Akinjogbin, among others.

    But Oba Sijuade’s response also appeared lucid, reasonable and logical. Ile-Ife, he said, is the cradle of the Yoruba race where the progenitor, Oduduwa Ateworo, the grandfather of Oranmiyan, who was the first Alaafin, called the shots in the beginning. Thus, he argued that the stool of Ooni is sacred and all Yoruba crowns evolved from Ife.

    To buttress his claim to superiority, Oba Sijuade, reminded his contenders that when an Ooni (may be, Derin Ologbenla, who was also Baale of Oke-Igbo), had cause to leave his palace at Ife for Lagos as a guest of the Colonial Governor of Nigeria, all the monarchs in Yoruba land, including the Alaafin, vacated their palaces and relocated to the outskirts until the Ooni returned. It was in reverence for the supremacy of the Ooni as the head of the household of Oduduwa, the father of the race.

    In protest, the Alaafin shunned the meetings of traditional rulers. When it was made rotational, the Ooni also refused to attend meetings. At that time too, the Owa Obokun Adimula of Ijesaland complained that his interest was not considered.

    The crisis was resolved when Osun State was calved out of the old Oyo State. The Ooni naturally became the head of the Obas’ council in Osun. In Oyo, the struggle has continued.

    After the collapse of Oyo Empire and the incursion of British interlopers, monarchs under Alaafin’s domain started, more or less, to assert independence. It was not sudden. But the colonial masters, after a study of the local imperial structures, even tentatively shifted their administrative headquarters from Ibadan to Oyo.

    What the colonial authorities met on the ground was the Suzerain; the Alaafin was the overlord, with a great influence, consenting authority and the power to approve the appointment of heads of Ibadan, Ogbomoso, and other towns in Oke Ogun. So powerful were the Alaafins of yore that one of them, Ajagbo, created the title of Aare Ona Kankanfo and made him the Generalissimo of Yorubaland.

    The usual practice, as was the case in Ibadan, reputed to be Alaafin of Oyo’s military outpost, was for a man of valour to climb the hierarchical leadership ladder before becoming Balogun, Basorun, Aare and Baale through merit, with His Royal Majesty sending a high chief or viceroy from Oyo to put on his head the Akoko leave, as a mark of approval.

    But the Alaafin was also empowered to approve any application by Ibadan leaders to levy wars. He retained the power, up to 1920s, to also depose any baale in Ibadan, just as Alaafin Siyenbola Ladigbolu sanctioned Baale Shittu, son of Aare Latoosa, who later went on exile.

    Kingship in Ibadan of old was not hereditary. The crown never came from Ile-Ife. But the brave soldiers, who came from all parts of Yoruba land and assembled at Ibadan for military exploits that shook the entire race, built a prosperous city worthy of pride and established a stable system of administration and a pattern of traditional succession that has endured.

    It is to the credit of Ibadan soldiers that Yoruba never came under the feudal rule of the Fulani. When the Fulani/Hausa soldiers nursed the dream of dipping the Qur’an in the Lagos sea, the ambition was truncated at Osogbo by Ibadan leaders.

    Ibadan became the most populous city in West Africa; a city of commerce and economic opportunities. Its geographical centrality to the Yoruba positioned it as the headquarters of Western Region.

    Like Ibadan, Ogbomoso had played a big role in the defence of Yoruba territory. Three Aare Ona Kankanfos – Toyeje, Ojo Aburumaku and Ladoke Akintola – came from the town. It is the second largest city in Oyo State. When the rift between Alaafin Adeyemi III and the late Soun Jimoh Oyewumi Ajagungbade blew open in the media over seniority, the Alaafin came up with publications that suggested that his father crowned his father as Baale.

    Apparently, former Oyo State Governor Bola Ige had these historical facts in mind when he declared that Olubadan and Soun were baales without ancient crowns and that they were promoted to obaship by Western State Military Governor David Medayese Jemibewon.

    Ibadan frowned at the statement. The remark inflamed passion. Consequently, Ige’s Aare Alasa title was withdrawn and bestowed on the Ewi exponent, Lanrewaju Adepoju.

    How to resolve the repressed tension between the Ooni and the Alaafin is the responsibility of the three monarchs, their brother obas and eminent Yoruba leaders.

    Some people have suggested that making the Alaafin President of the Oyo Obas and asking the chairmanship to rotate between Olubadan and Soun would be fair.

    Others suggest that the old traditional hegemony had collapsed in these modern times.

    But there is a need for the government to promote further dialogue among the three traditional rulers to foster understanding, friendly relationships and peace in the council.

  • Oyebanji: A festival of endorsement in Ekiti

    Oyebanji: A festival of endorsement in Ekiti

    Since the return of civilian administration in 1999, Ekiti State has produced five governors: Otunba Niyi Adebayo of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and Engr. Segun Oni of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); Dr. Kayode Fayemi of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and All Progressives Congress (APC); and Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji of the APC.

    None has attracted or received huge adulation for style more than the incumbent. BAO, as the governor is fondly called, has become a brand, a reference point, and a home-boy leader in whom the indigenes and residents are well pleaded.

    Today, the blood of all Ekiti flows in the veins of the Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji government. The over 120 towns and villages are in one accord. Gone are the theatres of war and rumours of violence. There is peace in the ruling party, the government it midwifed, and the state. There is no scandal. There is no controversy. There is no bickering. There is no media confrontation. There is no protracted antagonism. There is neither adversary nor misfortune. Ekiti is not in the news for the wrong reasons.

    Twenty-nine years after its creation, the state is in the safe hands of its youngest founding father, who keeps the vision and hope alive. As Ekiti gazes at 2026, the collective focus is the continuity of good governance under the people-friendly governor who has demystified power and mobilised the people to take ownership of the administration.

    Nearly all the bigwigs in the Fountain of Knowledge state have endorsed him for a second term. They cut across the ruling and opposition parties. It is unprecedented. Greater is the number of townspeople, particularly the voters, who have endorsed him in their hearts without voicing it. In every district, constituency, local government, town, and ward where the endorsements have taken place, there is justification. It is just too easy to point to the imprints of the current administration in every neighbourhood.

    It is a big lesson to his colleagues in some other states, especially those who are distracted by the predecessor-successor crisis they brought upon themselves by their lack of knowledge, experience, foresight, hindsight, and tact.

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    Oyebanji stands tall in character, sincerity, and integrity before the common man who is more interested in the distribution of the dividends of democracy than plunging with the players into the murky waters of politics. Across the sensitive sectors, there are no letdowns in the scorecard.

    There is public trust because the governor is straightforward, loyal to the state, and genuinely concerned about the yearnings for improved welfare. Workers, pensioners, traditional rulers, top politicians, traders, and youths are perceptive that a new foundation for future prosperity is being erected.

    There is inclusion. There is an open-door style of governance. But Oyebanji has also been firm and decisive in decision-making, implementation, and evaluation of policies and programmes dictated by need analysis.

    The humility of his heart and soul is legendary. Never allowing power and the prestige of a transient position to draw the wool across his eyes, BAO is still the pre-2021 BAO – simple, tender, respectful, and wiser. He accords the elders due respect and encourages a system of problem-solving. The picture of a governor prostrating for his elders in public is not showmanship; it is spontaneous, voluntary, and cultural. It is an expression of the internalised beliefs, values, and virtues of an Omoluabi.

    The inclusive policies of his administration have birthed the expansion of the structures of participation and responsibility. The masses’ involvement has engendered commitment and fostered a sense of belonging among the people who are linked by historical factors as “One Zone-State” and not by accident of geography. A sense of involvement is a core and tangible dividend of democracy.

    As an Ekiti man to the core, the governor’s grassroots exposure is a vital asset in boosting communication and cementing the bond with the countryside. Since he is approachable, channels of information and feedback on government policies and programmes are also accessible. Equipped with the Ekiti dialect he enjoys speaking, there is no perceived aloofness and remoteness. Oyebanji does not forget that he needs to check on his old teachers, former barber, cobbler, old mates, a political ward, or those who played the game of draughts on the streets with him that a good habit is not only for the fun of it. Critics may impugn a populist tendency. But the governor, in the process, feels the pulse of the people in his environment and what good governance entails. He practicalises service delivery and he discovers the areas his administration needs to improve upon.

    Yet, BAO, the political scientist, is also adept at diplomacy, which he taught his students of Foreign Policy at the Ekiti State University (EKSU), Ado-Ekiti, in the mid-nineties. The nucleus of his administrative style is the application of tact – to the extent that being diplomatic entails a problem-solving skill that enables him to restore order and normalcy in any situation without upsetting the two sides in a dispute.

    The corollary is native intelligence, which has greatly assisted the governor of the complex and politically sophisticated state in tackling challenges through reasoning, understanding, and judgment in a moment of grave anxiety.

    It is also a rare display of wisdom for someone who knows so much to also be so calm and reticent to the extent that observers are logically content that a slice of butter would not melt in his mouth.

    That image of a powerful man who nevertheless cannot hurt a fly has been helpful so far in his politics of penetration and consensus-building. Oyebanji became a unifying factor, with the past governors who never politically saw eye to eye now joining hands to build a protective shield around him.

    He is an APC chieftain, but through his exceptional inter-party relations, Oyebanji, who also has many Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) members enjoying appointments in his administration, is also reaping the partisan benefits of political tolerance and accommodation.

    It is gratifying that the multiple endorsements have not diverted his full attention from state duties to praise singing. The governor is focused on the implementation of people-centred developmental policies, programmes and, particularly, infrastructural projects that are evenly distributed across the three artificially delineated senatorial districts. There is balance. There is equality. Also, there is equity.

    There is the element of luck in Oyebanji’s political ascendancy. Being a true Christian, he understands that it is the special grace of God that has ensured his survival on the slippery political field.

    It would be strange, and indeed, counter-productive, if the governor changes this unique style, for whatever reason, with the passage of time. The character should persist so that he can also remain a man of honour.

    Next year, he is expected to break the second-term jinx. The feat would also make him a reference point in Ekiti politics.

  • The scramble for grassroots power in Lagos

    The scramble for grassroots power in Lagos

    Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was governor of Lagos State, the state government has always conducted periodic local government elections without fail.

    Thus, the Centre of Excellence has been a good example of complying with the constitutional provision stipulating the importance of having democratically elected councils in place.

    Three political parties – All Progressives Congress (APC), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP) – will slug it out in July for the grassroots popularity test in the state.

    The battle will take place across 57 councils, comprising the pre-existing 20 local government areas and 37 Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs).

    In APC, the intra-party competition for the chairmanship and councillorship tickets is stiff. The race has thrown up antagonism among the contenders. Participants have returned to the drawing board to scheme, plot, evolve winning strategies and pull the rug off the feet of their rivals.

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    Party elders can hardly rest in their domains. They host visitors seeking endorsements, signatures, guidance and gerontocratic assurance, real or imaginary goodwill  and solidarity.

    Electioneering demands the allocation of men, money, and materials (Three Ms) to conduct. It stretches these resources, sometimes elastically, depending on how far a contestant wishes to go. The more you push through, the more resources you expend to succeed. It is very stressful.

    In an economic sense, some people perceive politicking as an investment from which they hope to garner returns. Structures have to be erected, maintained, and reinforced. Contestants have to reach out to ‘stakeholders’: party delegates, youths and women, traditional rulers, religious leaders, community development associations and key ethnic nationalities. Politics is like mucky waters.

    In the ruling party, almost 500 chairmanship contenders took the nomination forms. The number of councillorship aspirants is better imagined. Their posters adorn and litter the streets. At this level, there is no apathy at all.

    Today, across the 57 councils, party officers who constitute the electoral colleges are selecting candidates for the polls from the multitudes. If consensus fails, indirect primaries, carefully guided, come to the party’s rescue.

    The nomination process is being anchored by the Election Committee, led by Tunde Ogala (SAN). It began with the expression of interest, the purchase of forms, and screening. The process then moves to shadow polls, which are expected to be transparent and peaceful, although already, there are some allegations of imposition of candidates by those who appear to be losing out.

    It is the tradition of the political family to opt for consensus. Those who see the option as a threat believe that it favours some aspirants more than others. There is a growing feeling among political orphans that the Lagos polity and its corridor of power are designed, partly, for the projection of the children of legends.

    But the loss of equality can be mitigated, more or less, by the gains of equity, which may foster a feeling of substantial fairness and justice.

    By now, wiser politicians would have understood that power is not served on a platter of gold. There is always an effort to make to get the trophy.

    Faced with this reality, the contenders are working hard, consulting widely, intensifying mobilisation and praying hard. It is particularly burdensome to purists that politics and morality also exist in clear-cut antithetical relationships. Politics is the murky water where politicians throw their nets in the hope of a big catch.

    Young politicians bidding for political control, therefore, need to learn the ropes. The tickets, above all, belong to the party. Internal democracy, which is often misinterpreted and misunderstood by new entrants, encapsulates obedience to the procedure by old and experienced progressive politicians who are permanently disposed to consensus building, procedural articulation and guided process which the youths ignorantly question because they are in a hurry.

    Another problem among the youth is that many of them lack ‘Plan B,’ which is vital to adjustment and survival in politics.

    Aggrieved candidates, who failed the screening or were  disqualified, either subjectively or objectively, are given an opportunity for redress or ventilation of grievances by the Screening Appeal Committee, chaired by another lawyer, Adeniji Kazeem (SAN). Also, aspirants who would miss the selection process as candidates today still have a chance to present their complaints to the party leadership, if they are not satisfied with the outcome of the exercise. The final say resides with the party.

    Frivolous petitions are submitted to the party leadership for adjudication over disputes. Some people are calling for religious balance in some councils as if faith has ever determined the direction of Southwest politics. Others are raising eyebrows over the third term for some chairmen. So far, there is no allegation of ethnic bias. Lagos APC is for all Nigerians.

    It is gratifying that the party is considering some concessions for women aspirants in the spirit of the Beijing Declaration. How the details would be worked out and the choice of the beneficiaries in some of the wards and councils is left to the party leadership.

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) appears to be lagging a little. But to encourage dispirited party members, party forms are likely to be distributed free to aspirants. If a free and fair council poll is conducted by the Lagos State Independent Electoral Commission (LASIEC), the main opposition party is likely to produce two or three councillors in two or three local governments. However, PDP is always assailed by the fear of domination by the ruling party during council elections.

    The Labour Party (LP) is far behind, unmindful of the chance to bark and bite, at least, in some wards. It appears that Obedients, the fanatical supporters of Peter Obi, are only gazing at 2027.

    Local government administration is important in a democracy. It is an essential pillar in the development of the grassroots. It is the closest unit of administration to the people. Therefore, those who steer the affairs of the councils should be men and women, not only of the parties but also of the communities. They should be willing to serve as drivers of development and not merely potential looters and embezzlers of the local treasury.

    The verification by Lagos APC was an eye-opener. Some aspirants performed poorly during the screening. Some of them did not know why they wanted to be chairmen and councillors, the nature and challenges of the councils they wanted to serve and the sociology and even demography of the environment. Their motive was suspect.

    The motivation for participation ought to be service to the community. But not all politicians subscribe to this idea. Some just want to be relevant. Others see politics, not as a vocation but as a career that attracts economic gains. Others merely seek relevance in their community settings.

    Besides the tyros, some bigwigs are also in the race. Among them are former members of the Houses of Assembly and Representatives. There is a growing feeling that the councils would soon be bubbling because chairmen would have access to more funds because of local government autonomy.

    The desire to corner the money, a very rampant malaise in many councils, conflicts with the vision of Asiwaju Tinubu, whose government expanded the administrative units to foster development at the grassroots by creating additional 37 LCDAs.

    In the constitution, the functions of local government are outlined. The very conception of local councils underscores the peculiarities of the environment and makes the discharge of certain residual responsibilities, such as local works, markets, primary education and health, refuse disposal and intelligence gathering for security more compelling.

    Local governments should serve as breeding places for future leaders at the state and federal levels. Early leaders, including Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello, and Tafawa Balewa, honed their administrative skills when they served as councillors in their respective local governments. The incoming chairmen should learn from these political ancestors.

    The essence of a democratically elected council is to provide an opportunity for grassroots participation, inclusivity and a sense of belonging. Councils have the mandate to raise and spend funds to meet local needs in the areas of education, health and infrastructure development. These services are vital to public welfare. Residents of local councils deserve transparency and accountability from their elected representatives who must also live with them in the wards.

    Today’s primary should produce competent candidates who will resume duties in July. On their shoulders rests the responsibility of mobilising for the party ahead of the 2027 general election. They need to work very hard to erase the memory of the 2023 embarrassing defeat against the party. A stitch in time saves nine.

    The July local election is not likely to be competitive. Opposition parties are timid, uncoordinated, unprepared and bogged down by protracted crises.

    But the APC chairmen and councillors coming on board should not take things for granted. They need to understand that governance at the grassroots is not leisurely. The greatest threat to democracy is to see public offices as avenues for self-aggrandisements.

    The target of the incoming council leaders should be how to reinvent the vibrant eras of Adeyemi Lawson, Ganiyu Dawodu, Adeyinka Opeifa, Ademola Adenji-Adele, Kayode Olowu, Tayo Oyemade, Tunde Braimoh, Ganiyu Solomon, Jide Jimoh, Muniru Muse, Abiodun Mafe, Adewale Ayodele, James Faleke, and Dele Osinnowo.

    Much is expected of Lagos councils. Many local government roads are in bad shape and primary health centres cry for resuscitation. Professionals should be attracted to strengthen the personnel gap at the councils. Regular staff training on project implementation and other local developmental priorities is crucial.

    The councils need regular peer reviews and continual assessment of the chairmen. There is a need for effective supervision of the councils by the state government through the Ministry of Local Government and the House of Assembly, beyond the occasional verification or assessment visit by members of the Governance Advisory Council (GAC).

    The national and state levels of governance will be better impacted when the councils perform their tasks honestly and diligently. For too long, there has been too much of putting the wrong foot forward among those at the helm of affairs in the councils. There must be a return to effective leadership and governance at this highly important but often overlooked stratum of political administration.

    Lagos State has remained a model in governance. Its local councils must also be torchbearers for other parts of the country by achieving what even many other states cannot achieve. It is the quality of elected council chairmen and councillors that will make this happen.