Category: Saturday

  • Between Akeredolu and Iji: Who blinks first?

    Between Akeredolu and Iji: Who blinks first?

    By Sentry

    The recent outburst of Nigeria’s Ambassador to Togo, Olusola Iji, on the mode of primary election to be adopted by his party in Ondo State is a confirmation that the last may not have been heard of this contentious matter that has pitched many of the governorship aspirants against Governor Rotimi Akeredolu.

    Iji, who is also one of the governorship aspirants, had threatened to sue the All Progressives Congress (APC) if it uses the indirect primary mode to elect its governorship candidate in Ondo State, without adhering to the party’s constitution.

    He alleged that the indirect primary mode was used in the past without election of delegates, as stipulated in the APC constitution.

    Read Also: Akeredolu: direct or indirect, Aketi is a goal

    The aspirant’s latest position has, according to insiders, exposed the depth of disagreement within the party in the state as they prepare for the governorship primaries. This is mainly because, until now, many had believed the rumour that Iji had agreed to step down for Akeredolu.

    Denying the allegation, Iji said “I will not step down for Akeredolu. For him to express interest that he wants to contest, having secured the party’s ticket twice and he wants to get it again, means it is inequitable.”

  • Politics, sense and sensibilities

    Politics, sense and sensibilities

    Dayo Sobowale

    I go today  to  the basics of  politics and good  manners  to illustrate the topic of the day. This is because the issues at stake are about leadership, management and perception and they are issues not taught or learnt   totally    in any laboratory of science or academia of  human thought . They  are issues learnt in the faculty of human experience  and baked in the red hot oven of good background  and   thorough  moral   upbringing .Today,  we talk  about leaders and I start on the first  premise that the ‘hood does not make the monk ‘  and hedge  that on with the second observation that’ not all that glitters is gold’ .

    Let  me first acknowledge that the   global  epidemic  has upset the known and unknown capabilities of politicians  as practitioners in  political  systems all  over the world    to  govern   successfully   and effectively .  It  has tasked both their innate and intellectual  capacities to govern  politically   which is their  core  duty ,  since  politics ,  their  domain ,  pursuit , or  undertaking is defined succinctly as   deciding on’ who gets , what  when  and how’  . So politics by its nature places enormous  responsibility  and   pressure on  politicians . But   the pandemic is no respecter of all or anybody, including politicians. So  we can  safely assume that the  pandemic  has put  more  pressure on politicians  in terms of the hazards of the job  they are doing as leaders of their governments and political systems  than  the rest  of  us .  Politicians  , therefore , as  leaders   of us , the   people , face the double   hazard  of   avoiding   the pandemic,  both  personally     first  ,  and    secondly   on  our behalf as   followers    so   as  not  to create  panic  and  to    avert  a power  vacuum  from nagging ,  disrespectful   and blind  pandemic .   The    politician  or leader  in our time    is  a  full   time intellectual   and   political   juggler   aiming     to keep ahead of the rest  of us    as leader  of the pack ,  while   keeping an eye  on an un relenting   pandemic in pursuit of both  the  leaders  as well as the followers   .

    It   follows logically therefore   that  leadership  or  politics  ,   indeed ,   the leadership   of society     places enormous   burden and    more  exposure  to hazards   of the  job   to     politicians daily undertakings   or     way     of life  , than  most other  professions . Just  as  a dedicated  psychiatrist  can  be excused on  displaying   some  crazy  tendencies to be explained away as hazards of the job or a criminologist  can  sometime  be   overlooked for   incredible   or   near      criminal disposition    on the   grounds    of    say    his  job  environment or   pollution .Similarly  ,  a  politician is often taken   for granted  as someone who speaks from both sides of his mouth to get  his way    or will     which invariably  ,  is  power at  campaigns and elections .   Which   again    is to say that mendacity is part  of the  easy   apparel of credibility  , sustenance   or survival    of the street wise or accomplished  politician   in   political  systems   nowadays .  I will illustrate these seemingly contentious   observations with  good  examples  today . The  aim is not to glorify  such tactics but to show they  are endemic in politics ,   and more  so in this era  of  a killing  pandemic    with   the attendant  hydra headed   and taxing  hazards of the job  for  global  politicians .

    I    will use   two ,  examples .  The  first  is the obvious one  and ‘ primus inter pares. ‘Which  is  the  story   of the  45th President of the USA , Donald  Trump  whose reputation for  lies is such that even  Colin Powell former US Secretary  of State  recently  condemned  him    for ‘lying too much. ‘I really  do not  agree  totally  with Colin  Powell  or the  CNN which  has on line catalogue  of Trump  lies  , but  I will  come to that later . The  second  is the bitter rancor  in the leadership of the APC in  Edo  State that has led to  the disqualification of the Governor Godwin  Obaseki  to seek  re- election on the party’s platform  and the   confirmation   of the suspension of the APC Chairman  veteran  trade   unionist and  politician   Adams   Oshiomhole  by the ruling of a Court of Appeal  decision subsequently  . The  interesting thing here is that  both issues  are  mutually  exclusive in consequence  even  though  like   some  court judgements   they  run  concurrently in terms  of outcome  and finality .

    I  go  back to  Donald  Trump  who   I believe   for good or bad ,  is the most  vilified president in American  history . He  was branded a liar by CNN  because  he called CNN ‘ fake news ‘ and that  was sufficient to send him to the gallows of eternal  doubt    and  mendacity . Fortunately for him his supporters don’t  see him as a liar and disbelieve CNN instead as fake news .  But  Trump  too has been too egoistic and overbearing in running the government as a subsidiary of  Trump Incorporated .  That  is a dictatorial    corporate   , hire and fire   style,    totally    incompatible with  a democracy in which he must  renew power in an  election due in November this year .  The  pandemic has been  an unforeseen foe that has crippled his plans and has consequently stretched his wafer thin credibility on the entrance, size  and impact of the pandemic   which     he   desperately   wants   to wish away . Just   as  his  opponents see that as the Achilles heel  of  his  hitherto   bright   reelection   chances  before the pandemic  , now compounded with his heartless  handling of the George Floyd racial  killing and blind support  for  the police in the name of  being  ‘ a president  of law and order’  .  Trump  is in a quandary  of credibility  with  his endless tweets which  have belittled   and  beclouded    his credibility.   In   the same way    they  have created immense obstacles   and befuddlement  on his path to  reelection, which looked rosy  before a pandemic that has no respect for leaders ,  their elections,  political life or future ,  took  the stage globally .

    In  Nigeria, the  Edo  State APC  primaries  issue is  case of poor   sensitivity   and     judgement  on the part of the APC Chairman  . Indeed ,   the Court  of Appeal  upholding of his suspension is  a real  sword  of Damocles that dropped   on his neck    at the right time to make his punishment  a  real  deterrent on making malice a political  instrument to destroy  political   opponents . Fortunately or not,   his victim had  resigned himself  to his fate ,  and   resigned  from the APC   before  the  judgement  . He    was blaming lack of education for his displacement before the Appeal  Court ouster of his tormentor  came in from the blues . Like ‘ a  Daniel  Come  to Judgement  ‘  in that   famous Shakespeare play ‘ Merchant  of  Venice’ on  justice   and ‘the pound of flesh ‘ saga . There is a lesson  here on credibility and mendacity in the way that  a  governor installed by a godfather on his educational  credentials  can be equally  removed  from  office by the same  hand that put him  on the throne with  the disgrace and dissolution of the same educational  credentials .  That  is  vintage  political abradacabra  which makes one    wonder at the sort of profession ,  background    or  skills  that  could  have  imposed  such  a   propensity    or  hard    hazard  of the  job  on  any  politician   ,  at this  age and time .  The  moral    here  is that  justice is blind and the saying is apt  that ‘ the mills  of justice may grind  slowly , but they  grind  exceedingly fine . ‘   No matter the hazards of the job in politics or any other human endeavor . Again  ; From the fury  of this raging  pandemic ,   Good Lord Deliver Nigeria Amen .

     

     

  • Leap of faith

    Leap of faith

    Ade Ojeikere

     

    THESE are exciting times for Nigerian football and our soccer ambassadors, with Simon Moses highlighting the essence of having thriving nurseries in the country to identify, nurture and exposed budding stars to the international markets. The spiral effects of such noble initiatives are that with time Nigerian kids would be kissing the headlines of transfer deals with the second order European clubs, which is where Nantes FC belong on the roaster globally.

    Jos, Edo, Delta, Kaduna, Kano and Lagos signpost the centres where kids played the game on dusty sometimes undulating surfaces in public schools’ soccer fields all through the day, with their parents unperturbed, knowing that they have one mouth less. Not forgetting the whips which would be unleashed on the bare backs of those kids who left home without permission to play the beautiful game. The pitches in Jos may not be good but the talents discovered have proven their mettle in Europe and everywhere else they have played. Jos pitches horned John Mikel Obi’s skills, although in his case he started as a goalkeeper, wearing short sleeves jersey, made popular by Imama Amamakpabo in Nigeria.

    Simon Moses was born in Ribadu Cantonment, Kaduna, where he started playing for his area’s soccer team, Moderate FC, a team that also discovered and nurtured former Nigeria junior internationals such as Simon Zenke, Thomas Zenke, Macaulay Chrisantus and Usman Amodu.

    Simon Moses was spotted by Jos based football tactician Ahmed Ibrahim a.k.a Coach Bros who took him to his team GBS FC in Jos. He trained with the Nigeria U-20 squad of 2013. He impressed the Flying Eagles coaches, making the Nigerian side to the U-20 World Cup.

    The story of Simon Moses and Nantes is quite interesting, especially as the Nigerian joined the French side on loan. The Nigerian joined the Ligue 1 side on loan but his ‘Naija spirit’ of giving it everything paid off as he finished the season as the club’s Player of the Season. What was even more impressiven was how Simon adapted to his new wingback role and ‘killed’ defenders with his pace and trickery.

    But is Nantes just another chapter for Moses that leads to his ultimate dream –  to play in the prestigious English Premier League despite a failed move to Brighton & Hove Albion in 2018.

    “It was very close, but I’m happy with my football. I will take my career as it comes,” Simon explained to Tribal Football. “Yes. I was aware of some clubs seeking to sign me like Brighton showing strong interest with their package to sign me, but the deal did not see the light of the day. I don’t want to go into details about what happened.

    “I have strong desire to play in the EPL. This is my dream, but things happen in football and I believe everything is for my good. When it is time, it is time. I believe in destiny.

    “Talking about offers from other Premier League clubs, I think my manager is in the best position to handle the business of transfer or offers that comes to my table. Mine is to play football and I leave my manager to handle that aspect for me.

    “Why not? It is the dream of most footballers to play in the EPL. It is the most followed league in the world.

    “I’m glad that I have played in one of the best leagues in the world which is the La Liga.  Playing against Lionel Messi is like possessing a fortune. If God say that I will still play in the EPL, I will.”

    At 24, Simon is one of the youngsters that will help the Super Eagles dominate African football and perhaps achieve her best ever finish at the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar. These are indeedexciting times for our football.

    Sadly, these successful talents have cast an indulgent eye on the rough pitches with which they were brought up to develop it to international standard. This is where other nationals tower over ours, who at their retirement canvass for help for virtually everything as if they didn’t earn cash for everything they did for the country. In Egypt, Mohammed Salah has done remarkably well for those whose paths crossed his, including retired stars. Sadio Mane is a cult hero at home giving back to the society where he emerged from. Each time our players take the leap of faith in their careers, they forget how it all began. They only remember in the twilight of their careers to relate with those who moulded them for greatness and the places where it all started, knowing that they have come home to roost.

    Our soccer stars can point at buildings, cars and most times dwindling business concerns as the landmarks of their careers, unlike what we read about successful players in Europe. We can’t pretend not to know that some of our big stars are suffering. Many are living on tread with the two players’ unions not helping matters. What we find yearly are conflicts among the two bodies which should work as a unit. These former stars see only coaching teams as what they can contribute to the growth and development of a game which brought them fame and wealth. These players who brought us joy with their performances see being NFF members and/or NFF President as their right, leaving the other lucrative marketing windows in the game unattended to.

    Our former stars ought to return to the local leagues and invest in them, especially those they played for. What would it cost them to buy jerseys, boots and other playing apparels for the boys to train and play matches? Which state governors who are the real owners of the game who won’t be happy to receive financial support from our former stars, knowing the spiral effects of such support? We need role model clubs and they can only come from the products where stars are created.

    The lacuna created as a result of our ex-internationals tunnel towards football growth has thrown up many clowns in the administration of the game. The governance of the game would remain in the domain of self-seekers unless our ex-international and those who have what it takes to administer the game to indicate their interests. The thought process of the game’s administration is robust, hence the hiccups in change the trend from what it is.

    Otherwise, how could football owners under any platform be talking about private leagues, knowing that it has no antecedents. Globally, we have only one league in football nations such as England, Spain, France, Italy, Holland, Austria, Turkey to mention a few. So, when some self-seekers here talk about launching private league, the pertinent questions to ask them are how much they are worth as individuals? Which competitions would their winners be participating in? Where would they get referees to handle their matches? Would their emergence not translate to sidelining the NFF, which is the only body recognised by FIFA to run the game here?

    Indeed, how many of those canvassing for the private league are truly professional, according to global standards? Don’t they owe their players, officials and coaches their wages? Which of these private league canvassers can match government owned teams in terms of paying good wages, if push comes to shove? Some government clubs, we are told pay between N500,000 and N1 million per month to their players which isn’t sufficient in the professional cadre. An average professional player should earn at least N5 million, if our organisers know the power of the game and the investment platforms in soccer, which our European counterparts have exploited maximally.

    Truth is that the seeming global recession has affected football governance largely  because we have administrators who are used to spending government money. They cannot think outside the box. They don’t understand what it means to be accountable to their sponsors. Since government money is perceived as free cash, these administrators are not prudent. Monies released must be spent on the itemised sub-heads to government including those inflated. IF our soccer administrators had learned how to save cash for the raining days, football won’t be in comatose as it is in the domestic league.

  • Governors and party supremacy

    Governors and party supremacy

    Segun Ayobolu

    The date was 19th May, 1962. The chief dramatis personae were the leader of the Action Group (AG), Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Premier of the Western Regional Government, Chief SLA Akintola and members of the party’s Federal Executive Council, its highest decision making organ. Awolowo as leader of the party and Akintola as Head of government had been at loggerheads. The latter was unwilling to accept the principle of party supremacy and loyalty to the party leadership. Had Awolowo achieved his ambition of becoming Prime Minister of Nigeria in the 1959 elections, the problem would probably not have risen. But in the event of the party’s poor performance in that election, he moved to the centre as Leader of opposition while Akintola assumed office as Chief Executive of the West and Deputy Leader of the party.

    In his enthralling political memoirs, ‘People, Politics and Politicians of Nigeria’ Chief Bola Ige captured the events of that momentous period thus, “Matters came to a head about 19 May, 1962 when SLA was charged and tried before the Federal Executive Council of the AG. Awo presided over the meeting as the Constitution and rules of the Party prescribed. An SLA supporter suggested that Awo should not be Chairman; the proposal was debated, and the meeting overwhelmingly rejected the suggestion.    Awo made charges of anti-party activities Against SLA, and after SLA replied to the charges, the matter was debated for over six hours. At the end, SLA was found guilty of all charges”.

    Continuing his narration, Bola Ige wrote, “In the end the proposal of Chief Anthony Enahoro was adopted: that SLA tender an apology and give an assurance that he would not fall foul of the party again and that if he did he would relinquish office.

    Of course, the rest is now history. Akintola was soon out of the AG. He subsequently formed his own party and teamed up in an electoral alliance with the Northern Progressives Congress (NPC) at the centre and a rump of the Western Region chapter of the NCNC. But he was never able to upstage the AG or Awo’s leadership of the party. And this despite the immense powers of patronage that he possessed as head of government. Those were the golden days of party discipline through which party supremacy held elected governments accountable.

    Incidentally, in the Second Republic, it was the turn of Chief Bola Ige as Oyo State governor to face the apex organ of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) to defend himself against charges of anti-party activities. Some chieftains of the party, particularly a strongman of the UPN in Ibadan politics, Alhaji Busari Adelakun, had accused Bola Ige and his Deputy, Chief Sunday Afolabi, of allowing a perceived arch foe of the UPN, General Olusegun Obasanjo, to meddle in the internal affairs of the party by purporting to mediate in a disagreement between both men.

    Chief Olusegun Osoba recalls the tale of the famous ‘night of the long knives’ in his memoir, ‘Battlelines’. Ige’s accusers presented their case against him at the 13th meeting of the National Executive Committee of the UPN at the Murtala College of Education, Yola, Gongola State from 8th to 9th September, 1982. In Aremo Osoba’s words, “Ige spoke first…  He reaffirmed his loyalty to Chief Awolowo and his dedication to the party. He said he had done nothing in the past to raise doubts about his loyalty and did not plan to do otherwise in the future. He apologized for his indiscretion and in anticipation of the verdict of the leader said, “Blessed be thy judgment”.

    Although the party condemned the meeting of both men with Obasanjo, they were nevertheless exonerated of charges of disloyalty to the UPN or the party leadership. Party discipline is certainly central to a political party worth its salt and this should involve fidelity to both the ideology and values of the party as well as its constitutional organs including its leadership. I recall that in the Second Republic, for instance, the National Chairman of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Chief Adisa Akinloye, was so highly respected within the party that even at party meetingss, President Shehu Shagari, was in the habit of rising up in deference to the former whenever the latter made his entry into a venue.

    It is unfortunate that in this dispensation, party discipline and supremacy have been badly diminished as the party leadership has been subordinated to the whims and  caprices of the executive, which most times provides the funds for the running of the party. A major contributor to this dysfunctional anomaly was President Olusegun Obasanjo who treated the PDP as an appendage of his imperial presidency. He removed and imposed the party leadership at will and even pronounced magisterially on the eligibility of party candidates for public office at all levels showing utter disregard for internal party processes such as primaries.

    Even the more mild- mannered and even tempered President Goodluck Jonathan could not resist presidential dictatorship over the party and this was a key factor in the PDP implosion that greatly aided the All Progressive Congress (APC) victory in the 2015 election. Although President Muhammed Buhari’s aloofness and political taciturnity helped to strengthen party autonomy at least in relation to the presidency, the governors moved in to fill the vacuum particularly during the largely rudderless tenure of the former APC National Chairman, Chief John Odigie Oyegun. A former two-term governor and feisty labour activist for a considerable part of the public career, his successor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, has striven to restore a reasonable degree of independence and respect to the ruling party.

    A major highlight of Oshiomhole’s tenure so far has been a courageous attempt to limit the influence and what amounted to virtual dictatorship of the governors in the affairs of the party. His insistence as much as possible on direct primaries involving all party members has reduced the undue influence of the governors’ heavy war chest in determining the outcome of indirect primaries, a mode of intraparty polls much beloved by state chief executives. Much of Oshiomhole’s travails within the APC are not due just to disgruntled governors but also to the machinations of aggrieved statutory delegates who, with the adoption of direct primaries, are deprived of the customary opportunity to harvest rich pecuniary dividends at each intra-party electoral cycle.

    No matter how or where the political ebullition within the ruling party tosses Oshiomhole, he has within a very short period contributed significantly to the restoration of party discipline and supremacy within the APC, without which governments elected on party platforms cannot be meaningfully held to account.

    In discussing the fate of governor Godwen Obaseki, who was denied the party ticket for a second term, some people have questioned whether or not he had performed during his first term and thus deserving of another turn. Well, performance is in the eyes of the beholder. First, outstanding performance does not guarantee a governor automatic re-election. If it did, there would be no need for a second term election.

    Again, if the governor was so sure of his performance, why did he go all out to disable the majority of members of the Edo State House of Assembly from taking their rightful place in the legislature after they had been duly elected? Surely, that seriously eroded his moral right to question the democratic methods and predilections of the party’s National Working Committee.

    Furthermore, why did he appear so mortally scared of the defection of Pastor Eze Iyamu to the APC? Surely, his reported scores of laudable projects across the state would have stood him in good stead either in direct primaries or the general election. The queries raised as regards Obaseki’s certificates had driven any issue of performance to the background.

    Empowering the rank and file members of the party through direct primaries is good for democratic development in Nigeria. The decency and respect with which incumbent governors treat the leadership and membership of their parties are as critical as posting a good record of performance in office.

  • Professor Michael Akpan and the devaluation debate (1)

    Professor Michael Akpan and the devaluation debate (1)

    Segun Ayobolu

    Soft spoken, mild mannered and exceedingly courteous in conversation, he is nevertheless bold and fiercely courageous, even audacious, in articulating views and principles he believes in. A neo-classical economist of the deepest hue, Professor Michael Akpan, of the Department of Economics at Bingham (ECWA) University, Karu, Nassarawa State, does not shrink from, indeed apparently cherishes, controversy. I first meet him on the campus of Bingham University sometime in 2014 when he launched two books, one of which was titled ‘The IMF, World Bank & Nigeria’s Economic Reforms’. We met again late last year at the JVM Hotel along the Keffi-Abuja Express Road when one of his research works placed third in a keenly contested academic competition organized by ‘StandTall Africa Initiative’, a Leadership Development, Educational and Entrepreneurship NGO.

    On that occasion, Professor Akpan gave me a copy of his latest book titled ‘On the Need to Devalue the Naira: Let me take up the Gauntlet’ published in 2017. The title speaks for itself. It is an open letter to President Muhammadu Buhari in which the author makes a vigorous case for the devaluation of the Naira in accordance with the advice of the International Financial Institutions and obviously in reaction to the President’s undisguised opposition to that policy option so beloved by the IMF and World Bank.

    Running into nearly 80 pages divided into twenty two chapters with five accompanying statistical tables, the book strives with some success to come down to the level of the layman in economics by trying to address the issue in non-technical scholarly jargon. But then, Professor Akpan must be himself. With first and second degrees in economics from the University of Benin and a PhD in the same discipline from the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, he believes in the near sanctity of mainstream economic doctrines and theories, which he sees, in my view, as the preserve of select economic intellectual elite of which he is naturally a part. The author certainly does not share the late Professor Samuel Aluko’s irreverent view that economics is a simple subject deliberately made difficult and mystifying.

    When in our conversation, I expressed the view that I considered the 1986 devaluation of the Naira by the Military President, General Ibrahim Babangida’s regime as a colossal disaster from which the country was yet to recover, Professor Akpan disagreed softly but firmly. Indeed, he was of the startling view that only those with at least an M.Sc degree in economics and who had taken courses in international economics were qualified to meaningfully discuss such issues as the devaluation of national currencies. It is this kind of mystifying approach to economics as a subject and economic development as a discipline that is responsible for the ever increasing dissociation of the discipline from real life as its practitioners relentless pursue intricate and complex theoretical modeling.

    In the introduction to the book, the author writes, “As in 1981/82-86, the general arguments against devaluation have remained the same and President Buhari who was Nigeria’s military Head of State from December 1983 to August 1985, has remained opposed to devaluation except that in a now democratic dispensation, he threw the gauntlet: that except he was convinced, he would not devalue the Naira. His disposition was anchored on the argument that Nigeria exports nothing other than oil, drawn certainly from the commonly harped expected benefit of devaluation: cheap imports for increased foreign exchange earnings. Plausible s this may be, it is only but a weak objection to devaluation even in a monoculture economy”.

    Various chapters of the book examine the dimensions and trajectory of the country’s protracted economic crisis from the 1981/82 crisis through to the present time; the Shehu Shagari administration’s adoption of austerity (stabilization) measures and details of its negotiations with the IMF and World Bank in 1983; the necessity for the Shagari-negotiated IMF and World Bank loans as well as the historical origin of these IFI’s; the economic recovery programmes of the IBB and Buhari military regimes; the 2014 devaluation policy, the call for further devaluation in 2016 and the various devaluation and oil subsidy controversies and debates within the context of IMF/World Bank policy prescriptions among others.

    The author is no under no illusion that it is an easy task to convince a sitting President to adopt, support and/or agree to a sensitive policy like devaluation opposed by a majority of the citizenry. Recalling the arguments proffered against devaluation in 2016 compared to those advanced against the policy in 1986, he believes that they remain essentially the same. For him, the missing link on the part of those opposed to devaluation is that they discount the economic realities of the nation’s persistent balance of payments deficits, particularly on current account, the scarcity of foreign exchange, and the foreign reserves level.

    Professor Akpan appears to perceive Nigeria’s problem of underdevelopment as essentially a technical accounting and statistical issue. Contrary to this view, other scholars of a more radical ideological orientation contend that it is more a structural and production problem, a view with which I am inclined to agree. The undue preoccupation with foreign exchange availability or scarcity is itself a manifestation of a disarticulated economy where there is a wide divergence between the consumptions and real needs of the majority of the people and unutilized and untapped but ample indigenous resources as well as local production techniques and technologies.

    The author believes that the economic crisis of 2014-2016 “had its roots in inability of the nation’s economic managers to build up foreign reserves against the rainy day”. He believes that the crisis validates his thesis that “the current account of a balance of payments is not too narrow to be examined and reserves build up is an indispensable component of an economic reforms package, designed to stabilize the balance of payments”. This is a rather superficial reading of Nigeria’s persistent post-independence economic crisis.

    It is my view that Professor Akpan does not sufficiently interrogate the more fundamental issue of the excessive import dependency of the Nigerian economy including massive and unsustainable importation of even the most basic items that that have local alternatives and can be produced domestically. It is this structural dysfunction and deformity of the Nigerian economy that is responsible for the technical balance of payments accounting problems that the author attaches so much importance to.

  • Benue: Was it aiding and abetting?

    Benue: Was it aiding and abetting?

    By Sentry

    Governor Samuel Ortom is not a very happy man as we speak. The Benue helmsman is reportedly wondering how a man he has high regards for as a ‘hunter’ is now being hunted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over allegations that he diverted monies meant to fight criminals in the state to personal use.

    It is no longer news that the commission days back arrested George Mbessey, Commandant of Benue State Vigilante Group (BSVG), following a petition over alleged conspiracy, abuse of office and diversion of N449.5 million public funds.

    What is strange to many is why officials of the state government allowed the suspect to collect funds meant for an agency using a personal account on a monthly basis for newly two years unchecked, unreported.

    According to the EFCC Makurdi Zonal Office Head of Media and Publicity, Dele Oyewale “the BSVG receives its official funding of N20 million monthly directly from the Bureau of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs through official account.

    “Between October 2018 and May 2020, the suspect allegedly collected funds meant for the group to the tune of N449.5 million, using personal account,” the commission spokesperson said.

    One thing the EFCC has not disclosed is whether the suspect was aided and abetted from within the government.

    Sentry, however, gathered that the agency may be keeping that close to its chest in order for ongoing investigation not to be jeopardized.

  • A sacking and matters arising

    A sacking and matters arising

    By Sentry

    Following Nasarawa State Governor, Abdullahi Sule’s, decision to sack the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Alhaji Aliyu Ahmed-Tijani, there are claims his decision may have angered certain interests.

    Before the sack, the state House of Assembly’s ad-hoc committee investigating the release of N1billion for the renovation/fencing of public secondary schools in the state in 2018, had indicted the former SSG.

    But many were certain the SSG wouldn’t get the axe. This was because of the relationship between him and the immediate past governor, Umaru Al-Makura.

    There is now talk of a rift between Sule and his predecessor. Not a few well-placed party chieftains claim the former SSG’s sack is not unconnected with the alleged brewing disagreement.

    What is left to be unraveled is the correlation between the assembly’s probe of the SSG, his eventual sack, rumours of rifts and Sule’s second term. For now, all fingers are crossed.

  • Banditry and Boko Haram now intractable

    Banditry and Boko Haram now intractable

    By UnderTow

    Up till a few weeks ago, the thought that banditry on the one hand and Boko Haram on the other hand had become intractable was believed to be an exaggeration. Banditry, mostly limited to northern Nigeria, is a fairly recent menace, perhaps dating back only four or five years. The increasingly virulent Boko Haram, mostly limited to the Northeast, dates back more than 10 years.

    Now, both menaces reinforce each other, presenting themselves as the hammer and anvil between which Nigerians in those blighted regions are being pulverised. Some four or five years ago, when there was the exaggerated opinion that Boko Harama had been ‘technically defeated’, few thought that in 2020, Nigerians would still be grappling with the cancer, let alone having to endure the equally menacing and vicious  problem of banditry. Everyone had thought that in a matter of months, or perhaps just a few years, the two menaces would have been reduced to insignificance. Sadly, the problems have not only withstood the best countermeasures the government could give, they seem alarmingly to thrive.

    Some days ago, in multiple attacks that did not seem coordinated, bandits and Boko Haram insurgents in Katsina and Borno States respectively seemed to have orchestrated a crushing blow on certain communities in Faskari (Katsina) and Gubio (Borno) Local Government Areas. By some accounts, insurgents killed more than 100 people. It was a brutal and daring attack by a group of insurgents who neither fears man nor respects government. They pillaged, abducted, killed and maimed. Above all, for hours while the attacks lasted, they were hardly challenged. They will of course be back, regardless of the orders given to crush them, for they have appeared to understand how the Nigerian security services operate, how impotent they seem, and how attractive the results of a life of crime are.

    In Borno and Yobe States, as in neighbouring north-eastern states, the Boko Haram menace has metamorphosed into full-blown insurgency. In Katisna, Zamfara and other north-western states, banditry is shaping up to become full-blown insurgency. If the government and the security services recognise this impending transformation from one level of criminality to another higher and more complex one, they have not shown matching urgency and preparedness in aborting the sanguinary change.

    The states are of course helpless. They neither control the military nor the police, and they have limited influence on how and when the government responds to the breakdown of law and order. But they are not entirely innocent of the criminality overtaking their part of Nigeria. Decades and years of criminal neglect of the masses by the states have bred a veritable army of disaffected citizens. Investment in education, healthcare, economy/jobs and other social services has been hopelessly inadequate. Corruption was and in most cases is still rife, and social safety nets were and are still totally absent. The result is that the states, if not the entire country, are faced with discontent that is fast morphing into unmanageable revolt.

    Neither the states nor the federal government was sure how to deal with the crises of Boko Haram and banditry, with the latter incorporating many other criminal features such as abduction for ransom and cattle rustling. During its founding, Boko Haram itself indicated their reaction to injustice, as militants complained of unfair treatment meted out to their comrades.

    Had the governments reached a deeper understanding of the crisis, they would probably have developed the right panaceas. But they didn’t. Boko Haram was seen and ridiculed as a poorly led religious movement of rabble-rousers, rather than a movement reacting to a combination of religious, cultural and socio-economic grievances. Banditry has also been dismissed as the criminal activities of robbers, kidnappers and cut-throat thieves. In other words, both the federal and state governments have judged rather than understood these grievances, and dismissed rather than examined the factors responsible for the revolts.

    While the federal government has oscillated between strong-arm tactics and peaceful resolution of the Boko Haram crisis, the states have also advocated amnesty one day and military operations the following day. This is a clear manifestation of a lack of understanding of the issues involved in the Northeast insurgency and Northwest banditry. The problems call for a diligent connection of the dots, to decipher the puzzle, as it were. Boko Haram might have been laying the Northeast waste for years, but banditry is now also laying the Northwest waste, and there is no indication of any abatement in the immediate future.

    So what connects the dots? Religion? Hardly. Culture? Very unlikely. A few leitmotifs can, however, be observed. One is uncontrollable population growth rate; and closely leashed with that is joblessness intertwined with hopelessness occasioned by lack of education and skills. These two factors are in turn the product of bad leadership and corruption in which the commonwealth of the people is frittered away on either pigheaded projects or embezzled outright. The situation is getting more desperate as population growth rate is outstripping productivity at a time when even the little revenue generated is not wisely and frugally deployed for public good.

    Reacting to the crises spawned by Boko Haram and banditry, this column only last week warned that the Nigerian government would be tilting at windmills to think force can extirpate the problem. Said Undertow last Saturday, using Katsina as an example: “Katsina’s newfound optimism may be infectious, considering how the northern states, which are reeling from banditry, take their cues from the president’s home state. However, it is not altogether clear how leaving the issues of injustice and poverty unresolved would make the states amenable to peace and development.

    This hope is exaggerated. For about 10 years, the Nigerian military battled Boko Haram insurgents, a group of terrorists spawned mainly by socio-economic dislocations in the north-eastern part of the country. Though the military recorded some successes, the crisis has merely abated, not completely extinguished. The reason is that the problems that gave birth to the insurgency have still not been resolved. So too is banditry. Until the factors that render many northern states unstable and vulnerable are dealt with, neither appeasement nor military action will restore peace in those troubled regions.”

    Just a few days after the warning, about 100 innocent people were slaughtered in two states. Yet, massive military campaigns are underway, initiated by a government that still fails to read the crises accurately. Some sort of law enforcement may be required to keep the problems from worsening, and indeed the government cannot be dissuaded from sheathing its swords, but ultimately, the government must read the crises adroitly and sensibly apply the right panaceas. For now, the government has little incentive to find the root causes of the crises, preferring instead to talk tough, mobilise the instruments of coercion, and threaten to bring the full weight of the law upon those who have taken to a life of crime. But more and more, the bandits and insurgents are proving the government’s threats to be nothing more than empty threats.

    Not too long ago, state governments in the north organised a talkfest to interrogate the undercurrents of the revolt simmering in their region. They identified socio-economic issues among the factors, and resolved to find amelioration for the problem. But talk is cheap. The reality, alarmingly, is that the states, using their current paradigms, are simply incapable of reversing the problem on a scale that should lead to a reversal of the factors fuelling discontent. What, for example, are their initiatives for reversing their runaway population growth? Little or nothing. What are their initiatives for reducing unemployment on a scale that would keep the youths of the region busy producing wealth? Little or nothing — partly because regional officials are unwilling to change their mindset or even abridge their lives of opulence and privilege.

    Before the situation gets out of hand, as it seems set to do, the federal government must meet minds with the governors of the northern states to let them know that they are imperilling the unity and stability of the country by their ineptitude and profligacy. They must find new paradigms for governing their states, re-engineering their finances, grappling effectively with population growth, and recognising that nobody owes them a living. They must pull themselves up by their own bootstraps, and inspire and cater to the needs of their people. Of course, the other states in the federation cannot absolve themselves of the greed and incompetence that have snatched the bottom off the country, but they are a little better. If the southern states do not remedy their appalling default settings quickly, it is only a question of time before the ferment unnerving the North creeps upon them.

    Banditry and Boko Haram are becoming intractable, opening up almost the entire North to the possibility of massive revolt. The country should not fool itself to think otherwise.

    The question is how to defeat a group of disaffected people who are down and out and are determined to wreak vengeance on a country that has mistreated and shut them out? If the country can’t find the means to bring the bandits and insurgents in from the cold, these alienated and intransigent anarchists will have no choice but to fuel the fire which they have lit to incinerate everyone, including themselves.

  • Transfer market

    Transfer market

    Ade Ojeikere

     

    The most exciting periods every season are the two transfer windows – the one in the summer and that in January which many managers have kicked against. In fact, the latter window in recent seasons has not be as active as that first since most managers have learned  how to utilise previous seasons. Already, punters don’t expect much trading when the window opens due to the effect of the coronavirus which has destroyed the revenue bases of all clubs.

    According to Deloitte in a study, it was discovered wages at Manchester United, Manchester City and Chelsea as a percentage of club revenue rose sharply last season as part of a £1.7billion outlay on wages by the ‘big six’.

    ”The figures also indicate that eight Premier League clubs recorded wage to revenue ratios of 70 per cent or more – the warning threshold used by UEFA in its Financial Fair Play rules. The published figures for the 2018-19 season will only worsen now the current campaign has been interrupted by the pandemic, with matches set to be played behind closed doors for some time, Deloitte stated.

    What the report inferred is that ”top teams would face a permanent loss of £500million because of rebates to broadcasters and a loss of match day revenue without fans. And they warn a further £500m missing from 2019-20 balance sheets will only be recouped if next season’s competition is able to be played in full.

    ”Despite players and staff at many Premier League clubs taking temporary wage cuts or deferrals when the season was suspended there is still set to be a major impact. Chelsea’s wages to revenue ratio jumped from 55 per cent in the 2017-18 season to 70 per cent last season.

    ”While the club’s wage bill increased from £246m to £314m, revenues went up only marginally from £448m to £452m. The percentage of revenue that went on wage costs at Manchester United increased from 50 per cent to 56 per cent, while at Manchester City it went up from 52 to 59 per cent. At United, the wage bill rose from £296m in 2017-18 to £352m last season as revenues increased from £590m to £627m.”

    Is soccer management meant for lackeys of governors like we have in European countries? certainly not. the losses are mind-boggling but be assured that the top-flight managers in England know what to do to cushion the effects of coronavirus in the long term. The decision to restart the big leagues are part of the ways to halve the effect, with loss to be written off through the teams’ insurance packages. after all, this is a one-off event whose lessons have not be lost on the economic managers of soccer in Europe for subsequent seasonal projections. you can take that to the bank.

    A few analysts have suggested half the price purchases culminating in sacrilegious figures which won’t add up considering the pedigree of such stars. Nothing has been cut on stone with the big movers such as Mbappe, Bayer Leverkusen starlet Kai Havertz, RB Leipzig centre forward Timo Werner, the shock departures of N’Golo Kante and Jorginho, with Sergio Ramos’ 15-year career with Real Madrid likely to be extended with the captain set to be offered a new deal.

    Big money transfer players carry the cross of hefty release clauses which most times were inserted to make cash for both the players and the clubs, not forgetting the agents. never mind, sports in business.

    Real Madrid wish to extend Ramos’ stay by another 12 months until 2022, with extension taking the rugged defender beyond his 36th birthday. Ramos has eyes on the MLS, which could signal his exit from the big matches.

    French newspaper L’Equipe, stated Tuesday that PSG hierarchy have told  that he could look for another clubs after June 30, since his services wouldn’t be needed beyond his transfer expiry date. The reported further revealed that Silva rejected a pay cut, knowing that clubs would match his wages at PSG or even improve on them rather than remain at Parc des Princes. Silva surely knows his onions as Everton and AC Milan are keen on securing his signature.

    Transfer markets’ sales have its twists and turns with Philippe Coutinho, former hero at Anfield with Liverpool being tagged an outcast at Barcelona although he is at Bayern Munich on a loan deal.

    Coutinho isn’t finding his situation at Barca and Bayern a laughing matter even with his undoubted skills. The Brazilian must be pinching himself to find out where he got it wrong. Unfortunately, Liverpool’s management are not interested in Coutinho, who was warned by Klopp not to join Barcelona in January 2018, but remain at Anfield. No surprises, therefore, for Jurgen Klopp’s cold shoulder towards his former midfield gem.

    But the 27-year-old’s most likely destination appears to be Tyneside, should their £300million Saudi-led takeover go through, according to France Football. Coutinho is a victim of teams’ playing styles. At Liverpool, he initiated all moves. The Reds depended on his passes and creative. Even when Coutinho wasn’t playing well, others took charge because it is part of the team’s character. But at Barca, Coutinho wasn’t the teams pivot either defensively or when initiating attack. And this affected his psyche and performances on the pitch. Same fate he suffered at Bayern Munich whose direct play froze out a classy Coutinho. Both teams acknowledged that the Brazilian is a great talent not minding his precarious situation with them.

    The transfer market’s trends are not complete for this writer without discussing what they have in stock for Africans, especially the Nigerians doing well such as Victor Osimhen, Odion Ighalo, Samuel Chukwueze, Simon Moses, Odion Ighalo, even though his loan deal has been extended, largely due to the fact that foreigners have until October this year before they can come into China, in the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic.

    Other Nigerians include Jamilu Collins, Maduka Okoye, Tronne Ebuehi, Francis Uzoho, Kelechi Nwakali, Taiwo Awoniyi, Kenneth Omeruo Chidozie Awaziem and Nigeria international Henry Onyekuru who agency reports stated that Turkish giants Galatasaray have officially indicated an interest in signing permanently, although they are waiting for French side Monaco’s confirmation to do business with them since they own Onyekuru.

    Ighalo chose the right option of shunning Chinese megabuck for a drastic pay cut to remain at Manchester United. Playing for the Red Devils is the lifetime ambition of the Nigerian. He obviously has many more years to make money, including to other leagues until he is 40. Ighalo is scoring goals again, the most recent being partnering England international Rashford. The dream attacking option for Solskjaer where returnee Paul Paul Pogba would be playing as number 10 produced braces for Rashford and Ighalo. Did I hear say EPL beware? Of course, goals make the game beautiful to watch. and when it involves a Nigerian, nothing can be better than that.

    For Osimhen, he needs to be guided. He needs to make playing regularly the basis for any movement, with next year holding a lot for young players across the continent. Fitness for players come with playing regular club football which rubs off how well the play for their countries during competitions. Osimhen, Chukwueze and Ndidi are some of the Nigerians in Europe who would attract a lot of gossips in the next tow seasons’ transfer market. I hope the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) chieftains and Gernot Rohr can move closer to them for career guidance. They should be told to tarry a while in the next two seasons, since the World Cup offers the best platform to make megabucks if such players do very well at the Mundial in Qatar.

    It would be foolhardy for Osimhen to join a big club where the man fighting for his position is a national of that country. If does, he could as well buy a seat belt to strap himself on the bench.

    Osimhen at 21 cannot afford to seat on the bench with the World Cup only two years away. Moving to a bigger club like Real Madrid, Barcelona or Manchester United may be too much responsibility for the Nigerian striker and he hasn’t gathered enough experience to shoulder the weight of expectations at these huge clubs. As tempting as it sounds to move to a bigger club, it will be safe for him to be a household name in Lille where he is already loved and change clubs after the Mundial.

  • Nemesis, exploitation and democracy

    Nemesis, exploitation and democracy

    Dayo Sobowale

     

    I have deliberately avoided the word Racism in this write up even though the tragedy of George Floyd in Minnesota, USA is the moving spirit driving this discussion. But  first, I dedicate  this piece today, to my personal tragedy  of the loss of my mother Grace  Olufemi  Sobowale – nee Soyege, who died 45 years ago on June 8  and my  lovely  boy Richard Ayotunde Sobowale  who  was cut down  in an  accident  on June  6  nine years  ago.  May their souls continue to rest in perfect peace Amen.

    Let  us now go back  to  the murder of George Floyd  by the white  policeman in Minneapolis, in  the US, the    impact   of   which  is now reverberating globally  and making us ask  questions  on how we live with each  other  legally  and  politically. The world   too   is  asking  how we  got to a situation that  white  men kill black men with impunity in the largest and so far the most powerful democracy in the world at  least,  in terms of free speech  and political  participation   for  now.

    As I said earlier, I will not use the word racism anymore because it is over flogged. It  not only  begs the issue of discrimination,  it callously denotes the black man as inferior and makes  a mockery of atonement  because it is an issue  originally borne out  clearly  of   exploitation of man by man. Right  from Hitler’s Aryan  race,   white   superiority   claim   which  was cut down  to size    by   the Allies  victory  in the World War 2. This  was   then    replaced by   more   exploitative   colonialism, the Cold War and the Civil  Rights Movement of the sixties with no meaningful,  positive  progress  or  results. Till   the  knee  on George Floyds neck and murder  in   2020  made us  realize   that  we  are still  where  we were when  William  Wilberforce, the  British  Slave Trade   Abolitionist   made  the    British  Parliament   to ban the slave trade in  1807 but    it was  not until   1833  that it was  abolished in the British  Empire,  an   act   which  reached  Lagos     when  a British   expedition dethroned  Kosoko, then Oba of  Lagos  in 1851, enthroned Akintoye  and stopped the  slave trade in Lagos in 1853.  The rest is history   as Dosumu ceded Lagos to the British  in  1861. The  British   made   Lagos  an illegal  slave trade port     and  the cession of   Lagos   by Dosumu   enabled  the  British  to consolidate the colonial strangle  hold  and knee on the neck of  colonial  Nigeria  way back    from  1914 with   the Amalgamation   of Nigeria,  till  independence in 1960.  Just like  that  wicked  white  policeman  did to George Floyd in Minneapolis this year in  May 2020.

    Even  though I  wrote in despair last  week  that nothing good will come out of this George Floyd protests in terms of meaningful  change, let  me  show you  how the nemesis  of unfolding events have given  me some consolation that  God is not a sleeping God. In  Great  Britain, in London the protesters put a label  of  ‘Racist’ on the statue of the great  Winston Churchill   and  Boris  Johnson  the PM as well as a Minister  were  squirming in defending that the UK  is  not a racist society. There  was even an article in the BBC  with the title  ‘Winston Churchill, Hero or Villain’.  Can  you  just  imagine that.  Of  course in  the  colonies of the  former British Empire,  Churchill  was a real  racist  who once referred  to  Mahatma Ghandi   the   Indian anti – imperialist   leader    as that‘ half naked native‘    during the Indian Independence Crisis.  But  the same Churchill  was Britain’s   hero of WW2  and  the  inspiration  of  PM  Tony Blair who launched the  Iraq War of 2003  on   false  excuse   with US  President George Bush. Churchill was  also   the inspiration   of the ambition  to be a  war PM  for Boris Johnson, who  instead   faced an  unexpected  epidemic war  that almost claimed his life   recently.

    Again   today   I want  to dwell  on Nigeria and  the UK, both colonial  and  present,  to illustrate  the topic of the day. This  is not because  the US  is  no longer important  but to show that the whole world is bigger than the US on today’s  topic given  the global protests on the tragedy in Minnesota that got George Floyd slaughtered in broad daylight . The event  has led to a redefinition or reminder on the meaning of democracy by even  Britain our former colonial masters. A Minister in Britain complaining on the attendant  street  protests around 10 Downing Street , the PM residence  had to state that in Britain they have a way  for changing  governments  which is through  elections and not through street  protests and that   the UK  is  a  democracy. But the protests  are questioning such  democracy as unjust exploitative  and  discriminatory. How  far can that last in a UK  where more of the cabinet  members are off springs of  parents of colonial  and  migrant  origin   and  heritage?  Surely there  is need  for some realistic political juggling on voting rights and human rights   to ensure  democracy   and   political  stability in the UK. To    base    the  essence of political  stability in Britain  on the existence of the British Constitutional  monarchy  as is normally done,  is becoming an anachronism  given the new dynamics of politics in Britain right now. It used to be said that – ‘With the Queen in Buckingham Palace, every Briton  sleeps well in his bed.’ The   George Floyd protests in London and their  violent fury have shown  that this   hitherto  comforting   maxim  and political rationalization   has suddenly  become questionable and controversial.

    Going   forward,  it is apparent   that the poor nations of the world today are victims of colonialism and exploitation and they are made to borrow money to develop from rich nations who got wealthy from the exploitation of such colonial nations during colonialism. That  is the crux of the matter and that is what  is resurrecting  as  nemesis  in protests in Europe and the US over the death of a black man  by the white   police  in the  US,  as is  usually  the case,  for  no reason other than the colour  of  the  victim. But has  the fate  of the blackman  improved  under  democracy? Let  us look  briefly  at some issues in Nigeria. Especially  in terms of  security,  leadership  and  democracy  which the West  is battling with in   the  ongoing racial protests.

    In Nigeria the presidential system was  forced on us when the US  was  the romantic prospect  for power  and rapid development. But  we  had  a colonial  past that forged strange tribes or bedfellows into  a nation.We  fought a civil  war  like the Americans to keep  our  unity.  Like  the Americans however  as George  Floyd   has   shown, we have not learnt our  lessons. Funny  enough,  the Nigerian  Senate  has no stomach  to discuss the ongoing protests in the US  and Europe. A Senator  this week rose to mention it but noted that we have no moral  right to discuss this because Nigerians are being killed with impunity especially in the North and nothing  has happened. Another senator  called  him to order not to discuss a controversial  issue  and the issue died there. Meanwhile, there  was news on VON that 69  Nigerians were killed by Boko  Haram in a Nigerian village  in the North East a few   days ago. The village is called Faduma Koloram. It was even reported on our   media generally   and the  CNN.  The state  governor   Babagana Zulum Umara   has already  visited the place  and  said the death  toll has risen to 81. If our legislators cannot discuss George Floyd  because it is controversial  they   can  at  least  discuss Boko  Haram  again and tell  us why  it has not  been  stopped from killing Nigerians.  Insecurity  is fast  becoming  the bane of our democracy  and the sooner it is tackled  and defeated the better for all  of us. It  should not be made intractable  or  un discussable  like  the issue  of George  Floyd which  our senators say  sadly  that we do not have the moral  right to discuss  in our  legislature . Once again; From the fury of this raging pandemic, which  we   have ignored   today,  Good Lord Deliver Nigeria. Amen.