Category: Saturday

  • Magu’s travails

    Magu’s travails

    By Segun Ayobolu

    It is a grand irony that those responsible for the ongoing travails of the Acting National Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mr. Ibrahim Magu, have sought to justify his current investigations for alleged corrupt activities with reference to the need to demonstrate to the people that no public officer in the Buhari administration, no matter how highly placed, is above the law. They may have a point there. For the anti-corruption points- man himself to become a subject of critical probe by security agencies for alleged financial infractions, it must mean that the administration takes its war against graft very seriously indeed.

    But then, can the man reportedly behind the myriad allegations against Magu, namely, the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Mr. Abubakar Malami, contend credibly that in his over two score list of alleged misdeeds against Magu, he has come to equity with clean hands and that he has no hidden scores to settle with the former EFCC Czar? It is a difficult question to answer.

    The office of AGF is perhaps the most sensitive and critical that anyone can occupy particularly in an administration like that of President Muhammadu Buhari, which proclaims from the rooftops its determination to fight corruption and raise ethical standards in the country’s public life. Make no mistake about it, the administration scores above average marks in its endeavors in this regard. However, it could have recorded greater successes and scored exceptionally higher in its anti corruption rating but for some of the methodologies or lack of it employed in seeking to achieve its anti-graft objectives.

    First, let us even talk about the suitability of the administration’s methods employed in its anti-corruption war. There does not appear to be any scientific, overarching methodology that underlies its war against corruption. Thus, the administration ends up scoring own goals against itself and in reinforcing the perception internally and globally that the country is one irredeemable cesspit of corruption. Very early in the life of the Buhari presidency, in July, 2016, the security agencies raided the houses of judges in Abuja, Port Harcourt, Gombe, Kano, Enugu and Sokoto in the dead of night, arrested a number of them and charged some to court for alleged financial infractions. The move was described as a ‘sting operation’ in which a number of the jurists were discovered to have huge and indefensible amounts of cash in their residences.

    I am not sure that but for one or two cases who were forced to retire prematurely, the damage done both to the judiciary and the country’s image on that occasion does not far outweigh the gains of an exercise that could have been handled with far greater tact, intelligence and strategic sense.

    At about the time that the houses of the judicial officers were being raided in Nigeria and the entire judiciary was being wholly denigrated and humiliated, we are told that Ghana was also fighting corruption in its judiciary with more than two dozen corrupt judicial officers either dismissed or prosecuted. But that was done in a sober and mature way that did not discredit the entire judiciary as a whole or drag the country’s name into needless obloquy.

    It appears to me that the handling of the Magu case, both in terms of the allegations against him and the way the case has been handled, illustrates the dysfunctional turf wars that have characterized the Buhari presidency and given the impression of an administration that is perennially at war with many of its highest placed officers undermining each other and engaging in needless internecine battles. There is no doubt that one of Malami’s grouses against the former (?) EFCC Acting Chairman is the latter’s perceived refusal to totally subordinate his agency to the AGF’s control. Here I think the fault lies entirely with the presidency. If Malami was right, Magu should simply have been told to strictly report to and carry out the instructions of the Attorney General in discharging his duties.

    Thus, the AGF accuses Magu of insubordination to the office of the Minister and not seeking his approval on some decisions as well as reporting some judges to their bosses without reference to the AGF. Of course, there are also very serious allegations against Magu such as alleged discrepancies in the reconciliation of records of the EFCC and the Federal Ministry of Finance on recovered funds, declaration of N539 billion as recovered funds instead of the N504 billion earlier claimed, not respecting a court order to unfreeze N7 billion judgment in favour of a former Executive Director of a Bank, alleged sale of seized assets to cronies, associates and friends and not providing enough evidence for the extradition of former petroleum Minister, Mrs. Diezani Allison-Madueke.

    Some of these allegations are in my view the fault or lapses of the security and intelligence community as a whole rather than that of only one agency like the EFCC. An example is the alleged late legal action on Process &Industrial Development (P&ID), a company that sued Nigeria for $6.6 billion in 2017 for alleged breach of contract. The security agencies should have acted in concert with the office of the AGF in nipping this problem in the bud before it became such a big public relations mess for the country.

    Again, can Malami credibly question Magu’s purported non-respect for court orders when he himself has not set a stellar example in that regard? But then, if Magu had firm directives from the AGF to carry out any court directive, he certainly has no excuse ignoring or disobeying such an order.

    Again, in the way he has operated as AGF, Malami himself, no matter how well meaning he may be, has courted too much controversy that may raise doubts about his intentions. For instance, in his handling of the ongoing case of the alleged crime kingpin from Taraba State, Bala Hamisu, also known as Wadume, Malami has raised doubts in the minds of many Nigerians. In withdrawing the case file from the police and bringing the case directly under the purview of his ministry, the AGF inexplicably dropped from the charge sheet, the names of ten soldiers alleged to be accomplices to the crime and who killed three senior police officers while also illegally rescuing Wadume from the custody of the slain policemen.

    Reacting to the public outcry that greeted this decision, Malami’s argument was that the military officers responsible for the murder first had to undergo internal military processes of the military through court martial before they could be charged before civil courts. The question is how long will this process take for a crime that was committed last year and for which the relevant military authorities have been so obviously reluctant to release their men to face the law? The earlier the AGF makes sure the military officers are brought before the courts to prove their innocence, the more public confidence will be restored in his office.

    We can also recall the case involving the pension reforms chief, Abdul-Rasheed Maina, who was a fugitive from the law for alleged embezzlement of pensions’ funds running into billions of Naira.  Maina was illegally absorbed back into office allegedly on the legal advice of Malami. It took a presidential directive by PMB for that decision to be rescinded and for Maina to be brought before the law as is currently happening. Malami’s saving grace here is that he has at least not interfered with the ongoing process of Maina’s trial as he has the powers to do.

    It is instructive that virtually all Magu’s predecessors at the EFCC have had similar allegations of corruption hurled at them, which they vehemently denied and still do.  If those at the vanguard of the country’s anti-corruption war can be so easily and cavalierly tainted by charges of graft, then the country still has a long way to go towards achieving higher ethical standards in her public life. If Magu has his reputation credibly damaged by the ongoing investigation, we can only pray that the Buhari administration’s anti-corruption war may not have come to a pitiable dead end.

    For whatever may be his faults, Magu has demonstrated immense courage in the discharge of his duties even if he is no saint. The heartwarming fact in all this is that the investigative, administrative panel is headed by a jurist of the caliber of Justice Ayo Salami, a retired President of the Court of Appeal with reputation for courage and integrity. If Magu is truly innocent of the charges, he is likely to receive justice before the panel.

  • Buni and APC secretariat crowd

    Buni and APC secretariat crowd

    Sentry

    Chairman of the All Progressives Congress Caretaker/Extra-Ordinary National Convention Planning Committee, Mai Mala Buni, is fast realising that the task ahead of him may be very difficult for him to actualize unless he promptly takes some bold steps.

    Sentry gathered at the weekend that the Yobe State governor has given a directive that the constant presence of a certain group at the national secretariat should be discouraged immediately.

    Apparently, the chairman feels the presence of these APC chieftains who are not members of the Caretaker Committee whenever he goes out in his capacity as temporary party chair, may become counterproductive. He is said to have decided to reduce the visibility of such people. According to party sources, tongues have been wagging of late that the chairman may be under the influence of certain people, especially some governors elected on the platform of the party.

    Perhaps determined to present his leadership as a neutral one that is ready to provide a level playing ground for all shades of interests within the party, Buni may finally be taking the bull by the horns.

  • Culture, corruption and democracy

    Culture, corruption and democracy

    Dayo Sobowale

    The raging news like the raging killing pandemic in Nigeria is the presidential probe of   Ibrahim  Magu, Nigeria’s anti-corruption boss of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC),  our  very  powerful anti- corruption   flagship.

    In  journalism, there  is a common saying that ‘when a dog bites a man it is no news,  but when a man  bites a dog ‘then  that is news. That really is the plight of the man at the helm of affairs of   the EFCC  in the  present  FGN committed anti-corruption war. To  me,  his trial is evidence  that the  Buhari  government has not gone to sleep on its self-set goal  to  fight corruption  to a standstill,   as it has certainly  done on the issue of security and supply  of electricity to Nigerians.

    Today,   my focus  is  on the anti- corruption war  in Nigeria  and I say  again  that the trial  of the EFCC  boss  in  the presidency with  the media  locked  out but with  news and allegations  of   corruption  filtering out in a media trial  of  sorts,  shows  quite clearly that  there is no sacred cow in the Buhari  government  anti – corruption   war. As usual, I expect  the opposition  PDP  to attack  the government more on corruption.  But now  that  the EFCC boss  himself  is being probed  and a  governorship  aspirant of the ruling APC in Edo State,  Mr   Ize  Iyamu is  in  court on allegations of fraud  of  700m naira,  so soon after the ruling   party guber primaries,  I  do  not see how the PDP can still  insist that  the government  is only hounding opposition figures in its  anti- corruption war.

    Certainly war, any war, is a messy  bloody  business on any  front and on any issue and some wise guy has cracked wisely   that  ‘war  is politics continued  by other means ‘. That is the approach I take  on  today’s analysis  of  events and issues  in the last week. Of  course we will  discuss this Magu Probe. I will  also  discuss the praises showered  on the outgoing Chinese  Ambassador in Nigeria by the Nigerian  government praising China  for its huge infrastructural support  for  Nigeria  during the tenure of the Chinese diplomat in  Nigeria. We shall also look at the American President Donald Trump’s July  4 Independence Day speech  in which he literally declared war on those he called anarchists destroying statues of great Americans and in which  he condemned  those  he said are using the’ Cancel Culture ‘ to denigrate and desecrate  American heroes and stifle free speech in the US. This really is not only  Trump’s own anti-corruption war,  it is the basis  of his campaign to be reelected in the November 2020  presidential elections just  four months away. These then are the issues we will decipher today.

    Indeed the trial   of the EFCC  boss   has shown  that  corruption can really fight back powerfully not only from  outside  of  government  but even  within it,   as the  probe has shown.  Certainly, the prosecutor in this Magu Probe is the Attorney General of the Federation Mr.  Abubakar  Malami SAN,  who is the Chief  Legal  officer of the land. It  is noteworthy that  part of the allegations against  the EFCC boss was the   reported  leaking of details of the EFCC cases  to the media   as well  as insubordination.

    Now, the EFCC  boss   is having a dose of his medicine even  though   the media  so far  has been  barred  from his trial.  Of  course some   senators who have cases  with the EFCC   will  be happy with the predicament  of the anti -corruption boss,  but that surely   is  fake  news,   because with or without him in charge,  the government through its  Chief Legal  Officer, has shown  that there is no sacred  cow in the war  against  corruption,  and the legislature is not  a  legal  sanctuary  against  corruption in this government. That indeed was why the Senate never approved Magu’s appointment as required by law as he has been acting ever since he was appointed before his rumored suspension and present predicament. His trial and the shocking revelations have shown that he has not heard of the Shakespearian injunction that ‘Caesar’s wife must  be above reproach‘. All  the same,  he should be given  a fair trial according to the rule of  law  and presumed  innocent  until  proven otherwise. That  is the only  way  that  government  can  show that in the fight  against  corruption,  which  is a major goal  of  this  government; ’those  who  live in glass  houses  should  not  throw stones‘. That certainly  is the moral of this evolving  EFCC  probe saga.

    We go now to the commendation of the Chinese Ambassador by Nigeria officials    praising China for infrastructural support in Nigeria. Nothing  wrong with that except  that  he should   have been  reminded that Nigerians are shocked  by the messy treatment given Nigerian students  in China at the outbreak  of his  global   pandemic  which US   President  Donald  Trump  has called  a Chinese  virus. Nigerian students in China   were racially discriminated against and some ejected from campuses.  That  is a sore  and    ugly  story  on  China.

    Secondly  on,   China’s  support  is no free  lunch   and government  should  be wary  because  the  Chinese   always    make sure their  loans are  paid  as at when due  and do not give free  loans. They  have seized airports  and  sea ports  from   some nations  in  Asia   which   could not redeem their  loans  when  due. Even in Nigeria they have been hostile in treating Nigerian workers and many Nigerians are not happy with  that. The   Ambassador  should  have been  told that on his way  out that Nigerians deserve respect  both here  at home and more so  in  China as  citizens  of a sovereign nation with  equal  rights  with  any  Chinese in any part  of the world.  That  really  is the  essence  of diplomacy  and the  duty  of  diplomats  all  over  the world.

    We  go on to  the US  where in   a rather interesting manner US President Donald Trump  deliberately   forgot  the pandemic  and declared war on those he called the radical  left   on July  4.  In  his widely published speech  he said  ‘We  are now in the process  of defeating the radical left, the anarchist, the agitators, the looters‘  and people he said had no clue on what they  are  doing. Of   course  the American  people by now know that their president is an unusual  one  and a perennial  verbal  war  monger  on many issues including the pandemic and his weapon of choice,  peculiar  to him is Tweeter, a technology that  appeared at the beginning of his tenure   and   which he has used  massively  and effectively  to fight  the opposition against  him  till  the raging pandemic broke his  stride  in the run up to this November presidential  election.

    Trump  is trying his best  to deride the achievements and protests of Black Lives Matter by diverting attention to history  and the preservation of statues of former American presidents, generals and politicians whose statues and legacies are being pulled  down because they had slaves in their time. It  is a fast  political  diversion and it is his own way of salvaging  his reelection plans, especially,   as his opponents are using  his handling and defiance  of the severity of the  pandemic to campaign furiously  against   him.  This  has  made  the election four  months away  a do or die matter  for both  parties  in this   November presidential  election. If  Trump  gets to win  and be reelected this  year, he certainly will  be  regarded  as the Houdini  of US  Politics and  his  statue  will  surely  be in the Garden  of  Heroes he promised on July 4   2020  to create in 2021.  That means he is confident of reelection in  November 2020.

    Once again, From the fury of this raging pandemic, Good Lord  deliver  Nigeria.

     

  • Nothing to celebrate

    Nothing to celebrate

    Ade Ojeikere

     

    THE countdown to the 2020/21 European season has been very intriguing in terms of transfer speculations across all the leagues, with many pundits ascribing the downward trend to the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. Talks on big stars have been ongoing with only Chelsea hitting the bull’s-eye with Timo Werner for £47.5 million and Hakim Ziyech for £33 million completing their moves to England on July 1. The Blues know what to do with transfers thanks to the expertise of Marina Granovskaia, the Russian-Canadian who replaced our own Michael Emenalo as director at Chelsea F.C.

    The London club are odds favourites to sign Kai Havertz from Bayer Leverkusen this summer, with the forward asking to leave his German side.  And according to German publication Bild, Havertz has had enough at the BayArena and told the Bundesliga side of his desire to seek pastures new. But Chelsea will have to match his £90m buyout clause if they wish to prize him away. The west London outfit are willing to pay that fee but in instalments. Obviously not like Arsenal is currently doing with Nicolas Pepe whom they snatched from Lille last summer.

    This Havertz transfer would come with all the trappings of the movement of big players with other top teams trying to hijack the forward. Yet, there won’t be anything to celebrate with Havertz’ move since he has chosen his career path, which interestingly is Chelsea despite Real Madrid being in the picture. The Blues look like big contenders for the EPL title next season having been funded by their proprietor, Roman Abramovich. Not to forget that Chelsea were handicapped in the transfer window business following the UEFA ban on the team for certain rules infractions. New dawn for Chelsea. Watch out for the Blues.

    The usual star treks involving celebrities such as Cristiano Ronaldo, Lionel Messi, Kylian Mbappe, Cavani, Antoine Griezmann, Thiago Alcantara, Jack Grealish, Moussa Dembele, Hector Bellerin, Paul Pogba, Eduardo Camavinga, Leroy Sané, Kingsley Coman, Emerson Royal, André Schürrle and possibly Neymar have been fraught with denials, although agency reports Sunday suggested that Neymar has succeeded in pulling out of Paris Saint Germain (PSG) to rejoin FC Barcleona.

    Barcelona president Josep Maria Bartomeu has sneezed at Neymar’s likely return to Nou Camp pointing out that: “Such an operation is unlikely because the situation of all the clubs in Europe is very difficult.” Well said, Bartomeu, obviously referring to the effect of the coronavirus pandemic, although Neymar’s movement to Barca has become a major distraction – it is either both parties are in and out of court or enjoying rave discussions in the media of a protracted transfer since the Brazilian left Nou Camp.

    Just like Pep Guardiola shut down talks of a possible return for Jadon Sancho to Manchester City with Manchester United unwilling to meet the price-tag set by Borussia Dortmund.

    Guardiola said: “No, no, no. He decided to leave. Why should he decide to come back? “We wanted him to stay like Eric Garcia and Phil (Foden) but he decided like Leroy now and myself, when I decided to move to other countries to be a manager, to move.

    “When he decided to move to Dortmund it’s not because he is going to decide to come back one year later. It would make no sense. He didn’t want to be here, so that is why I think he doesn’t want to come back here.”

    Kylian Mbappe isn’t staying on with PSG, probably because of their lack of ambition. He has stopped further discussions with the French side on a new contract leaving the door ajar for big spending clubs such as Real Madrid. Mbappé is joint-top scorer of the French Ligue 1 and is one of the new boys Zinedine Zidane would love to recruit to rev the Spanish side’s attacking onslaughts next season. Neymar and Mbappe remain with Paris Saint Germain (PSG), with Messi and Ronaldo staying at Barcelona and Juventus.

    Africans have had their fair share of the transfer window with no words on a likely exit from Liverpool for the two of the continent’s best Sadio Mane and Mohamed Salah. Mane has been mentioned in several deals, most on a swap deal which is rather insulting given his achievements in the last three seasons. Mane has scored 16 goals while Salah has netted 19, with four games left for either of them to upstage Leicester City’s striker Jamie Vardy, who has scored 22 goals, which the figure that tied the trio of Salah, Mane and Pierre-Emerick Aubamenyang as last season’s (2018/2019) joint highest goals scorers in the Barclays English Premier League.

    Aubamenyang, a Gabonese has shown remarkable understanding of how he has scored goals for Arsenal, having joined the Gunners from Borussia Dortmund. He scored 22 goals last season and has so far scored 20, raising his chances of winning the Barclays English Premier League’s Golden Boot alone unlike last season when he shared it with Mane and Salah.

    The most interesting African transfer, if it happens would be Kalidou Koulibaly’s, given his  £100m price-tag which would be a mountain to climb for Liverpool, Paris Saint German, Barcelona, Real Madrid and the Manchester clubs, eager to secure the Senegalese in their fold.

    The extension of Odion Ighalo’s stay at Manchester United was worth all the trouble. After protracted discussions with Shanghai Shenhua, United agreed a loan extension of the deal, which does not include an option or obligation to buy, will keep him at the club until January 31, 2021 and the 30-year-old was overjoyed to stay. Ighalo agreed to a hefty 40% cut on his £300,000 weekly wages at Shanghai Shenhua, excluding his weekly £180,000-per-week take home.

    For Simon Moses, these are good times after being dropped due to injury from the Nigerian side to the 2018 World Cup held in Russia. Simon Moses was pivotal in the Super Eagles’ qualification for the Mundial. Last ditch attempts to get Simon Moses in the World Cup train failed. But at the club level, he can smile to the bank weekly with a bountiful harvest. Simon Moses signed a four-year deal from Levante to Nantes due to his impressive performances in Christian Gourcuff’s team after he was named the Canary player of the Season for the 2019-20 campaign. He joined the Canaries on a temporary deal from Levante last summer after struggling to make an impact in La Liga last season.

    Nigerians such as Wilfred Ndidi, Kelechi Iheancho and Samuel Chukwueze have been mentioned in transfer stories for the 2020/2021 season, especially the figures attached to such deals. But it appears that nothing concrete would come out from these speculations as the players are ready to remain where they are for fear of being dropped, if they take the plunge by joining a new club. Many former European players have urged Manchester United to sign Ndidi, stressing that the Nigerian would fix the wobbly midfield set up at the Red Devils. It would be the biggest transfer shocker if any of the three players changes his club. Which clubs want them?

    However, the only Nigerian likely to make a big European move in the summer is Victor Osimhen. Already, he has shown tremendous understanding of the transfer gimmicks when he politely rejected Italian giant Napoli FC of Naples, made popular by the iconic Diego Armando Maradona. Osimhen’s reservations towards playing in Italy are known to lovers of the beautiful game as it concerns the untoward attitude of racists during matches. These vexatious acts have attracted worldwide condemnation making Osimhen’s decision one to be celebrated for the good of the game.

    Footballers have a right to eke a living for themselves under a conducive environment not humiliated because of the colour of their skins. Osimhen’s agents may quarrel with him for raising their hopes with his flowery comments about what he saw in Naples. Osimhen’s decision not to play in Italy is timely and should serve as a marker for change.

    Already, Osimhen has given indications about the kind of club he wants to play for. He has told those who care to listen that he wants to dance on the podium for the next winner of the UEFA Champions League diadem. Tall order, but one to dream about. high profile clubs want his services. it would be foolhardy to dissuade Osimhen from aiming high since he has the skills to compete favourably for shirt weekly, provided the manager of such a club would be fair with his match selections.

    It is always a pleasant exercise to report Nigerians doing well for their Europeans teams at the UEFA Champions League level. It is always more edifying watching a Nigerian or even Nigerians dance with their winning sides on the podium receiving the Champions League trophy with the competition’s medal glittering around their necks.

  • W.S: The man lives

    W.S: The man lives

    By Segun Ayobolu

    A lively and vigorous conversationalist, Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka is always the interviewer’s delight. His keen intellect, the variety and diversity of his prodigious literary output, his fierce commitment to the cause of justice in Nigeria and beyond, his deep immersion in the history and politics of Nigeria, his perceptive insights into the character and evolution of Nigerian politics and his often scathing assessment and critique of the country’s leaders make any conversation with Soyinka a veritable feast of ideas. The Nobel Laureate’s life has been intricately interwoven with the political and socio-economic evolution of Nigeria at almost every point. His prophetic play, ‘A Dance of the Forests’ was performed in commemoration of the nation’s independence in 1960.

    A number of his autobiographical works and memoirs in particular demonstrate Soyinka’s deep interest in and participation in some of the more dramatic incidents of Nigerian history including the civil uprising against an unpopular Samuel Ladoke Akintola government in the Western Region in the First Republic, the Nigerian civil war (1967-1970), the dismal and corruption-ridden politics of the Second Republic (1979-1983), his skirmishes with successive military dictatorships, his frontline role in the struggle for the actualization of the unjustifiably annulled June 12, 1993, presidential election as well as the politics of this political dispensation since 1999.

    Some of these works include ‘AKE: Years of childhood’, ‘Ibadan: The penkelemesi years’, his prison memoirs, ‘The man died’ and his autobiographical tome ‘You Must set forth at Dawn’.  In novels, poems, drama, essays, music, film etc, Soyinka has ceaselessly confronted the challenges and travails of post-colonial Nigeria and sought to enable the actualization of the country’s largely trapped potentials. On one of my visits to a favorite bookshop here in Lagos, earlier this year, I came across a new book, ‘The Man Lives: A conversation with Wole Soyinka on Life, Literature and Politics’, published in 2019 by Okey Ndibe, the award winning novelist   and literary scholar.

    The title of the book is obviously a derivative of Soyinka’s prison memoirs, ‘The Man Died’. Of course, yours sincerely could not resist the temptation of acquiring a copy of the book as I eagerly sought to engage once more with the thoughts of Soyinka on diverse issues of life and living not least his political thoughts. I remember vividly when I first came into contact with the book, ‘The Man Died’. It was sometime in the late 1970s if I recall correctly. The entire family was on the way to Bacita in Kwara State to visit and spend some weeks with some family friends. Ensconced in the backseat of the car, my father was engrossed most of the time in reading a book and had barely any conversation with my mother and other siblings. What book could have captured his attention so intensely I wondered?

    I was later to discover that it was Soyinka’s ‘The Man Died’. Although I was later to try reading the book, it was much later that I was able to comprehend much of what the author wrote. The book has long since been one that I return to again and again with fascination at the author’s sheer courage and audacity in resisting and actively confronting injustice and abuse of power. Sometimes in the 1970s, I came across and owned a copy of an interview by John Agetua with Soyinka largely centered essentially on his prison memoirs. That slim publication also contained interviews by Agetua with Zulu Sofola and Amos Tutuola if I recall correctly.

    One of Soyinka’s memorable phrases that struck me in the Agetua interview was when he described literature as ‘a hand-grenade which you detonate under a stagnant way of perceiving reality’. And that is exactly what Soyinka in ‘The Man Died’ and other literary offerings strives to do. The conversation with Okey Ndibe in ‘The Man Lives’ is wide-ranging and thought provoking. Thanks to the interviewer’s probing questions, Soyinka speaks penetratingly on diverse issues including his attitude to life and religion, his uncompromising opposition to any form of injustice, his intriguing relationship with Nigeria, his motherland, his relationship with fellow writers such as Christopher Okigbo, Ngugi Wa thiongo and Chinua Achebe, his role in the civil war, the writings of emergent younger writers, the Pyrates Confraternity, the Nobel Prize which he won in 1986, language and literature and diverse issues in Nigerian politics.

    It is inevitable that Soyinka would also share his opinion on diverse personalities on Nigeria’s political terrain, most of whom he had interacted personally with across time. These include General Yakubu Gowon, Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu, General Olusegun Obasanjo, military President Ibrahim Babangida, Chief MKO Abiola, Colonel Chukwuemeka Kaduna Nzeogwu, Colonel Victor Banjo, Alhaji Abubakar Atiku among others.

    The 140-page book is divided into three subsections. First is an introduction by Okey Ndibe, which is a wide ranging discourse on Soyinka’s literary works as well as his political thought and praxis. The actual conversation with Soyinka takes place partly in Soyinka’s house in Abeokuta and partly in a car on a trip to Makurdi, Benue State, to attend a literary event and constitutes the second section. There is then a postscript, which is a follow up conversation with Soyinka in the aftermath of the 2019 elections to enable the Nobel Laureate offer his insights and perspectives on that election. The final section is the appendix in which the interviewer gives a succinct analysis of the political evolution of Nigeria.

    From this book, Soyinka remains fervent in his belief that the pogrom in the North in the aftermath of the July 1966 counter coup, which led to the death of thousands of Igbo citizens, was a gross act of injustice which cannot be justified under any guise. In a similar vein, he condemns in vehement terms the execution of Ken Saro Wiwa after a controversial trial by the Abacha dictatorship. It is unfortunate that the interviewer did not ask Soyinka to comment on the murder in broad daylight of the four prominent pro-government Ogoni chiefs, allegedly at the behest of Ken Saro Wiwa and his supporters, that resulted in the latter’s trial for murder in the first place.

    And on Biafra, it would have been useful if the interviewer had sought Soyinka’s views on the contention by the late Professor Billy Dudley in his book, ‘Instability and Political Order: Politics and Crisis in Nigeria’ that Igbo in and outside the Ahmadu Bello University, where he taught at the time, held northerners in barely disguised contempt. According to Dudley, “Outside the university, the practice of Igbo men holding up Northerners to ridicule had become a common enough experience. Pictures of Nzeogwu with one foot over the corpse of slain Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, symbolic of the downfall of the North and the ascendancy of the East and Ibo, were to be found on sale in the markets in the North. These and other petty humiliations were reported to the Attorney General of the Federation, Mr. Gabriel Onyuike, but thinking they were ‘harmless practical jokes’, he dismissed them, refusing to take any action”.

    Perhaps it is within this kind of toxic context, worsened by the perceived lopsidedness in the appointments and promotions in the various public services of the federation under General Aguiyi Ironsi, that such a gruesome bloodletting like the pogrom can be explained and understood. Over all, this is a worthy addition to the already massive literature on the epic life and times of Soyinka and will make rewarding reading for all.

  • Black man’s dilemma

    Black man’s dilemma

    Segun Ayobolu

    Black man’s dilemma. That is the title of a book published in the 1970s that remains one of the most important ever to come out of Nigeria, nay Africa, on the plight of the black man. The challenges and continuing dark portents of the black man’s real or perceived inferiority complex, irresponsibility, industrial scale underachievement, mental slavery and ever increasing backwardness on all fronts was most cerebrally and pungently captured in this book by the recently deceased celebrated journalist turned traditional ruler in Ibadan, the legendary Chief Areoye Oyebola. His submissions are truer today than when they were first penned over five decades ago.

    Nothing better exemplifies the continuing pitiable fate of the black man both in his native Africa and in the Diaspora than the tragedy of the still very fresh gruesome daylight murder of a black American, George Floyd, by a white police officer in Minneapolis, the US; an act that still provokes outrage around the world. It is instructive that President Donald Trump, who once derisively dismissed Africa as comprising of shithole countries, is more outraged by the resultant demonstrations and sometimes understandably violent protests spurred by the glaring racist injustice than the barbarity of George Floyd’s fate.

    And in Great Britain, his alter ego, Prime Minister Boris Yeltsin, reacting to the pulling down of statutes of ‘illustrious’ slave traders by irate protesters, absolved his country of responsibility for the historic atrocities of slavery, colonialism and neocolonialism and insinuated that re-colonization could even be the best option for the realization of Africa’s trapped potentials.

    Despite the excoriations of Trump and Johnson by many indignant Africans, the sad fact is that a not insubstantial number of our fellow country men and women do not fundamentally disagree with the provocative views of these undisguised white supremacists. Africa remains in inexcusably dismal shape nearly six decades after independence. We have achieved Kwame Nkrumah’s fabled political kingdom. But all it has added unto us are ever deepening underdevelopment and immiseration.

    I am reminded here, of a very interesting account in Professor Femi Osofisan’s biography of the celebrated poet and dramatist, Professor J.P. Clark, simply titled ‘J.P. Clark, A VOYAGE’. As Features Editor of Chief Olabisi Onabanjo’s newspaper, The Express, J.P. Clark, had been invited to have a working lunch with Chief Obafemi Awolowo who was then the leader of Opposition. Chief Anthony Enahoro and Olabisi Onabanjo were in attendance. At a point during their animated discussion over lunch, J.P Clark pointedly asked Awolowo who he thought the majority of Nigerians would vote for were there to be an electoral contest between the departed colonialists and the post-colonial Nigerian political leaders. This was in 1962, two years after independence.

    What was Awolowo’s response? This is how Osofisan reports the incident:

    “Awo turned to Enahoro, and said: ‘Tony, answer. If I stood election in Ikenne and you at Uromi against these Oyinbo people tomorrow, who do you think our people will vote for?”

    “They will vote for the Oyinbo man!” Tony answered, sadly.

    “He was candid”.

    “…JP recounts that, for a few minutes after that, the two older men just sat there, looking very dejected.”

    In his last testament, ‘There was a Country’, Chinua Achebe enthused nostalgically about a functional and efficient Nigeria that once was under British colonialism. Let me crave the reader’s indulgence here. I will quote portions of Awo’s prescient thoughts at some length in this piece. All too often, even professed and ardent Awoists introduce a misleading sort of sectional reductionism into his political thought and praxis. He is portrayed essentially as a Yoruba nationalist who was a foremost advocate of federalism as a vehicle for promoting the interest of Western Nigeria in the Nigerian federation.

    Awo was persuaded as to the suitability of federalism as the best constitutional arrangement for Nigeria by the thought of Pandhit Nehru and the successful application of federal practice in India, which had a polity no less complex and plural than Nigeria. But of greater centrality in Awo’s political thought was his rigorously articulated ideology of democratic socialism, which espoused the all round development of man, irrespective of ethno-regional origin or religious faith, through affordable education, healthcare, full employment and intense infrastructural development across diverse sectors.

    This was his dream not just for Western Nigeria, where he provided outstanding leadership in government for eight years. Were he as insular and narrow in focus as often portrayed, Awo would have been content to stay on as Premier of the Western Region. Rather, he sought to actualize for Nigeria as a whole the near superhuman feats of his government in the Western Region.

    His dream of the accelerated agricultural, industrial, social welfare and technological transformation of Nigeria was driven by Awo’s acute perception of the historic and manifest destiny of Nigeria as the catalyst for the emancipation of the black man everywhere and the redressing of the injustices the race had suffered across time and space. Let me demonstrate my argument.

    On 28th June, 1961, Awolowo had issued a press statement on behalf of the Action Group (AG) titled ‘African Unity is a necessity’. He stated: “From the beginning of recorded history, the black man has been the most conspicuous butt of all manner of inhuman treatment. In the palaces of the Arabian potentates – both in the Middle East and in North Africa – he was degraded and enslaved. When the so-called ‘Dark Continent of Africa’ was discovered, the European marauders hunted him down like a common beast, captured him, and sold him into slavery in the Americas and the West Indies”.

    He continued, “The era of trading in, and of enforcing the services of black slaves, was terminated only to be replaced by the European Powers which initiated it with a legalized form of political and economic enslavement of the entire black peoples of the continent of Africa…Today, for most parts of black Africa, the inhumane, humiliating and degrading position delineated above remains more or less the same”.

    And in his closing address to the fifth session of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Algiers on Monday, 16th September, 1968, Awolowo as the head of the Nigerian delegation, noted that: “In the USA, the Negro Americans suffer grave social disabilities, so much so that there are now clear signs that the recent violent rioting by the Negroes may degenerate into civil war between White and Black Americans”. The ongoing George Floyd saga shows that as it was then, so it remains now.

    Back to his 1961 statement I referred to earlier, Awolowo said, “The emergence of Nigeria as an independent nation was hailed as an event of exceedingly favourable portent for Africa. In size, population, and natural resources, Nigeria is indisputably a giant in Africa…The high hopes which were cherished in Nigeria as an unassailable bastion in the last phase of Africa’s struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism of whatever nature and guise are fast receding. Among true African nationalists, Nigeria as at present led by our government, is thoroughly suspect and does not enjoy the respect and confidence to which she is entitled by virtue of her natural potentialities”. As it was then, so it remains today if things are not even far worse.

    The golden age of Nigeria’s foreign policy when she boldly championed the cause of Africa’s emancipation during the Murtala/Obasano regime, lies in the remote past. The country lies economically prostrate and her foreign policy pathetically enfeebled by years of dedicated and diligent looting of the national treasury by a venal political class. It is instructive that the Nigerian government could not even manage a symbolic whimper on the George Floyd tragedy. Unlike Awo, Nigeria’s leadership in this dispensation cannot see the vital linkage between the country’s greatness and the historic redemption of the black man.

  • Edo, Obaseki and APC governors

    Edo, Obaseki and APC governors

    By Sentry

    Is it true that Governor Godwin Obaseki of Edo state extracted promises from some All Progressives Congress (APC) governors that they will openly support his candidature against Osagie Ize-Iyamu, before he dumped the party for the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)?

    And is there any truth in claims in some quarters that a number of APC governors were actually waiting for Obaseki to pick the ticket of the PDP before subtly pitching tent with their colleague governor ahead of the September election?

    Well, whatever the truths about these claims are, it appears any hope of Obaseki getting open support of any APC governor may not materialize.

    Read Also: How I nearly quit reelection battle — Obaseki

    Sentry’s sources who should know says that the decision of President Muhammadu Buhari intervention in the lingering crisis within the APC may have nipped in the bud plans by some governors to back Obaseki against Ize-Iyamu.

    And recent moves by a Southwest governor to revive the plot was said to have been reported to the President by a governor from the Northeast. “The President simply directed that all APC governors should go and pledge support for the party’s candidate,” our source added.

    No doubt, Obaseki’s loss here is Ize-Iyamu’s gain.

  • Who’s reading the senator’s mind correctly?

    Who’s reading the senator’s mind correctly?

    By Sentry

    Tales about alleged sublime moves of Senator Solomon Adeola (Yayi), representative of Lagos West senatorial district at the National Assembly to ‘shift’ base in 2023 and contest for the senatorial seat in his native West Senatorial District of Ogun State is daily gaining ground. But the man at the center of the stories is yet to say anything about what some political ‘mathematicians’ are claiming to be his thoughts.

    While the Joga Orile-born politician is truly silent on what his ambition will be in 2023, observers of the politics of the state say he’s oiling his political machinery across the Ogun West senatorial district.

    But some of his allies argue that he is too busy working to better the lot of the people of Lagos West to have time for political games in faraway Ogun. In fact, it was alleged that he recently told some allies of his intention to seek a third term in the senate come 2023.

    Those claiming he would be switching to Ogun West to seek the senatorial seat, are of the opinion that the move is in furtherance of his desire to be governor his home state after the tenure of incumbent Dapo Abiodun, who he supported in 2019.

    But those rooting for his continued stay in Lagos argue that Yayi is not likely to move against incumbent Senator representing the district, Tolu Odebiyi, who is most likely to seek another term come 2023. Well, we still have a little less than three years to wait for what Yayi will do in 2023.

  • Religion, politics and leadership

    Religion, politics and leadership

    Dayo Sobowale

    It  is indeed an irony of fate   and religious  pedigree that whilst  a  Communist  and atheistic  nation like Russia is  including  God  as the Savior  of Russia in its  new  constitution approved massively in a referendum this week , the US    which  has  ‘ In  God  We  Trust ‘   as its motto   is embroiled in racial  protests and has a president brandishing the bible  and  calling Black  Lives Matter protests in the US  an   hate issue  .It  is equally amazing that  the EU     in which member  states closed their borders  against each other   at  the so called peak  of a raging  pandemic  ,  has   included  Nigeria   in the list   of nations whose  citizens  will  not be allowed to enter Europe  when it  opens its borders  even  though Nigeria has less deaths from the virus  than any member  nation of the same  EU.

    I  look  at these two   issues  with  contrasting components in the light of today’s topic . I  take a look at religion from  the historical  perspective  in both  Russia and the US   as well  as   the  style     of  the  two  leaders at the helm of  affairs in both nations today . I    examine   the sacrifices Nigerian  leaders ,  people and nation  have made in  locking down their  economy  and assert  that the EU  has  an ulterior   motive in putting Nigeria ,  which has very  low pandemic  deaths ,  in the same category  of  nations banned from entering the EU.This  is    because  Nigeria has far less deaths  than the US which has the highest  fatalities   from the pandemic globally.

    We  go back  to  Russia where a constitutional  reform  has literally  made  President Vladimir  Putin  a president  for  life as it has allowed  him to claim two more six year terms if his present tenure expires in 2024 .  Which  means he can be president till  2036  . Of  course the western media  has condemned  the move as un democratic  and dictatorial    which  is alright  to me as that is their opinion . But  comparisons may  be odious  but they  are pertinent  and this is why the irony   I mentioned earlier is apposite .   The new  Russian   constitution approves  a ban on same sex  marriage by insisting  that  marriage is between a man and a woman and  specifically  cites Russia’s ancestral  ‘  faith in God ‘ .   Nigeria   already   has similar  law    even   though  our own  motto  is Unity  in Diversity   and Nigeria   is a secular  state constitutionally      but  not  in  practice . Until    this pandemic  led to closure  of Churches and Mosques  one could easily say   that  Nigerians were  the most  religious    set   of  citizens you  could    see  in any part   of the world . It  will    be   interesting    to see  how the religion  fervor and  momentum  will   be  .   For  now in terms of religion    in Nigeria    the   fear  of the pandemic is the beginning of wisdom   with closed   churches and mosques    all   over the nation .

    This   new   look   Russia  , was   the same   Russia    that  in   1917    had  the  bloody  Bolshevik  Revolution that made it an atheist   nation. That   was     when  it killed the Czar  and the likes of Lenin , Stalin, Khruschev , Brezhnev , Cherchenko    Kosygin   and so on have ruled this giant communist  state till  Gorbachev came and  presided over the liquidation of the USSR in  1991  paving way for its dissolution into  15 component  states as independent sovereign nations . This  new constitution   passed     in a referendum    this week  has the full  backing of the Russian Orthodox Church  which  was banned under the  Communist Soviet Union for decades . Now  Russia has accommodated religion and is united . Whereas the US which somewhat   won the Cold War  when the USSR collapsed and America became the sole   world   super  power cannot for  now boast the same stability and unity that Putin  has brought  to his  nation , whose citizens support  him   mostly   for standing up to America .  Anyway ,  the US media portray their president as   a  Putin lackey  and have ridiculed his legitimacy  for  being    helped  into  office  by   Putin  in the 2016 US Presidential  election . More  importantly  the Americans do  not see marriage as between a man and a woman like in Putin’s new Russia and  anyone who  talks  against  gays in  the US  is branded as making hate  speech . Which  somewhat accounts for the ridiculous and nasty categorization of Black  Lives Matter by  an American    president  brandishing the bible   as it were  in a Godless  way   against     anti   racist    protesters and  making a mockery  of the death of  George Floyd who died from the assault  of a white policeman  who  placed his  knee    on his  neck  till  he died muttering’ I can’t  breathe ‘   . To  any  objective  outsider and student of democracy and political stability ,  Putin’s Russia  seem  immensely like  an  organized state  with more social  and political  equilibrium than the present Trump America with  its’ law and order  rule of law  ‘  mantra   and scant regard  for public opinion on the removal of the statues of historical   figures with slave   owners’  background . That sadly is how far   down   the  US in  the Trump   era  has  nosedived  morally . It    however  reached  the nadir  of  nastiness and intolerance with  the categorization of Black Lives Matter as hate  speech  by no less a person than the US president . That  really  is    a  political  disaster of monumental  proportion .But  then   that is  Trumps’  America .

    With  regard  to the EU closing its  borders on Nigerians it  is obvious the reason cannot   be the issue of    fear   of     contagion  or  pandemic spread . As  at  this week there were 23,298 pandemic  cases in Nigeria and 554  deaths .  The  US  had over 2.5 m  cases and 127, 361  deaths  .  So  where is the basis of lumping Nigeria with the US and  punishing Nigeria wrongly on this ? The EU  should  rethink this urgently . I  think  the real  reason is to curtail illegal  migration from Nigerians claiming falsely  they  were being persecuted for being Christians because  of Boko  Haram and those claiming they  are fleeing persecution for being gays because of Nigeria’s anti -gay  laws . But  the EU  is certainly   trying to kill  two  birds with  one stone because  it has voted money  that it    is using to  fly not only  Nigerians but other Illegal  African  migrants from EU nations back  to their  nations of origin . Yet  Nigeria  has done  incalculable  damage to its economy in locking it  down  for  some time before  relaxing its lockdown  orders .  But   the    low number   of deaths in Nigeria  compared   with   the  EU    showed    we have been   better   managers   of this pandemic     than  the EU   nations locking us out. That   is  pure   statistics.  Which  is quite commendable and  which should  be  monitored and  be responsive  to the threats and the number  of deaths which is quite paltry  compared to nations in the EU and especially the US . We  accept  the pandemic  is real but we  must  manage public  health in this pandemic period  such that we have an economy to return to   in order     look after our teeming masses ,  post  pandemic. Once again – From the fury  of this raging pandemic Good Lord Deliver Nigeria.

     

  • COVID-19 Pandemic: mulling precision lockdowns

    COVID-19 Pandemic: mulling precision lockdowns

    By UnderTow

    Following the 4-week gradual easing of the COVID-19 lockdown in Nigeria, Chairman of the Presidential Task Force (PTF) on COVID-19, Boss Mustapha, accompanied by Minister of Health, Dr. Osagie Ehanire, Coordinator of the PTF, Dr Sani Aliyu, and Director General of the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), Dr Chike Ihekweazu, briefed President Muhammadu Buhari on Monday of their findings and recommendations. Addressing a press conference afterwards, Mr Mustapha declared, among other things, that they were recommending a precision lockdown in about 18 local government areas of the country.

    He said: “For the precision lockdown, we have identified 18 local governments out of the 774 local governments that are considered to be high burden with this infection and they account for 60% of 24,077 infections. The reason for the precision lockdown is to place specific measures that will be administered by state governments and local authorities. It is not for the federal government, it’s the responsibilities of states and local authorities.

    “Overall, what we are trying to do is to put out the small fires across the country rather than trying to fight (the) raging fire across the whole country, which will be very difficult and will also be damaging economically for us. For those areas that we know have high burdens, that the numbers are increasing rapidly, where we have high positivity rate, we will be introducing specific precision measures working with the state governments to make sure that we get on top of this. This will be a job that we will continue to review regularly. We expect some local government areas to drop after the interventions and some to be added.”

    After the last lockdown, it is mystifying that the PTF is still contemplating lockdowns. The value of the last lockdown must be weighed by pitching its merits against its demerits. It is true that the last lockdown slowed but did not completely halt the rate of transmission of the coronavirus. It is also true that it was due, in part, to the lifting of the lockdown that the transmission rate of the virus increased. But the PTF will recall that it was also during the lockdown that the spread of Covid-19 progressed to the community transmission phase.

    Worse still, the lockdown affected the country’s economy so badly that the World Bank projects that 96m Nigerians will be extremely poor and living on less than a dollar per day by 2022. Ninety percent of the country’s 206m population is employed in the informal sector. Both they and many of those in the formal sector had their entire means of livelihood suspended as a result of the mass retrenchment that attended the coronavirus lockdown declared by the federal government on March 30.

    Notably, many Nigerians did not strictly adhere to the movement restrictions put in place during the lockdown. People philosophised that they would rather succumb to the ravaging coronavirus while trying to make ends meet than starve en masse while cowering in their houses to prevent coronavirus infection. For many Nigerians, their next meal depends on how much work they can put in during the day. They have no savings and hardly any additional source of income, so their position is compelling enough to be taken with all the seriousness it deserves.

    Read Also: VIDEO: Lagos faces another lockdown

    The lockdown has been costly and of doubtful utility. Nigeria’s already fragile economy had its crutches yanked from under it by the imposition of a lockdown. Without forethought to the effects a lockdown would occasion, the federal government, emulating many of the developed countries of the western world, declared one of its own. Its subsequent stop-gap measures to address complications arising from the lockdown were always going to spiral out of its control. Crime rate in many areas increased alarmingly and people had to resort to their own neighbourhood vigilantes. Post-independence Nigerian governments have in fact fared very badly in addressing the country’s security challenges. Security officials simply turned the lockdown into a bazaar and would, for a consideration, allow some people access to enjoy their derogated right to freedom of movement.

    The country would be burdened beyond measure if a second lockdown of any kind was declared. Neither a total lockdown nor its hinted subspecies — the precision lockdown — would be of any benefit to the country. The PTF’s report asks many questions of itself, including the value of allowing only exiting students to resume schools.

    To where, it must be asked, are they graduating? If the PTF had truly and duly observed the country’s reality, it would have found that even among well-established schools, the educational sector had been completely grounded by the lockdown. It is pointless permitting graduating students to resume while other students remain unable to receive tuition either due to lack of appropriate technology or lack of resources to sustain usage of such technology.

    The PTF’s report notably maintains its faith in the curfew declared from 10pm to 4am. Although not a security emergency, the curfew  has so managed to temper the nocturnal tendencies of many Nigerians to gather in unsafe numbers, revel and indulge in public consumption of substances that may lower their guards and lure them into a false sense of health security. Many Nigerians may frown at it, but it remains a useful and significant tool for limiting social revelries.

    Going by Mr Mustapha’s disclosures, while the federal government will be responsible for recommending, or even in some instances declaring, lockdowns, the onus of enforcing the precision lockdown would fall on the state governments and local authorities. It is not yet clear how the PTF expects the state governments and local authorities to manage that task, especially as its report notes that  it would be difficult to execute the measure in some places due to the absence of clearly defined boundaries. It is even more doubtful that the PTF consulted state governments before coming to this far-flung resolution.

    Until Nigeria scientifically and deliberately tries to seek more understanding of the pandemic, the PTF will continue to clutch at straws in a bid to provide answers to the questions COVID-19 is asking of every country and nation in the world. While the questions are the same across each country, the correct answers are different and peculiar to each nation.

    If the Nigerian government continues along its current path of adopting answers recorded by more developed countries, it will soon find itself choking and unable to breathe under the stifling pressure of economic doom on one hand and a badly-managed public health crisis on the other hand. Indeed, while a combination of lack of proper funding and policies has done its utmost and unrelenting best to cripple the quality of tertiary education in the country (Academic Staff Union of Universities is currently locked in a protest against federal policies by means of a strike), the PTF, acting on behalf of the federal government, should still be able to assemble teams of qualified experts to properly access and proffer precise solutions beyond simply recommending treatment options.

    The uncontrolled spread of COVID-19 in the country needs specialised study and management, not guesswork policies and convoluted measures. By now, the PTF and the federal government, having by the former’s admission observed the effects of the initial lockdown on the country’s economy, should be moving on to more innovative ways of controlling the spread of the virus.

    It was with regret and mortification that many Nigerians observed the blatant abuse of human rights perpetrated in many states during the lockdown. Some of the more laudable health-related regulations such as circumscribing commuting, use of facemasks, mandatory washing and sanitisation of hands, and social distancing should be more meticulously enforced. The PTF and the federal government should be seeking more effective ways of policing measures to curtail the spread of COVID-19.

    Indeed, the country became entrapped in the COVID-19 pandemic spiral because of its initial lethargy, for which the people are now being punished. But rather than cry over spilt milk, and since mistakes had been made, it may be time to review not just the measures to curtail the spread of the disease, but also the methods and instruments by which the government has enforced its measures and protocols. As desirable as the interstate lockdown was, for instance, it was undone by appalling inefficiency of law enforcement agencies, most of which worked synergetically to undo the little progress that was made during the early outbreak of the pandemic.

    If the government could not find an answer to the criminal complicity of law enforcement in the war against COVID-19, and has proved embarrassingly impotent in policing general interstate lockdown, how could law enforcement agencies be trusted with policing precision lockdown, especially in contiguous territories and huge conurbations? By now, the PTF must have gauged the competence and capability of the country’s law enforcement and security agencies in the face of modern challenges.

    They have become grossly antiquated, demotivated, poorly equipped and predatory. Any measure, especially one that is complicated, will be degraded by a security system that is struggling to find its moral compass and come up to the demands of the 21st century. Having refused to restructure and modernise its health, education and security systems for decades, the country is now finding it hard to respond adequately and scientifically to the challenges of the times. The PTF is of course not expected to provide the needed remedies, and can indeed not try even if they can, but they must take into cognisance the stifling environment in which COVID-19 is forcing them to operate, if not suffocate.