Category: Saturday

  • 2023: Will Otti dump APGA?

    2023: Will Otti dump APGA?

    By Sentry

    There is palpable anxiety among chieftains and members of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in Abia State over rumours that have refused to go away despite denials by some of those concerned. Fears that the party’s flag bearer at the 2015 and 2019 governorship elections, Dr. Alex Otti, may have concluded plans to leave the party is causing ripples within his party.

    While it is still convenient to describe the worrisome information as a rumour, Sentry learnt that the body language of some players on the political scene across the state is daily making the story more believable. Not even statements by some aides and allies of the APGA candidate have been able to put the matter to rest. As it is, many chieftains and members of the party are already wondering what the party will look like if Otti should leave.

    To further compound the state of anxiety in Abia politics, chieftains and members of the two leading political parties in the state, especially the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), are also eager to know where Otti would be heading should he finally dump APGA.

    The opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) is not left out of the waiting game, as all and sundry keep wondering whether Otti will leave APGA or not.

  • Culture, politics and security

    Culture, politics and security

    By Dayo Sobowale

    Culture  is the way of life of any people or nation and reflects in many ways their values, morals, customs and tradition. A  new way of life is  however,  slowly   but steadily   creeping around the world and it is  one that Nigerians  and Nigeria  are diametrically opposed to  regardless  of whether  they are Christians, Muslims animists or pagans. Lamentably  enough,  the recent elections in far away  Poland brought   this new danger  to my  attention and that   is the issue of gender role  ideology  which   dominated the last presidential election in Poland. I want  to  discuss  that  today  in the context  of security  and  collective or regional   existence    and     the fact that  Nigeria’s  motto      in our vastly    diverse,  multi ethnic  society  is  ‘unity   in diversity. ‘I  link   this   with the  news  this week   that the   convoy    of   Babagana  Zulum,   Governor of Borno State was  attacked  again by  Boko  Haram  as well  as the  security     concern raised by no less a person than the President of the Nigerian Labor Congress   Ayuba  Wabba  that government  should  do  more on  security in Nigeria generally.

    At   the last   July  12   2020  presidential  election in Poland,  the incumbent  president  Andrezej   Duda won  by  a narrow margin  after  he campaigned  that gender  role  ideology which his opponent  supported was  worse  than the ideology   of  communism  which the former  USSR  imposed on Eastern Europe  for along time after the Second  World   War. The  Gender  Ideology   is    about  the attitude  towards  the, role, rights and responsibilities  of men  and  women  in any society.   The  Ideology   believes that there are more than two  biological  sexes  of a man  and a woman and that sex should  not  be determined  by only the male or female  genitals   and  argues  that there  are more than one type  of  family   other   than  the traditional  one of a man and  a woman.  Hence   it champions gay, lesbian and  transgender  rights . It has caught  on with much of  Europe  and was promoted highly  by the Obama Administration. It  is supported  by the EU nations  except  the nations  of Eastern Europe like Poland, Czech, Slovakia, Hungary,   and  Bulgaria.  In  fact  this week  the EU suspended financial  aid  to some  cities in Poland  because they  have  not accepted the gender  role  ideology  but have  instead declared  their  cities LGBT  free.  Proponents  of this ideology  say  there  are  three stages  in  Gender  Role  Ideology   namely the  traditional, transitional  and  equality     stages.

    Essentially  the  source  of this  ideology was   the    quest  for equal  feminine  rights but it has  now snowballed to include violence against women in a  new  treaty agreed by  the 28  member states of the EU  but which  Poland refused  to sign this  week. The  decision  not to sign  this treaty nullifies its take  off as all  members of the EU  must  sign to  ratify  the treaty. The  treaty known as the Istanbul  Convention was initiated on 11 May  2011  by the   Council    of Europe  in  Turkey   and it  has not  been implemented   till  now. Obviously  Poland’s   reelected President  Duda   waited  till  his   this month’s presidential  election  victory   before Poland  declared it will  not ratify the Istanbul  Convention  as it has sneaked in the issue of domestic  violence which  the Poles   believe is anti  – traditional  family  values. To  me,  the Polish president  and nation has  been  democratic even  in defying the Istanbul  Convention and has acted in consonance with the African wise  saying that  until you have seized the hilt of your sword you  do not inquire who  killed  your father.

    Coming back  to Nigeria  and indeed Africa on this issue  of Gender Role  Ideology,  there  is no doubt  that there is  no market  for  this ideology  in   this part  of the world. Nigeria  has a law against Homosexuality and Lesbianism that carries a penalty of  14 years and  the EU nations and the US governments   know   this  and  respect the African  sensitivity  on this. Even when President Barak  Obama  came to Africa and  avoided visiting Nigera  and went  to Senegal,  he was firmly and politely told  by the Senegalese President then  that  Senegal  needed  no lesson on gender ideology  because its values  are woven  around a family life  of a man and  a woman. In  Africa, S Africa stands  out like a sore thumb  in recognizing gay rights and certainly its   apartheid  background  must  have played  a role  in this.

    In   Nigeria  however there is a consensus on the roles  of  men  and women in society. Majority  of Nigeria’s ethnic groups are patrilineal except  perhaps  the Tivs  and family values are respected.  Even  in the observance  of the rights of women   to protection against domestic violence the  Nigerian way  of life recognizes the right of the man against domestic verbal  violence,  disrespect,    abuse  and provocation by some  women on many occasions   against   their    male  spouse or  husbands. Protection against  domestic  violence in Nigeria is therefore for both men and women and not against women  alone   as in  Europe and the US. Even  in these places where the ‘Me Too‘ women movement against  sexual  assault  is  now  looking like discrimination against men and,  the destruction of   male   careers over past, old,  long time   relationships,  the  momentum  is  losing steam because of the injustice and unfairness of men being seen as guilty before they are tried and the total    and ready   credibility given  to their accusers of the opposite sex.

    Again  in Nigeria  in terms  of security on which  the Borno  State  governor and members of his convoy were attacked and scattered  by Boko  Haram on their way to Baga  which  the Governor  was told  had been captured and safe,  Nigeria and even  Boko  Haram agree   somewhat   on Gender Role Ideology. In  fact  Boko  Haram  means  saying No  to Western Education  and  one can substitute Gender Ideology for  this. Saying this is not to pacify Boko Haram in attacking  our gallant  troops  but to acknowledge that Nigerians  have a way  of life  that  they  respect  and  hold dear  especially  with regard  to  family  life. It  is also  an  appeal  to Boko  Haram   to value  the sanctity  of human life and stop killing Nigerians in the North West and East  as well as foreign aid  workers  who have come to Nigeria   to  help  Nigerians with  humanitarian  work  and aid.

    It  is  necessary    to sound   this note of warning now as many    issues,   policies  and measures      that affect the    socio  cultural  health  of  society  are  being smuggled in  or    secretly   thrown   out    by   governments and some enemies  of society    while this lockdown   to  contain the pandemic   is  being   given  as    the topmost    priority. The   Nigerian  culture,  our way of life, matters  and should  not  be submerged     or   disturbed    by those who cannot differentiate  between    human   rights  and     the culture  and tradition    of   equal   and diverse societies. The   family   is the nucleus   of the African  society and our kinship   and extended    family system  thrive  on it, politically,  economically and  socially. Like   the Poles    we  should    not allow this  gender     protagonists     to bastardise  our way   of life,  unity   and security   even    in this killing pandemic.    On   this   gender  matter   which    is a corrosion  from  Western Civilisation  which    certainly,   is on the decline,   I     urge  Nigerians     to    remember  the   saying   and slogan  – ‘Eternal       Vigilance is the  Price  of  Liberty ‘Once  again  – From  the fury of this pandemic, Good Lord Deliver Nigeria.

     

  • Democracy and  developmental monarchy

    Democracy and developmental monarchy

    Segun Ayobolu

    Is there any such thing as developmental monarchy? Is the traditional institution in Nigeria, nay Africa, not an anachronistic relic of the past, an enduring reminder of our political backwardness as a people and the progress-inhibiting, anti-democratic inheritance of our past? Perhaps three decades ago, in the naive brashness of youthful radicalism and exuberance, I would have answered these questions in the affirmative. But it is impossible, in the light of our post-colonial experience, to deny that the traditional institution continues to occupy a central and deeply rooted place in the political consciousness of the various constituent peoples and cultures of Nigeria; that indeed we have foolishly not allowed the rich institutional heritage of our past inform our present and shape our future more positively.

    Incidentally, last month, July 11th specifically, was the 40th memorial anniversary of the transition of the late legendary Ooni of Ife, Oba Tadeniawo Ayinla Adesoji Aderemi, who died at the age of 91 after five memorable decades on the throne. It is a testimony to the nobility of his character, the quality of his leadership and the enduring nature of his impact and legacy that various activities were held to commemorate the occasion within and beyond Ile-Ife.

    It is difficult to name many political office holders across the country’s various supposedly democratic dispensations from the first to the current fourth republic who can compare with Oba Adesoji Aderemi in terms of strength of character, commitment to principle, integrity, astuteness, acumen and high vision. In his eulogy to the monarch on his transition, delivered at Enuwa Square in Ile-Ife on Saturday, July 11, 1980, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was Premier of the Western Region when Oba Aderemi was Governor of the Region, paid fulsome tribute to the uncommon monarch. In his words, “Oba Aderemi became the Ooni of Ife in 1930. At that time, 50 years ago, the only reputation Ile-Ife had was that it is the cradle of Yoruba people. But within 10 years of his rule, Aderemi had transformed Ile-Ife, by Nigerian standards, into a modern town, a virile business center and a haven for the acquisition of secondary education, which was a very rare facility in those days. As a natural ruler, Oba Adesoji Aderemi can be described as a radical traditionalist”.

    Was Awolowo exaggerating possibly because of the Oba’s political inclination towards his party? Certainly no. In a richly researched piece, lawyer and former member of the House of Representatives, Honourable Femi Kehinde, gives concrete evidence of Oba Aderemi’s indelible contributions to the modernization of his domain. For instance, Oba Aderemi founded Oduduwa College, Ile-Ife, the first privately owned college in Nigeria, on January 22, 1932. In 1935, the Ooni aided the installation of the Ife Waterworks at Mokuro, Ile-Ife. Apart from building an official residence for the Ooni, Oba Aderemi attracted telephone services to Ile-Ife in 1938.

    When the colonial authorities erected some structures to serve as a proposed military barracks in Ife, the Ooni persuaded the authorities to discontinue the plan because his people were opposed to it. He later allocated the abandoned structures to the Seventh Day Mission, which utilized them for its mission hospital in the town constructed in 1944. As Governor of the Western Region, he was instrumental to the siting of the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), in his domain. Beyond his role in the transformation of Ile-Ife, it is impossible to tell the story of the dazzling success of the Awolowo administration in the Western Region without reference to Oba Aderemi’s principled support and wise counsel to the government.

    Across thousands of communities in Nigeria – Ijebu, Egba, Lagos Island, Oyo, Kano, Benin, Iwo, Osogbo, Sokoto, Borgu, Owo, Onitsha, Jos, Tiv, Idoma, Calabar, Igala – to name a few, we have strong, historically rooted traditional institutions that are contributing significantly to the continuous elevation of their people. They enjoy far greater reverence among their people than state officials who emerge through the supposedly superior electoral democratic system. Apart from these traditional structures enjoying far more stability, most times, the occupants of these thrones have higher moral integrity and character than the elected officials who steer the reigns of government at constitutionally recognized levels.

    If the disadvantage of these indigenous institutions in the past was the low level of education of the traditional rulers, things have changed radically. The typical traditional ruler today assumes office at a youthful age, is exceedingly well educated and sophisticated, has a track record of accomplishments in the professions, academia or business and is financially munifficient. Thus, the modern traditional ruler today is well equipped to play the role of developmental monarch.

    For instance, the current Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, Ojaja 11, is undoubtedly treading the transformational path of Oba Aderemi. He has exhibited a wisdom beyond his years in trying to weave greater cohesion among traditional rulers in the South West and has launched initiatives to help elevate his domain to higher developmental heights. Oba Ogunwusi has donated automatic fumigation machines to several states in the South West and beyond to combat the Coronavirus pandemic. But the focus of this piece is the newly crowned Oniru of Iru land, HRM, Oba Abdulwasiu Omogbolahan Lawal (Abisogun 11), who incidentally clocked the golden age of 50 last Friday.

    The Oniru has impeccable academic credentials obtaining a Bachelors degree in Botany from the University of Port Harcourt, a Post graduate degree in Violence, Conflict and Development from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, as well as an Executive M.Sc in Cities from the London School of Economics and Political Science. During an unblemished career in the Nigeria Police Force over two and a half decades, he served as Aide de Camp to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Governor when the latter was governor of Lagos State. Ever since his exit from the police, he has held key ministerial positions in every administration in Lagos State between 2007 and his ascension to the royal throne, a measure no doubt of his competence, diligence, industry, dependability and integrity.

    Two things struck me in the personal message issued by Oba Lawal on the occasion of his Golden Jubilee. First, he had been well groomed and nurtured as a prince for his possible future Royal ascendance. In his words, “Growing up in one of the palaces of a fast-growing metropolis like Lagos in the 1970s, I had the privilege of a front row seat at some of our most significant rites and events. As my father’s Ilari; it meant being groomed in the ranks of titled men and those of Royal and noble blood; those who would be clad in white attire and various beaded ornaments connoting various positions, rights and privileges at special traditional events. In sitting around, listening and learning in the Palace all through my young and adult life; I never knew what fate had in store for me – an opportunity to continue and build upon a legacy for the great people of Iru land”.

    Secondly was Kabiyesi’s articulation of his developmental vision for Iru land. According to him, “My vision for Iru is to ensure we become one of the most desirable places to live, work and do business in Lagos, Nigeria and the continent. In another few weeks, the Palace Media Team will share updates on our plans for Social Investment, Tourism and Culture, Security as well as Health and the Environment. These, we intend to leverage, with your active support and participation, to ensure widespread sustainable development”. Here certainly is an Oba with a clear sense of purpose and focus. Kabiyesi is poised to become an outstanding model of developmental monarchy.

    Have I painted too rosy a picture of the traditional institution? True, it has its own share of bad eggs as is only natural. However, the Royal grooming of princes in preparation for the throne appears to me better placed to produce leaders of exemplary character than the electoral democratic system, which breeds many politicians difficult to distinguish from touts. Our political scientists still have a lot of work to do to draw on the values and virtues  of traditional monarchy to transform democracy in Nigeria into a developmental enterprise.

     

  • Not again

    Not again

    Ade Ojeikere

    The Europeans are the owners of the beautiful game. For those who want to argue, lest I remind you that England is the home of football. Some call it football, others label it soccer. But the objectives and rules are the same. The Europeans have devised laudable templates, which have gone a long way to woo the people to embrace it. They have created a product with immense followership, which they have used to cajole the corporate world to key into their marketing windows, using their products and services. No wonder the astronomical increase in cash in all facets of the game’s administration. Today, the game is attractive because of the enduring structures laid down since inception.

    So much speculations trailed the Coronavirus pandemic period, which casts doubt over the completion of all the European leagues. Different countries chose options arrived at by a consensus of the stakeholders and their governments. Today, the European leagues are being reset for the new seasons, using the existing templates. There may be a few adjustments, but the essence of its operations are readily available for discerning minds to applaud.

    European countries adopted models which suited their circumstances. The beauty of these models was it took into cognisance all the stakeholders, with the different governments picking the ones which addressed all the issues raised. Decisions taken came from the heads of such countries considering the importance attached to eradicating the Coronavirus which is still ravaging the world.

    The French League (LFP) decided to conclude the season using the points per game system (PPG), making PSG the champions. Ligue 1 authorities during the LFP meeting hinged their decision on the fact that Paris Saint Germain (PSG) were virtually champions for 2019-20 pointing out that the points per game would  determine league placing. Lorient were crowned Ligue 2 champions and gained promotion alongside second-place Lens while Amiens and Toulouse were relegated from Ligue 1.

    Bundesliga was the first of Europe’s major leagues to decide the title winners by most points, goal difference, if there was a tie in points accumulated at the top of the table. Italy and England took the German path just as Spain’s Laliga also opted for most points but better head-to-head, if the league’s top two teams had ended the season in on the same points. It didn’t happen in Spain as Real Madrid clinched the title, thus dethroning the former champions, FC Barcelona.

    Why are we so cursed in Nigeria? The French adopted the points per game formula which chose and crowned champions across cadres, relegated poor performing teams and promoted the champions from the lower rung to the elite class. In our case, the Nigeria league organisers picked the champions and those to represent the country at the continental level ‘using’ the French model. But cast an indulgent eye on those to the demoted from the elite class. It was quite sickening listening to the league organisers trying to justify their decision not to relegate failures, as if the PPG formula wasn’t what the French used to promote and demote teams. How do you run a competition where winners at the lower rung can’t aspire to rightly play in the elite class the next season, for instance? Is that what they call football development? What happened in the domestic league here is a sham.

    We corrupt processes that are flawlessly executed in other climes to suit our whims and caprices. Why do our administrators always think there is a Nigerian way to doing things? Other leagues have ended with commencement date for the next season, making it imperative for the clubs to shop for players and those eager to leave teams to do so through the transfer windows. For Nigeria, we are groping in the dark. We are waiting for everything to subside (growth rate of the Coronavirus). Hmmmm! What if it (Coronavirus) doesn’t subside until God knows when, does it mean the game won’t be played? What a country.  I digress!

    There was also talk on how to decide the European and relegation places and points per game was again the preferred option. PSG are 12 points clear of second placed Marseille and there are just 10 games left. Of course, this option by the French looked like a fair decision, except that the English Premier League, whose eventual winners Liverpool had a higher points difference (25 points) on the table than the French, yet chose to play the remaining games, purely on grounds of it being business.

    The curious trend during the debates by European countries was the need to ensure that the resumption of the 2020 season wasn’t inadvertently affected, with special attention paid to existing contractual agreements with sponsors. The contracts were sacrosanct which needed to be respected otherwise matters are settled at the law courts. Of these contracts was the television rights with the clubs struggling to cut the losses arising from the absence of the fans at match venues.

    What struck everyone was the possibility of games to be played without the spectators. It looked like a mirage for such to happen. Pundits wondered how players could be at the utmost best during matches without the roaring voices of the fans sitting at the stands. Interestingly, the organisers thought outside the box by introducing robots and other mechanism which sought to reinforce support for the players, though it was apparent that those things were mechanical – not real. The hugs, the brickbats, the club anthems as side devoured their opponents was missing. The game had to played. The players knew it was their duty to make the best of a contrived setting. And they responded very well. what stood out was the absence of racists comments arising from stray balls towards the stands.

    Renowned broadcaster Sky reported a £575million fall in revenue after their sports subscribers switched off during the coronavirus lockdown with figures suggesting that a 15.5 per cent fall in revenues from $4.8billion to $4bn (£3.7m to £3m) with the pandemic impacting the sporting calendar.

    American TV company Comcast hinged the massive losses on the cancellation of Premier League, Bundesliga and Serie A fixtures as well as a decrease in customers receiving Sky broadband and mobiles services.

    According to the report in Daily Mail, Comcast stressed that the total number of customer relationships to all of its services fell by 214,000 in the quarter as a result, which they also blamed on the lack of televised sporting fixtures and the suspension of sales of some services.

    ‘’ The company said the total number of customer relationships to all of its services fell by 214,000 in the quarter as a result, which they also blamed on the lack of televised sporting fixtures and the suspension of sales of some services.

    ‘’Sky issued payment holidays in an attempt to keep customers but five per cent of sports subscribers still cancelled their memberships. Content revenue also took a hit because of the lack of sport with a 38 per cent decline to $234million  (£179.5million). The broadcaster said for the six months to the end of June adjusted profits fell by 9.4 per cent to $1.3billion (£1billion).’’

    Need I restate what the clubs across Europe lost in terms of revenue? It explains the slow movements in the transfer markets since the clubs are seemingly cash-strapped. The players weren’t amused by suggestions to suffer pay cuts arising from the effects of the Coronavirus pandemic. A few of them accepted though grudgingly while the big boys kept tossing their managements without really losing much when they agreed. Nobody knows if the clubs would refund when the business of the sport improves. We wait.

    Whispers from abroad are that there may be a lockdown due to the Coronavirus. Let’s pray against another spread of the deadly disease. Not again, please.

  • Bauchi’s manna from heaven

    Bauchi’s manna from heaven

    By Sentry

    Politics in Bauchi State is currently front page news as Governor Bala Mohammed and former House of Representatives Speaker, Yakubu Dogara, continue their face-off.

    Dogara recently parted ways with the governor and PDP after months of internal bickering. Sentry gathered the disagreement between the two erstwhile allies may have turned a blessing in disguise for the ‘innocent’ people of Dass/Tafawa Balewa/Bogoro Federal Constituency represented by the legislator.

    Sources say since the Mohammed/Dogara face-off started, people in the constituency have been smiling home with largesse being showered on them by the feuding politicians and their supporters, all in a bid to win and or retain their loyalty as the crisis rages.

    Read Also: Dogara rejoins APC as Buni woos more PDP leaders

    Checks indicate that a good number of PDP leaders and members in the area will soon follow Dogara into APC. This is something the governor and his allies in the area will not have happen.

    During the week, some politicians from Dass/Tafawa Balewa/Bogoro Constituency paid a solidarity visit to Mohammed in Bauchi. It is needless to say they went home smiling after assuring the governor they remain loyal to him.

    Sentry also gathered that PDP faithful in the area were ‘well taken care of’ by the government and party in commemoration of the Sallah celebration. Also, Dogara and his allies are said to have concerned themselves with the welfare of both PDP and APC members in the constituency unlike before.

  • Ndume right on Boko Haram deradicalisation

    Ndume right on Boko Haram deradicalisation

    UnderTow

    When the federal government conceived the policy of deradicalising, rehabilitating and reintegrating repentant Boko Haram militants, there was no indication how or by whom the idea came about, nor how to define and measure what repentance was or what it meant. Once the government had made up its mind on rehabilitating and releasing the militants, simply because they had surrendered and repented, the policy was firmed up and released to the public. Many people expressed reservations about the timeliness or relevance of the policy, but by an inscrutable logic, the government decided to do what it argued was the best in the circumstance. The policy had never been tested even on a small scale in these parts, but that was a small inconvenience. The policy was good to go, and money was voted to make it happen.

    If the government did not get the rest of Nigeria to buy into the deradicalisation policy, perhaps the Northeast, the epicentre of the Boko Haram insurgency, had bought into it by a wide margin. Alas, it has turned out that the region is also deeply uncomfortable with the policy, though the region’s governors were wary of opposing a policy they were neither sure of its acceptability nor of its feasibility. Not to be wrong-footed, the region simply sighed and waited to see which way the cat jumps. To be fair to the region, which had borne the brunt of the insurgency in gross costs to their social and economic existence, they expressed their reservations, wondering why the federal government would shift its gaze away from the millions displaced by the revolt and instead concentrate on rehabilitating hundreds of militants whose bona fides no one could state or vouch for.

    But perhaps their reservations were not fully or clearly expressed, for the government simply forged determinedly ahead, culminating in the rehabilitation and release of over 600 hundred militants last week, bringing the cumulative total released to about 800 since the programme began some four years ago. The militants had been deradicalised and trained by the military, which took charge of the programme, and they are being settled in various communities in the Northeast. They will be monitored, says the government, without indicating how robust their monitoring logistics would be. Countries which have robust parole systems have been wary of suggesting that their methods are foolproof. How the Nigerian authorities would ensure that the released Boko Haram militants would never cause fresh trouble remains to be seen.

    Early in the week, however, and as an indication that the deradicalisation policy was not unanimously embraced in the country, let alone in the Northeast, especially when the insurgency is nowhere near ending, the senator representing Borno South, Ali Ndume, voiced the opinions of many who had remonstrated with the government over the policy and declared it both short-sighted and unfeasible. According to the senator, Borno indigenes have misgivings about the policy and are quite uneasy with it, and in any case would prefer the government to pay attention to the more germane social and economic issues and problems of internally displaced persons as well as keep the so-called repentant militants in prison until the war ended.

    According to Sen Ndume, “If I ask those that released them to recall them tomorrow and let them come back to Gombe where they are, I don’t think they’ll have up to 50% of them. There’s nowhere in our constitution that allows for that even. When you commit a crime, it is court that will decide to free you. This programme is not what our people want…” More succinctly, speaking on a Channels Television programme, the outspoken senator argued: “Those that have been radicalised and released into the community, there is no monitoring device; and most of them that are back, I can give an example in Damboa. One of them only came back to kill his father and take away his cows and ran away with it. Some of them that returned to Damboa, after two, three days, they disappeared. I learnt reliably that even in the course of de-radicalisation, they said they are not willing to come to live with the infidels. This programme really needs to be looked into immediately. I am gathering information and position of my people and may even go legal…It is a very misplaced priority that is not supposed to happen now. This is a situation where we still have over one million internally displaced in various camps and host communities and they are still dealing with the trauma of the insurgency and the government is doing this Operation Safe Corridor bringing in those people that tortured, killed and maimed. The memories are still fresh in our mind. Almost all the people are against this programme. Why don’t you rehabilitate, resettle the people that are still coping with the trauma and give them start-up pack to start their lives in any part of the country? We have IDPs scattered all over the country. If the government is serious about a programme like this, it should start with the victims first, not the perpetrators.”

    It is hard to fault Sen Ndume. He has had reasons to disagree with the prosecution of the war on terror, and has also criticised the mistreatment of victims and mismanagement of IDP camps. He has been critical of the government, and repeatedly expressed his frustrations with military tactics and sometimes high-handedness. He may not always be right, and has sometimes walked back his views on the insurgency, but he is well informed. In fact, at a time, he was even seen as a sympathiser of the insurgents and called to task. But overall, he has placed the interest of his constituency far above anything else, and has more often than not been right about his criticisms and suggestions. In this instance, however, his views are unimpeachable.

    The deradicalisation, rehabilitation and reintegration (DRR) programme was badly mistimed, misjudged and misplaced. It is unconscionable to leave the humongous problem of IDPs and stranded and helpless victims still largely unresolved while extravagantly taking on the less urgent and dubious issue of taking care of those who levied war on the nation. There is no way to justify it. The government misplaced its priorities by not fully settling the problems of the victims of the war, many of whom are scattered in different parts of the North, before taking on the minor and less urgent problem of repentant insurgents. This misplacement of priority has opened up the government to allegations of cuddling Boko Haram, a view stridently expressed in other parts of the country and also now in the Northeast. And by not putting in place all necessary measures to police the programme in a manner that would reassure the public, the government has seemed to show indifference to public apprehensions.

    It was wrong of the government to design a programme that was improperly conceived and debated. It was railroaded through the public policy mill, and pigheadedly executed without the customary restraints of parliamentary oversight. It not only exhibited regional bias, it also gave the unwholesome impression that there was something more than usual to be gained by rehabilitating the insurgents other than public interest. Now that the Northeast is aghast at the policy, the last plank of supposed support has been yanked from under it.

    It is also a sign of the frailty of public protest and participation that there was no sufficient outcry against the policy, both to defeat it and compel the government to put relevant and adequate premium on resettling victims of the revolt. Having embarked on this short-sighted course fraught with a lot of implementation difficulties, the government will be hard put to walk back the reintegration policy. But it must heed the misgivings of the public and find foolproof means of instituting measures that would prevent abuse. Sen Ndume pointed out one or two examples of errant behaviour by rehabilitated insurgents. If true, this is a huge blow to an already controversial and impracticable policy. That errancy must never recur. To ensure that proper monitoring of the reintegrated militants is done, measures must be emplaced to make that errant behaviour a one-off.

    There is, however, in fact no way to defend the policy as a whole, whether it is foolproof or not. So this is the time to suspend it. It is time the government concentrated on the better and more noble policy of rehabilitating victims of the insurgency, most of whom are still in IDP camps, while security agents who fight the militants are still groaning under the pressure of long tours of duty, inadequate military equipment, and what they allege are poor remunerations and allowances. Rehabilitating militants was a needless distraction that has engendered bad faith and suspicions. The government should cut its loss over a policy that is ambiguous, unethical and certainly not well received. It should face the war squarely and fight to win it. Few at the moment believe that the government and its military want to win the war, for the public cannot rationalise how a band of some three or four thousand insurgents can pin a whole military down, a military that suddenly decided to develop the futile idea of super camps instead of taking the war to the insurgents and clearing the country of their menace.

  • Ayade’s subtle peace moves in Cross River

    Ayade’s subtle peace moves in Cross River

    Sentry

    The political crisis rocking the Cross River State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) may soon come to an end if feelers are anything to go by.

    Insiders say after months of confrontation between Governor Ben Ayade’s political family and another group of PDP chieftains described as the ‘Abuja gang’, the governor is now making moves to bring peace to the party.

    He and the Abuja gang, made up of National Assembly members and other party chieftains opposed to Ayade, had been locked in a fierce political battle for control of the party following call for congresses in the state by the national leadership of PDP.

    The situation led to two separate lists of executives emanating from congresses conducted by the warring factions. After the congress, the national secretariat of approved the list of the Abuja gang as ward, local government, and executive committee members for the party in the state.

    Read Also: Ayade’s failed gamble

    Expectedly, the governor and his people rejected the directive and a couple of cases were promptly filed in court to stop the new executives from taking over the party.

    But all that may change soon as Sentry learnt Ayade is seeking an end to the stalemate and is ready for a power sharing deal that will bring peace back to the party. It was equally learnt the national chairman is open to the governor’s peace moves.

  • National Assembly, presidency and service chiefs

    National Assembly, presidency and service chiefs

    Undertow

    Last Tuesday, by a resolution, the senate once again, virtually passed a vote of no confidence in Nigeria’s security chiefs. In late January, they had passed a similar resolution when killings and banditry threatened to overwhelm the country. Now, just as then, presidential spokesmen have poured scorn on the legislative advisory motion to arrest the drift.

    The service chiefs, the spokesmen declared, still enjoyed the confidence of the president whose prerogative it is to ask them to stay in office or leave. By some estimates, between February and June, nearly four thousand people had been killed as a result of internal crisis and insurgency. Rather than abate, the problem has intensified, leading to the senate resolutions a few days ago and last January.

    In January, the presiding officers of the National Assembly even met the president on the matter, following an animated debate in both chambers that led to the call on the service chiefs to resign or be sacked. This time around, the presiding officers have learnt their lesson, and are unlikely to seek audience with the president on the subject matter.

    It is enough for them that they have adopted a resolution asking the security chiefs to step aside. It seems also enough for them that the legislators have demonstrated to the electorate that they care about the security nightmare every Nigerian is facing. It must surprise the lawmakers and the public, however, that the presidency does not seem as agitated by the growing insecurity in the country, at least not enough to compel them to sit up or contemplate urgent remedies.

    Nigerians recall in January how the senate president and speaker of the lower chamber talked tough before meeting the president. They had been egged on by the vociferous clamour of their colleagues and countrymen, many of whom were incensed by the seeming lethargy over insecurity, and had consequently voiced their apprehensions and dismay.

    The meeting was expected to be stormy and decisive. No one till today has volunteered the details of what the presiding officers discussed with the president, but by the time they came out of the meeting, the lips of the lawmakers had begun to quiver, and their initial resolve to coax the president to quit prevaricating over the delicate issue had weakened into conciliatory or even dilatory tones. Speaking to the press after meeting the president, they suggested placidly that the security agencies needed to be equipped and encouraged to do much more than they were doing.

    Nearly six months after, and despite softening down considerably from their initial tough stand, the National Assembly, in this case through a senate resolution, observed with consternation the worsening insecurity in the country. It was, therefore, not hard for them, after a few hours of deliberation, to amend and pass the motion sponsored by Ali Ndume (Senate, APC Borno South). The puzzle agitating many lawmakers and citizens is how to reconciled the presidency’s misconstruction (or feigning ignorance) of the seriousness of the subject matter with how for five years the president has stuck adamantly to a formula that showed initial promise but has now petered out into almost nothingness. Everyone but the president is worried. Perhaps he knows something that others don’t know.

    Just as they did in January after adopting the resolution to ask the service chiefs to step aside, senators have begun to waffle again. They agreed with presidential spokesman’s interpretation of the prerogative of the president to keep or sack the security chiefs, as if that needed any corroboration, and added that they had nothing against the chiefs except to ensure that insecurity was tackled adequately.

    After six months of quibbling over the same issue, they should finally be able to call a spade a spade. They want the service chiefs replaced, if the word sack is too injurious. Surely, in many evasive words they have been able to communicate that message to the president. If the president has done nothing about it, but prefers occasionally to growl at those who want to teach him his job, the lawmakers should not be fazed at all.

    The greater tragedy is, however, not that the national lawmakers are showing the president a way out of his self-inflicted cul-de-sac, but that the president could not tie the growing insecurity to the declining efficiency of his security chiefs. Even if it is conceded that insurgents and bandits have become more sophisticated, imaginative and brilliant, security chiefs have an obligation to be also flexible and to possess the requisite professional skills to respond subliminally.

    If they are not able to muster that transcendental response to defeat the enemy, it becomes the responsibility of the president to draw the right conclusions and make the right and sensible call. There is, alas, little to suggest that the response to banditry and insurgency has been adequate and exemplary on the part of the security chiefs, and there is even less to indicate that the presidency has made the right assessment of where the problem lies, not to say muster the political will to proffer the right solution, including but not limited to sacking the security chiefs.

    But it is also possible that the president is in fact absolutely convinced that the problem is neither the competence or assiduity of the security chiefs, nor that given more time the bandits and warmongers could not be overcome. If that is so, the president at least owes the groaning and increasingly restive public an explanation as to how he hopes to deploy and manage his security organs and material assets to defeat the criminals. That explanation, unfortunately, has not been tendered before the public who voted the government into office. But it must be tendered in order to quieten the agitations that are giving the government a bad name.

    Moreover, this state of what is often referred to as suspended animation should be ended, and the country, particularly the highways and countryside, be returned to normality. So far, all the public see is increasing insecurity that could upend the entire country. All they see is the evil spectre of bandits and insurgents creating a stalemate with the security forces, embarrassing them in battles, and opening the possibility of a worst-case scenario of balkanising and destroying the country.

    There is even a more damaging prospect. Because the controversy over whether the service chiefs should be sacked or retained has dragged on for far too long than is reasonable, it has taken the shine off their sterling contributions to the country’s progress and stability. It is evident that when they were appointed the country was in dire straits, particularly with regards to the insurgency operations in the Northeast.

    After swift counterattacks, territory after territory were eventually reclaimed from the insurgents, and a new lease of life was felt in that troubled region. But a few years after what has now become an illusion of victory, the insurgents bounced back under new tactics in which they no longer placed a premium on taking and retaining control over territories, even if they wished to. Worse, because insurgency has lasted for nearly a decade, the inability of the government to tame the problem and curb the proliferation of light weapons have combined to spawn and spur a new kind of insecurity manifesting as banditry cum kidnapping. Both new manifestations are very profitable to the criminals.

    Unable to resign their commissions, and impotent to respond to the criticisms of Nigerians who decry their failings in the face of morphing security challenges, the service chiefs have been left dead in the water, vulnerable and diminished in public esteem. The presidency has no business leaving the situation unresolved for so long. It damages public estimation of the competence of the government, and also damages, almost irretrievably, the image of the service chiefs.

    Now, everybody is blaming them, even describing them as a spent force. These criticisms are uncharitable, for they do not do justice to the fighting and administrative skills of the service chiefs; but they are deserving. Banditry and insurgency will continue for the foreseeable future in the face of increasing lack of government resolve and initiative to combat the malaise. Correspondingly, the attacks on the image and competence of the service chiefs will also continue stridently and become even more reinforced.

    Replacing the service chiefs have become both inevitable and desirable. It is time the president stopped dithering over the matter. The longer he fails to act, the worse it becomes for the image of both the government and the service chiefs. The presidency is accused of loyalty to the service chiefs above loyalty to the country, with clear insinuations of deferring to marabout sophistry in explaining national and regime security.

    On the other hand, the service chiefs are accused of abandoning their primary responsibilities to feather their own nests of securing the establishment of public universities in their constituencies, an extrabudgetary misadventure that in no way contributes to the efficiency or financial prudence of the military.

    The sooner the presidency takes responsibility to resolve the murky situation, the better for everyone. No one wants to hear the drivel about presidential prerogative, since no one is debating the constitutional truism of who has the right to appoint or sack service chiefs anyway. What everyone is waiting for is a decision to restore peace and normality in the country.

  • Ondo: Between Jegede and Mimiko

    Ondo: Between Jegede and Mimiko

    Sentry

    That Eyitayo Jegede, former Commissioner for Justice and Attorney-General of Ondo State, has clinched the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the October 10 governorship election, is stale news.

    What’s new is his fast improving relationship with former Governor Olusegun Mimiko and how that will affect his chances at the polls.

    Jegede served under Mimiko and also got his backing to emerge as the PDP candidate in the 2016 governorship election which he lost to incumbent governor Rotimi Akeredolu.

    According to insiders, after the loss the relationship between the two political allies became frosty, so much so that when Mimiko dumped the PDP and moved his political family into the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP), Jegede stayed back in the PDP.

    Read Also: Jegede wins Ondo PDP primary

    That, Sentry gathered, was the situation until Jegede renewed his gubernatorial ambition and current Deputy Governor, Agboola Ajayi, challenged him for the PDP ticket.

    It was gathered that Mimiko, though no longer a member of the PDP, did not hide his opposition to Ajayi’s ambition and also frowned at his return to the party. Insiders say he’s still very bitter over the roles played by Ajayi in the PDP’s loss to APC in 2016.

    Ajayi himself then an associate of Mimiko’s and a serving member of the Federal House of Representatives dumped PDP and pitched his tent with Akeredolu and APC, emerging as the deputy governorship candidate.

    Reliable sources say Jegede’s victory on Wednesday didn’t come without serous input from Mimiko who reached out to his erstwhile allies and associates on the candidate’s behalf.

    Furthermore, Sentry learnt that he may have resolved to help Jegede defeat Akeredolu at the general election.

  • Separation of powers, security and dissent

    Separation of powers, security and dissent

    Dayo Sobowale

     

    The  presidential  system of government is based on the  principle  of   separation of powers between the executive, the judiciary  and the legislature in such a way  and   to ensure   that a democracy does not become a dictatorship and an abuse  of the rule of law and respect  for human  rights, freedom and justice.

    Democracy  thrives on respect for human rights and public opinion   and elections  are the  litmus test of the popularity, acceptance or rejection of the policies and programmes  of elected governments in any democracy.

    Nevertheless it is the duty of government to provide and promote the security   of life and property  of its citizenry,  which  put  it  in   power  in periodic  elections in democracies.

    There  are many claims  to   the practice   of    global   democracy  stemming from various ideologies   but  the right of dissent  and its scope and manner,  separate each  from  the other.

    For  now ideologies  have been  bastardised   by  a disrespectful  pandemic which  has  led to democracies and their leaders running for shelter in the defence or rejection of time honoured   policies  for which  they  have been known hitherto,    in order  to protect  the security   of life and  property  of their  citizens.

    It  is such  political and ideological  dissemblance in the pursuit of  the claim of democracy as the working tool and policy   of governance that  we examine  in the topic  of today.

    We  shall  proceed with a comparative analysis  of the  governments of Nigeria, the US  , UK  and   China    at  this  point in time of a   global  pandemic and the state of their democracies consequently.

    In  Nigeria  the Senate has asked  the President  to fire the   military   security  service  chiefs   for  providing inadequate  security  for  the nation and for poor leadership resulting in  pervasive insecurity and the president  has refused  to do so.

    In  the  US  and  Britain where  the  Republicans  and Conservatives are in power they  have pumped  immense  funds into their economies as stimulus and comfort for their  citizenry  in this pandemic.

    These were ideologues  of minimal government and laissez faire capitalism notorious  in the recent past for stringent economic austerity which they exported through  the World Bank  and IMF as conditionalities for  much  needed bank  loans  to  developing nations.

    The   repayment terms    of these   loans    crippled the economies of these poor  nations  and raised their misery  and poverty level astronomically.

    China which  is ruled  by   the  powerful   Communist  Party of  China    recently   got  entangled with the US over  it 5G telecoms  technology development on security  grounds and the US  has used its economic and technological muscle  and strength  to make EU  nations  at least  Britain to  desist  from  going ahead  with Huawei, the Chinese  telecom giant  on the    development  and  deployment  of the 5G technology.

    Let  us look at these  nations in the context  of their  democracies and style  of  governance starting with Nigeria, Africa’s  largest  democracy.

    The  call   this week   by the Senate to the President  to fire the   security   service chiefs breaches the principle of separation of powers as it is a usurpation of   the  function of security which rests squarely  on the table  of  responsibility of the  President of Nigeria   as  the Commander In Chief of the Nigerian Armed  Forces led by his  service  chiefs responsible  to him and not the Nigeria senate.

    But   the call  showed  the Nigerian  senate at its best in  getting more Catholic than  the Pope  which  now  is the Nigerian  government,   in looking  after  the interests and security  of not only Nigerians  but the  Nigerian  Army,  which  is being deserted by some of its soldiers on the grounds of inferior facilities to fight not only Boko  Haram  but  the murderous insurgents  raiding and  killing  Nigerians in the North East and North West,  right up to  the President’s   home state  of Katsina.

    The  call  by the  senate is   however  a  responsible, patriotic  call  of dissent  with the president on the issue  of its handling of security  of Nigerians and Nigeria by  the  Nigerian  president.

    Read Also: UPDATED: Senate to Buhari: sack IMC of NDDC now

    It  is an  important call  for the fact that the president and the senate  president belong to the same party  and  that  party has the majority  in the Nigerian  senate.

    It  is in the interest  of the presidency to heed  the call  one way or the other  such that the security  of Nigerians and Nigeria is  guaranteed and not at the mercy of insurgents and terrorists like Boko Haram.

    I  wonder  if the  presidential  spokesman  who berated the critical media and columnists  recently, of  airing the views of the opposition,  would  categorise  the senate for its dissent  on security   with  the president.

    Is   the senate   airing the views  of the opposition    on the   call to sack or change    the  military service chiefs? This   certainly    is the   president’s  senate where   his party   has a comfortable  majority.

    A  democracy is based on elections  and the majority  having its way  while    the  minority   must  have   its say. In  this case the Nigerian  senate  is having its say even  though it seems  not to  be   having its way with  the president on whose  table  the buck  stops on Nigeria’s security. I doff    my hat   all   the same  to the senate  on this security  issue.

    Similarly  the concern of the US President Donald  Trump  and the action of the UK government  to scuttle any deal  with Huawei on 5G technology   development on security  grounds is  well  founded and well  informed.

    The  rationale  or  explanation  for  the American  and British   hostility to Huawei  lie  in  the structure of the political  system in China which  is a one party state which  just made its president, a president for life.

    In  China   there  is  no   separation  of  powers  but a monopoly of  it   by a political   party,  The  Communist  Party in China has  a  membership  of around  1m  but it runs China,  the biggest nation in the world in terms  of population of 1.5 bn people.

    That  is   a  powerful   minority  running the majority without periodic elections but for five yearly meetings to discuss   and  approve five year Development Plans  for China.

    It  is difficult to  separate  state  firms from private firms  in China which  is involved in a technological  rat  race  to beat  both the US and  small  Britain in terms  of nuclear, technological  and scientific development,   globally.

    China  is very much ahead in terms of using Artificial  Intelligence, Computer Learning and  Robotics  in policing its vast territory and  massive  population.

    So  what stops  it from using Huawei   to spy  on its technological rivals  like the US and  Britain? There is no room  for criticism  of government in China and  dissent is zero.

    The  US  through  its President is playing safe on security in taking action against Huawei on 5G aside  from its trade wars with China.

    This    is because    China  has proved elusive,   recalcitrant    and   aggressive on many international  engagements and  commitments including its   muscling of  the World   Health   Organisation –WHO – on how and when  the present pandemic  started in Wuhan,   China, which   the  Chinese government first  concealed  before  revealing its existence and  murderous damage.

    China  can  not claim  that it knows nothing about Huawei, as its founder has claimed,  when  the whole world knows that Huawei  cannot  exist in a vacuum   in  China  but for the grace, goodwill and tacit,  if   not  open support of the Communist  Party of China, the  political  institution driving the fastest growing and  largest population economy in the world.

    Certainly, on the claim  of lack of control of Huawei  with  regard  to  China’s  security outlook and plans, the Chinese  government is behaving like the proverbial  ostrich with its head buried in the sand. Once  again – From the fury of this raging pandemic Good  Lord Deliver Nigeria.