The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • 2017 – The year of Trump, the Nigerian legislator and the battered Nigerian

    The year 2017 has come and finally has gone, and we can now look at the good the bad and the ugly side of it, in line with the title of the popular action film by that name. We look at it in the context of that famous and annual Time Magazine well tested criterion that the Man of the Year must be someone who has influenced world events for good or bad. I always like reminding my audience on this retrospective assignment, that the winners of the award have included evil military geniuses like Adolf Hitler of Germany and Islamic revolutionaries like Ayatollah Ruhola Khomeini of Iran who labeled the US – the Great Satan – and whose hatred of the US is still today the official Iranian foreign policy and diplomacy in all areas and ramifications of global contact between the two nations. On 2017 therefore I will pick a Man of the year globally and locally in Nigeria and I will give my reasons quite clearly no matter how controversial and debatable they may appear.

    My choice of Man of the Year on the global scene is US President Donald Trump and I will tell you that I am picking him for influencing world events positively and innovatively and putting in place the diversity of a multipolar world leadership, outside the apron strings of his own nation, the US, on which his slogan loud and clear in 2017 was most vocally – America First. Donald Trump in his first year as US president made clear and loud that American sovereignty and interests transcend any multilateralism in global trade, economic and working agreements and he did this by rewriting the books on major agreements reached with major regions of the world by his predecessor in office. Trump did not spare hitherto sacrosanct historic military and defence pacts like NATO and EU but questioned the financial standing of its members by asking them to play by the rules or go home. This prompted a confused Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, the facto leader of the EU to lament publicly that Europe must learn to fend for itself under a Trump presidency. Trump’s pursuit of American interests at all costs also created a global role for France’s rookie president who was able to raise the voice of France like a little Napoleon in the wake of the Trump created breathing space in global diplomacy that firmly puts America first on all odds and global issues.

    To crown Donald Trump’s radical year of innovative global politics and diplomacy, he stunned the world with his decision to make Jerusalem the capital of Israel in total disregard of Arab feelings and sensitivities on the global scene. His excuse was that there was need to try something new to find a solution to the debacle called the Arab – Israel peace deal, which has gone comatose after many dead on arrival peace negotiations . Before this Trump in 2017 divided the Arab world with his historic visit to Saudi Arabia which later developed a suicidal no holds barred relations with Qatar the richest state in the world ably protected by US Forces stationed on its soil. Again during the year Trump jettisoned the Iran Nuclear deal ostensibly to please the Saudis who never forgave the Obama Administration for seeing the deal through.

    To me Trump was carrying out significant changes on the world diplomatic scene in a way never seen before and that to me is similar to what Schumpeter called creative destruction in his theory of Economic Development and the creation of new products and services. Of course the world of diplomacy and international relations is aghast at American abandonment of world leadership under Trump. But really who ever said world leadership must be a monopoly of American leadership? Nobody, just a crippling and unfounded assumption by us all.

    Trump’s isolationism therefore is a beckon to a multipolar world leadership which in my view is a welcome development for the prospect of world peace. This is because it reinvents and redistributes the burden and responsibility for world leadership to budding world leader-nations outside American dominance like Russia, China, India, Australia and even France and post Brexit Britain. With such a wealth of ideas and resources the world should be a better one than the present leadership that pitches US interests and values over that of the rest of us all. Surely equity in global leadership can only make the world a fairer one to live in and enjoy than the one sided American dominated experience we are in today under Donald Trump.

    On the local scene my Man of the Year is a two sided presentation. My Nigerian Man of the year is both the Nigerian Legislator and the beleaguered Nigerian. By the Nigerian legislator I mean the elected Nigerian representing his or her constituency in Nigeria’s palatial House of representatives called the green Chambers or the opulent Nigerian Senate called the Red Chamber. It is my view that the Nigerian legislator in 2017 gave birth to the beleaguered Nigerian and how that translates into how the Nigerian legislator has influenced Nigeria and the Average Nigerian for good or bad leaves little to the imagination. If the Nigerian legislator influenced events in Nigeria for good in 2017, there would be no need to talk of the beleaguered Nigerian. It therefore leads us to an identification or definition of the lot of the beleaguered Nigerian in 2017.

    The beleaguered Nigerian in 2017 struggled to get power and light to cook , to do his business , to get treated in our hospitals when sick and ASUU strikes did not allow his offsprings in the Nigerian universities to graduate as and when due . He or she was subjected to the horrors of kidnapping and rape in one part of the nation . In another part especially the North East Boko Haram suicide bombers killed Nigerians more in mosques in 2017 than in any other place . In other parts of the nation like Kaduna traditional leaders were kidnapped and killed without ransom . Fulani herdsmen dominated the Nigerian landscape like a colossal menace destroying farms with impunity while the impression in 2017 was that they were above the law and their victims were lesser Nigerians . To crown it all, 2017 ended again with the agony and misery of Xmas without fuel or gasoline for Nigerians with the grim prospect of an increase in the price of fuel and the attendant multiplier effect on transport fares and the price of food and basic goods . The plight of the average Nigerian was pitiable and bad in 2017 . Yet the Nigerian legislator elected to represent him has never had it better with the wealth and power that came his way in 2017 . This was easy to see and behold in the accouterments of power and wealth on display by our legislators at public outings and events ,as such attractive fringe benefits of political power are difficult to hide in an impoverished environment . Surely there is need for the Nigerian legislator to reassess the situation and create a better Nigeria for the beleaguered Nigerian in 2018 . Once again long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria .

     

  • Earthshaking, disruptive but anticlimactic 2017

    Earthshaking, disruptive but anticlimactic 2017

    Of all the major events that shaped 2017, three stand out for their great impact on the country and on the year. The furious legal gymnastics over who leads the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) convulsed the better part of the year and only ended, fairly dramatically, after the party’s December 9 convention. The outcome of the legal fight and the consequences of the convention are bound to influence the shape of politics in 2018 and perhaps far beyond. There was also President Muhammadu Buhari’s illness which took the better part of 2017. The health crisis began almost imperceptibly in January, intensified by midyear, and culminated anticlimactically in August. The politics of that illness has already begun to shape 2018 and will most likely reverberate into 2019, Nigeria’s epoch-defining election year. The third event was the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) agitation that rocked the Southeast and exhumed a hugely disruptive and sweeping ethnic suspicion and bigotry template long thought to have been ameliorated by years of tribal co-mingling, expansive interethnic and interstate business deals, and political alliances.

    It is not certain which takes the precedence between the PDP’s fateful events of the year and the president’s equally impactful illness. But it is clear that both events will deeply shape Politics 2018 and Elections 2019. When the president first took ill around June 2016, it seemed to be nothing more than the consequence of overwork going by what was marketed as a thoughtful president engrossed in the humongous task of cleaning the Augean stables left by the PDP. But by early 2017, it was gradually becoming clear that the president was not in such a fine fettle as he and his aides sold to the public. For an illness that first manifested as a simple ear infection, and was apparently believed to elicit nothing more than a week or two of vacation and medical examination in the United Kingdom, it shocked everyone that that trip soon yielded to another trip in May, this time more desperate and urgent. Whereas the January trip was to begin on the 19th and end on February 6, but ended inadvisably on March 10, the May trip took nearly all of 104 days, ending only on August 19.

    Both the January and May trips, around which buzzed whispers and rumours of the president’s death or vegetative state, triggered rounds of speculations and permutations about the survival of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), and the politics of re-election or, more accurately, succession. Presidential aides, supporters, ambitious party officials and other political adventurers had even started to entertain very fanciful projections about Elections 2019. Visit after visit to the president in the UK, not to talk of social media gossips that strained credulity, birthed morbid stories of the president’s debility. It was soon concluded, albeit prematurely, that even if he recovered he would be in no shape to seek a second term. Neither the president, whose voice in those debilitating days never rose above hoary whispers, nor his dispirited aides who pined in agony, talked about a second term.

    But when he returned in August looking more sprightly than anticipated, most calculations fell apart. His recovery since August has even been more surefooted, leading to speculations that he might be disposed to re-election. Not only has he now spoken of a second term, for a man and president so naturally reclusive, he has even begun to make trips to states few ever thought he would go. As his health status becomes more robust, he has become more mollifying, more gregarious, more conciliating. It is remarkable how the ebb and flow of his health bore direct impact on the political mood of the country, and particularly the moods of many top politicians. Those who cannot endure the president having a second term, that is if the electorate would oblige him, have embraced radical alternatives. The conclusion in both the APC and the PDP is that President Buhari is interested in a second term, will be nominated by his party, and will give the re-election race his all.

    Now to the PDP. After first appearing to be depressed by its terrible electoral loss in 2015, and even seeming to have fractured irreparably, the PDP finally decided to pick up the pieces in 2016. But like a jilted lover falling in love on the rebound, the PDP in desperation climbed into bed with the colourful and rambunctious former Borno State governor, Ali Modu Sheriff. He seemed the perfect counterpoise to the fierce and unrelenting APC, and with his immense wealth and generosity of spirit, gave indications he was both prepared to spend the money at his disposal and give battle to the intransigent ruling party. He was not beholden to anyone or group, and was not known to suffer fools gladly, nor to be discomfited by any form of squeamishness. The PDP leaders thus saw in him a champion worth the name and the money. However, soon after a giddy start to a reign initially conceived as a stop-gap only, PDP leaders and apparatchiks whose ways and ideas appeared at variance with that of the former Borno governor began to scheme how to reclaim their party.

    After many months of bitter legal wrangling, complete with a Court of Appeal judgement in favour of Sen. Sheriff, the PDP finally reclaimed their party from the ambitious former governor through a July 12 Supreme Court judgement. That final judgement left the party in the hands of the more amenable, but no less enigmatic and mercurial former Kaduna State governor, Ahmed Makarfi. Though also clearly ambitious, Sen. Makarfi was however seen as a team player, a bureaucrat, and an ideologue. He in fact appeared like a more acceptable face of the embattled party, one who could be trusted to organise a convention without seeking at the same time to hijack it. An elective convention was finally held on December 9 after many backroom deals, leading to the enthronement of a new chairman, Uche Secondus. He is trusted. More, he is an insider. If the party can find a standard-bearer to match the APC’s President Buhari in 2019, and find the wisdom to cobble a great and winning platform to take advantage of the ruling party’s complacency, and also atone for their dismal performance in office in years past, they could give the APC a run for its money, and even challenge its dominance.

    Though less far-reaching in its impact on both politics and the country as a whole, the pro-Biafra separatist group, IPOB, took the country by storm and with more flourish than both the president’s illness and the PDP’s apparent reincarnation. IPOB was of course not the first nor the only pro-Biafra group in the Southeast, but it was led by the more colourful but less cerebral Nnamdi Kanu. In less than one year, he took separatist agitation to a new height. Acerbic, unfeeling, illogical and extremist, Mr Kanu pompously roused the disaffected in the Southeast into a frenzied anti-Nigerian horde. That the IPOB agitation was more popular than its predecessors, particularly the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), was due less to Mr Kanu’s flourish or talent than to the alienation supposedly suffered by the Igbo under the Buhari presidency. That alienation was glaring and indisputable.

    Mr Kanu also cashed in on the lack of closure to the civil war. Virtually none of the issues that engendered the war has been satisfactorily resolved. The Southeast has borne the brunt of infrastructural decay and general developmental stasis. It has also so far been unable to produce a nationally acceptable politician as presidential candidate for any of the two major political parties, and that inability has seemed to accentuate what the region describes as marginalisation. Consequently, and for the foreseeable future, movements like IPOB and MASSOB will continue to agitate, and their agitations will always resonate. Until perhaps a more acceptable political structure is found, one that lessens the value and impact of winning the presidency, and one that devolves power in such a way as to enable the regions achieve political, cultural and social fulfilment, the insane craze for Aso Villa will continue with all its attendant frustrations.

    The IPOB agitations and the manner in which the group was put down have sadly worsened the animosity against the Buhari presidency in the Southeast. The president is now struggling to convince the region that he does not harbour a natural dislike for the Igbo. He is unlikely to be able to dispel the anger in that region. Instead, that anger will morph into politics and be transferred into the dynamics of the 2019 polls, with the Igbo and the South-South region likely to embrace the PDP in overwhelming number. In frustration, the APC government in Abuja will also likely abandon every thought of conciliating the two regions while it concentrates its efforts in holding on to the Southwest, consolidating its popularity in the northern parts of the country, and making those regions impregnable.

    Last year undoubtedly hosted many more events of seismic scale beyond the three events identified on this column today. The events of 2018 and the polls of 2019 will eventually be found to have taken their roots in the three hugely impactful events adumbrated in this place. Next year is unlikely to be as disruptive and earthshaking as 2017; but it will determine what will happen in 2019 and how far the country can go in its effort to reform the polity and transform the economy under the APC government.

  • Leadership, apologies and progress

    Leadership is all about taking decisions and accepting responsibility for their consequences both expected and unexpected. Brave leaders  own up to their actions and inactions as the case may be and move on with  the grave task of leadership, which  in most circumstances  is a lonely  job in which  at times, a bad decision is better  than none,  on some weighty  and important issues. Making apologies for decisions taken earlier is an acceptance of responsibility for such decisions and it is a mark of what we may call mature  and responsive  leadership. A  leader  who does  not accept responsibility for  errors when  obviously  palpable and clear,  cannot  be a  good leader. Even  though  some leaders  believe   fervently  that as at the time they  took some decisions they  weighed  all  the options  and  the context  and could  not be liable for any failure. It is in the light of   what   the inputs into leadership decision  could  be and how  weighty and relevant  or even important to the outcome of such decisions, that we look  at  the topic of today.

    We  therefore look  at events in Nigeria  and Peru  where  two  apologies  by political  leaders surfaced this week.  In  Nigeria where there is an ongoing and biting fuel  scarcity  which  has turned  the normally joyful Xmas Yuletide celebrations into  a nightmare  for the average Nigerian family,the  Nigerian President Muhammadu  Buhari  apologized  to Nigerians for the seasonal  hardship  which  he said would end in   a few  days  time. In   Peru  a former  Head  of State  Roberto   Fujimori  apologized from his sick bed  after  he was given a pardon  by the incumbent President  Pedro   Kusczinsky  who just escaped  being impeached for  corruption,   allegedly  because  of the support  given to him against  impeachment   by the Fujimori’s  supporters  in Parliament. Thirdly  we  look  at events in Russia  where  Alexei  Navalny, the leading but disqualified  opposition  leader seeking to replace  President Vladmir  Putin asked the  Russian  President who  is seeking another term as an  Independent   presidential  candidate   to  apologise  for  misleading the Russian  people  instead  of  seeking  a new  presidential  tenure  of office.

    In  both  Nigeria  and Peru the  two  leaders  were clearly accepting responsibility  for present  and past  lapses. In  the   Russian  scenario it is obvious  that  the call   for  apology  was like a dog barking at  the moon  and clearly an  exercise  in futility.  We  now  look at  the context  of the three  in terms of leadership  accountability  and what  motivated  the apologies  and the import of this for the three political  systems in terms  of human  and societal   progress  in these  nations.

    In  the  case of  President  Muammadu Buhari’s  apology  to  Nigerians on the fuel shortage and   the   attendant  household  hardship,  it is obvious  that  the Nigerian president is accepting   responsibility for  the fuel  shortage. This  is an informed  apology  because  the president was a former Head  of State as well  as Oil  Minister  and knows  where  the shoe pinches Nigerians on the shortage,  as well  as the problems  that have made the shortage an  annual  event  which  in the life  of this Administartion   led to fuel  price  increase  from 86  naira   to  145 naira  sometime. Some  skeptical   Nigerians are predicting that  the present shortage will  culminate   in a fuel  price increase but  I beg  to  differ on that  possibility  and my ammunition and defence is  the presidential apology to Nigerians on the hardship  by their presiden. That apology is at once   responsive and full  of empathy. It  therefore  cannot be shattered   by the greed  of Independent  Marketers , fuel price   manipulators , professional supply disrupters and all  those powerful  interests who  have turned  our oil discovery  and ownership  into  the ultimate   resource  curse  that  has made  Nigeria   laughing stock in the world as  an   oil  producing nation,  whose  citizens queue  up  annually  at  Xmas   to  look  for oil  to  power  their vehicles  and generators and even  to  cook  their meals   even  as  their    nation  is famously awash  with the black  gold.

    In  Peru   the  scenario  is different from  our situation. The  apology  is being made  by a fallen  president who  is serving  a 20 year  jail  term  for human rights abuses  that led to  the death and disappearance   of  opposition  leaders  during his presidency. But  Fujimori  to a large extent was  a successful  leader. He  defeated  the Shining  Path,  a terrorist group  similar  to our own  Boko  Haram,  and  created  political  stability in  Peru but  made  powerful  enemies in the process. The  defeat  of  Shining Path  made  him the envy of his political  opponents who invoked  human  rights  abuses massively to dent his image prosecute him and have him jailed. This strategy  is not dissimilar to that  of some Nigerian  leaders playing politics with  the defeat  of  Boko  Haram  and insisting that  no more funds  should be used to annihilate  the notorious terrorist group. Powerful  vested  interests similar to those that incarcerated Fujimori  are actively at  work  too on Boko  Haram.  Anyway  I have  no doubt that  Fujimori’s  apology will be accepted as he is dying  man and  even  though his  party helped the incumbent Fuji  president to  avert  impeachment in  Parliament,  no  one stands to gain  from  the Fujimori   grace to  grass  predicament,   which  is a lesson  for any real  or budding political  dictator  in any political  clime.  The  scene  from  Russia  is also  interesting and instructive. The  opposition  leader   Alexei   Navalny   admitted on CNN recently that he could  be killed  anytime   and I admire his bravery  on that score.  But  he is a political  lightweight  and Russia,   like China is a sham  democracy in terms of political leadership   participation  and   elections. Putin   as  leader   in  Russia  has played the game of political  self – succession very  well  and quite brilliantly   and has  outlived two  US  presidents. Now,  he    is being accused by the US political  system  of imposing a third   through  election  hacking,   which  Putin denies. Putin was in office from 2001  to 2008, the two  term tenure  of   President  George Bush. He  served a four year term  as PM   thereafter   and  put a surrogate in place as  president  who returned as PM  when   Putin  was  elected president again in 2012.  It  was the role of Hillary  Clinton in making that  2011  presidential  election  campaign   difficult  for  Putin  that earned  Hillary, who was Secretary of State  then, the eternal  hatred  of  Putin  together   with   her boss   Barak  Obama. And that  was responsible  for the massive even though denied Russian  interest  in the 2016 US   presidential  won  by  Donald  Trump. Putin  does not need  to apologise  in any way  to the Russian people  whose elites this week  gathered enough signatures  to  make him stand for president as an Independent candidate. Russians  are  proud  of Putin  for standing up to  the world  and the US  after the collapse  of the  Soviet  Union in 1991  which  Putin  described as the greatest  tragedy  of the 20th  century. A  leader  who invaded Crimea, Ukraine and  took  a military  base in Syria  to help oust  the dreaded ISIS  in the Middle  East  does  not offer  apologies  to his people  for fuelling their national pride, sovereignty  and  patriotism. Putin  may  have flouted   international  law  and may  be a culprit  at the comity of   nations  including the UN,   but  he is at  ease and at home with his primary  constituency, which  is the Russian  people.  That  to me is a mark  of  strong leadership  that  offers no apologies as  charity  should always begin at  home in any political  system. Once  again, long live the Federal Republic  of Nigeria.

  • 2017: Year of the trafficker

    The West’s quest for conquest has changed the world in very remarkable ways. Continents boasting knowledgeable rulers and sophisticated empires have been ‘discovered’ and given names. So have great rivers, one of them Niger, which have always supported life on such continents. In time, as in the case of Nigeria, bustling population became an irresistible temptation. Energetic youths of both sexes were just what was needed to keep the master’s fields and factories running. So across the Atlantic the human cargo sailed on crammed ships until the voyage ended on the shores of Europe and the Americas. While it lasted, those who became too weak, or too sickly, or too stubborn were simply picked up and tossed into the sea to feed the grateful population of flesh-eating creatures and counted as marginal loss of merchandise. Those who made it to the shore soon started a new slave-master relationship. That much was clear to both sides.

    Times have changed. Trade in humans has been outlawed, and there is a semblance of freedom and equality across the world. In the fullness of time a black man would become the president of the United States of America, occupying the most powerful office on earth.

    This is surreal.

    But how much has really changed? Not much. The West’s taste for cheap African labour is as insatiable as ever. So is the desire for female African flesh.

    It is not a one-way ride. Indeed, Africans now own the latest layer of the trade. The only difference is that they have grown wiser this time. In the past, a white man carted off his human merchandise upon the exchange of such insignificant articles as a labelled bottle of kai-kai or strong drink, a sheet of looking glass, or a pack of cigarettes.

    Not anymore. Africans now sit on top of well-oiled networks of human traffickers and smugglers who make the supplies for a handsome fee. The white man or the Arab need not move a muscle. A multi-million naira trafficking ring delivers the goods.

    This year a CNN Libya slave auction footage shook the world, from Washington to other global capitals. An unhealthy number of ‘articles’ on the slave market are Nigerians, some of whom sold and resold.

    Throughout the outgoing year, we heard and read blood-chilling accounts of young compatriots bruised and battered and dehumanised by their traffickers. The other day there was an unverified video of a man urinating into a subdued black lady’s mouth, something touted to be one more proof of Nigerian migrants’ ordeal these days of atrocities in Libya.

    It is the story of the year, of how young Nigerians leave their homes and country, sometimes without the consent of their parents. It is the story of hazardous journeys through an inhospitable desert through Niger to Libya, and from the coast of that North African country to the coast of Spain and beyond. It is the story of starvation, of thirst, of horror, and of death at the hands of murderous robbers and rapists. There are tales of women forced to offer their flesh to multiples of men in one night. Some pass away in the act, some live to report it.

    It is the story that starts from the neighbourhood. A Nigerian trafficker gains the ears of a jobless or poorly-paid compatriot and sells the bogus tale of better life in Europe. Eager to break the cycle of poverty and ineffectual government, the prey bites the bait and soon ends up a sex slave, prostitute or forced labourer, stripped of every human dignity, and robbed of the cash that lured them away from home in the first place.

    There are frequent TV footages of bloated bodies washed up on Spanish or Italian coasts, and of migrants picked up as their dangerous boats managed to make it to the shore.

    This sordid development has got the world talking, a good part of it trying unsuccessfully to absolve themselves of blame. But if you blame the Libyan or the Italian or the Spanish, how much blame should be reserved for Nigerian traffickers, without whom this criminality would not have started? Is there anyone to beat the trafficker to this year’s person of the year award?

  • A peep into 2018

    A peep into 2018

    This is the time for new resolutions – whether or not we kept the ones of last year. Such shortcomings form the neuclus of new decisions to be taken, God permitting. I don’t believe in resolutions because every new day offers fresh challenges to reshape my life. I’m also not scared to do the needful.

    For sports, we can sit back and celebrate Nigeria’s sixth appearance at the Mundial in Russia in June, not minding the point lost for fielding an ineligible Shehu Abdullahi in the meaningless last game against Algeria, which ended 1-1. I’m sure if Super Eagles manager Gernot Rohr had fielded our second-string side or the home-based players in the game, even with Nigeria’s qualification ticket secured, and lost, the long knives would have been drawn. We are sour losers. On the hindsight, we know better because we eventually lost the game in the boardroom.

    I’ve shied away from talking about the boardroom loss because everyone is guilty. Rohr, who ought to have known players eligible for the game, weeks before he named his squad. In fact, the quest to know the eligble players for the Algeria game should have started when he submitted his technical report of the last game against Chipolopolo of Zambia inside the Nest of Champions Stadium in Uyo.

    The layers of blame starts with the administrative arm of the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF), but the truth is, the manager ought to have done this line check since he uses the players to achieve our objective. This is the reason he signed an agreement where his decisions are unchallenged. If so, then the finer details of what he needs ought to have been done in conjuction with the other arms of the chain in his decision-making. I don’t like to dwell in the past. But I feel strongly that Rohr’s employers must sit down with him to design how the Eagles should be constituted, such that the Algeria experience is not repeated.

    We need to structure the Eagles to meet the demands of being a World Cup bound team. NFF chiefs and Rohr should look at what operates in other teams to streamline our operations. I must quickly point out to them that Eagles need a psychologist, among others. This idea of Rohr doubling as manager and psychologist is unacceptable. The danger in this arrangement is that when Rohr is overwhelmed by the circumstances of our performance at the Mundial, he won’t be in the best frame of mind to motivate the players. This is why teams have neutral and trained psychologists to energise players after every game, especially losses.

    For our football 2018 holds a lot, if the Eagles qualify for the quarter-finals of Russia 2018 World Cup. It would benchmark our best performance after six attempts. And you can only imagine how Nigeria would be bubbling as the team marches through the first four games. Indeed, a berth in the quarter-finals will mean a lot to the Muhammadu Buhari-led government, which may break its strigent finacial trasactions to motivate the players and coaches to fly over our quarter-finals foes.

    At the quarter-finals, anything is possible, especially with Nigerians when properly motivated. I’m glad that the countries in our group don’t think we have what it takes to upstage them. They are guaging Eagles based on their inconsistency. That could be a dangerous way to judge Eagles because the country would support them –  in every way possible that could swing the game in Nigeria’s favour. Nigeria’s group is tough. Every game is dicey, with the Croatian game serving as the Eagles’ biggest test since they are a very organised side eager to make their mark at the Mundial.

    The Croatian game reminds me of Nigeria’s opening game against Spain at the France’98 World Cup. The Spanairds were hot. Pundits ruled the Eagles out. But the avaerage Nigerian’s spartan spirit is one which shouldn’t be taken lightly when the stage is as big as the World Cup. The Spaniards were stunned 3-2, with Sunday Oliseh’s cannon shot from a rebound highlighting some of the best goals in the Mundial’s history.

    My only worry with this crop of Eagles is that they aren’t as talented as those who were in France over 19 years ago. but what these new boys have going for them is team unity, which is sacroscant.

    Two players stand out as the Eagles’ pivot, going by their European clubs’ performances. Victor Moses and Wilfred Ndidi are the leading lights in Europe, although many pundits would include Alex Iwobi, based on his cameo appearances with Arsenal in the Barclays English Premier League and Europa league matches.

    Interestingly, the trio Moses, Ndidi and Iwobi are the links from the midfield to the attack. It appears that the team’s skipper John Mikel Obi wants to make this World Cup a memorable one and given the extra efforts he is making to remain fit, knowing that the Chinese League won’t give the type of competition prevalent in the EPL, Europa and/or the UEFA Champions League. Mikel has recruited a fitness trainer and dietician. He displays his training on instagram, facebook, whatapps etc.

    If Mikel is fit, Eagles would get the balance that they need to attack and defend because Kelechi Iheanacho and Odion Ighalo would need good defence splitting passes to outwit the opposition and score goals with aplomb. It appears Rohr has fixed the team’s hitherto leaky defence, with the remarkable way in which Troost-Ekong and Leon Balogun have marshalled the rear in Nigeria’s matches.

    My joy stems from the fact that Troost-Ekong and Balogun aren’t our products. Troost-Ekong’s and Balogun’s approach to games have reduced the defensive errors prevalent in the team when our home-groomed lads held forte. Troost-Ekong and Balogun covered up the team’s weaknesses from the right and left back positions. Ebuehi and Aina Ola, given their performance against Argentina, could plug the team’s problems in the defence, with Shehu Abdullahi serving as back-up, not because he hasn’t done well. Abdullahi is a midfield player who won’t be able to bench Mikel or Ndidi. The way Ebuehi played against Argentina showed the difference between a natural defender and an adhoc one.

    I won’t dwell much on Eagles’ goalkeepers. I know that none of the 32 teams at the Russia 2018 World Cup is flawless. What has happened to the doctrine of the goalkeeper being as good as the team’s defence? I feel Rohr should evolve a pattern where all the players start to mark the ball as soon as they lose possession, reminscent of the way Manchester City FC has prosecuted its matches this season.

    I stumbled on easily Nigeria’s best football player ever Segun Odegbami at Eko Hotel, Lagos on Tuesday and we got talking about Eagles. Odegbami was cautious intially, but he opened up when he needed to express his views.

    Asked if he thought it wise for Vincent Enyeama to return to the team, his expressionless face underscored his response.

    Odegbami said:’’You want my views on Enyeama’s return? No. Even when he was on tip-tip shape, he wasn’t world class. So, how does anyone think that Enyeama, who is presently recuperating, clubless and has not been involved in matches should make the World Cup by any stretch of imagination. Let’s give those who have fought for the ticket a chance to prove their mettle. Or is anyone thinking Nigeria can win the World Cup?

    Odegbami went on: ‘’I tip the Eagles to reach the quarter-finals. if that happens, it would be our best performance at the Mundial; then we can build on that. The World Cup isn’t a stroll in the park. I must commend Gernot Rohr for transforming the team, but the truth is Eagles have average players. I can pick out Victor Moses as the world class player who would trouble teams that Nigeria will face at the World Cup. How far Eagles will go will depend on how well the other players complement Moses during our matches.’’

    Won’t Ndidi be impactful at the Mundial? Odegbami replied: ‘’Ndidi is a strong player. He dominates the midfield very well. But, unfortunately, he plays well for Leicester City better than with Super Eagles. Unlike Moses, who plays better for Nigeria than when he is playing for Chelsea. Ndidi is okay but it is Moses that holds the aces for Eagles at the Mundial.

    ‘’I’m also looking at Mikel as one of our jokers, but I’m not thinking of Nigeria winning the World Cup. I feel we can get into the quarter-finals. But my fear is with our first game against Croatia, even though I feel too that we can nick a win over them, with the right motivation.’’

    ‘’Look, Ade, you and I and indeed all of Nigerians deserve to benfit from our participation at the Mundial. I’m excited that we are at the World Cup. Let’s get to quarter-finals and I can tell you that anything is possible thereafter, not only with the Eagles,’’ Odegbami concluded.

  • Buhari’s appointments: loyalty or conservatism?

    Buhari’s appointments: loyalty or conservatism?

    LAST week, President Muhammadu Buhari approved the extension of the tenure of the Chief of Defence Staff and the other service chiefs. The extensions, according to the presidency, were predicated on both constitutional provisions, as contained in Section 218 (1) & (2) of the 1999 constitution, and a “careful review of the ongoing military operations across the country”. The military chiefs were originally due to relinquish their offices in July, but were told to stay on till December. As the deadline of the extension loomed, it was widely believed that there would be no further elongation. Not only were new extensions approved, there was in fact also no exit dates attached to the second extension. The presidency did not indicate what parameters were used in the ‘careful review’ to justify not only an extension but an apparently open-ended one.

    The double extensions, taken together with other policies and actions of the Buhari presidency in the past two years and more, indicate something very dialectical and nuanced about the president’s style of governance. Is he purely idiosyncratically loyal to his appointees or just plain conservative in a manner that sometimes border on inertia? It will take a deeper analysis of the Buhari presidency to come to anything close to the truth; for it is not even clear that the president is conscious of the elements and essentials of his government, let alone determine whether his actions and policies can be properly and scientifically compartmentalised. What is, however, clear is that a pattern seems to have developed in the past two years or so that sees the president seemingly reluctant to initiate or encourage radical changes, especially in, but not limited to, appointments. And it does not matter whether the appointments are deeply controversial or disappointing.

    President Buhari obviously did not overreach himself when he decided to keep the military chiefs he appointed in July 2015 beyond their 2017 tenure. But whether the review of ongoing military operations in many parts of the country, particularly the recrudescence of Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast, justifies his reluctance to infuse new blood into the north-eastern campaign is a different thing altogether. He has the right to do what he did; but it remains to be seen whether it makes sense. Perhaps in the near future the president will clear all doubts as to what informed his decision to stick to his appointees in the face of mounting criticisms and sometimes even controversy.

    It is not only President Buhari’s military chiefs that have benefited from the president’s loyalty or conservatism. His close aides, the so-called kitchen cabinet described brutally in some quarters as either a cabal or metaphorically as hyenas and jackals, have also enjoyed his unstinting support and loyalty. Even when there was unanimity of opinion among his family members, the general cabinet, and the opposition within and outside the ruling party, to the effect that it was necessary to do something, the president had kept his composure in the face of strident calls and campaigns to either sack those aides or appoint new ones. In fact, the president seemed completely desensitised. At some point, too, members of the president’s family were sure the president would reshuffle or kept their distance regardless of the impending politics of re-election, it was widely thought that he would reshuffle his ministers, and put a new verve in his effort to reconcile his warring party men and energise his interest in seeking a fresh mandate. But while he has made it all but known that he wants a second term mandate, and is interested in placating disaffected party apparatchiks, he has refused to rejigger his cabinet. Even when there seemed to be an open rebellion in the cabinet, with one or two cabinet members signifying their readiness to jump ship when the time comes, the president still stuck to his guns.

    The debate now among his friends and opponents, not to say among his enemies, is whether his conservative approach to appointments, despite the seismic quakes around him, is borne out of pure ideological conviction — such as the conservatism of making haste very slowly — or out of simple and uncomplicated loyalty to his friends and appointees. No one is sure. While some, particularly in his family, would insinuate he had come under some mysterious and even mystic pressures and influences, others outside his family might suggest that for a man so headstrong and self-made, he is simply too obdurate to want to be seen to succumb to any form of frenzied campaigns for change. As his style when he was a military head of state showed, President Buhari seems to detest being second-guessed or predicted.

    The remarkable thing about the whole controversy over the president’s appointments is that he seems to have got his second term bid underway despite refusing to bend to the wishes of those he believes are stampeding him to change his aides or reshuffle his cabinet. Of course he has kept up appearances by promising to do something about their complaints, fill board appointments, and encourage the initiatives his friends and supporters advocate. Though he has been very slow in meeting these expectations, somehow, he has managed to encourage his party to believe he is amenable to their wishes. Nearly three years into his first term, no one in the party seems sure he will reshuffle his cabinet, at least not when he is expected to, and no one knows whether he will even fill the remaining vacant board positions he promised.

    Unlike the mantra of his party, and regardless of his fascination with the words ‘change’ and ‘progressive’, President Buhari is at bottom a very conservative man and politician. Nothing in his life or career indicates he is really progressive or ideological; nothing in his ideas, nothing in his style, and nothing in his policies. So, in a way, his refusal to effect the wide-ranging changes expected in his general and kitchen cabinets bears some elements of his lifelong conservatism. There is of course nothing intrinsically evil about his preferences. In addition, considering his natural awkwardness in making new friends, which has been evident all his life, it is not surprising that he is reluctant to sack his aides when he is only now getting used to them and appearing to enjoy their unflinching loyalty. He may be truculent, but he is in fact more loyal to those around him than he is acerbic in public. There is, therefore, an element of loyalty in his refusal to reshuffle his cabinet and appoint new close aides.

    If President Buhari finally manages to carry out the personnel changes many around him have advocated, he is unlikely to do it on a scale they expect. It will likely be cosmetic. From all indications already, even those advocating radical changes to his team selection seemed to have given up. They are used to the absence of change; they will accommodate it perhaps beyond the president’s first term, should it come to that. They have become used to him dispensing palliatives in place of fundamental and radical personnel overhauls. And they seem to appreciate that should they be the insiders on his team, they would similarly enjoy the stability his inurement guarantees.

  • Leadership,  sovereignty and corruption

    World  leaders  jostled   this week  on the world scene for attention and positions more loudly, and  I dare  say more rancorously than at any other  time this year. And it is not only because of the passion involved in the issues at stake  or  the expectations of their audience or followers. I think  the stark  fact is that diplomatic language is taking a back  seat  as world  leaders deal with the issues  at stake and square  up to each other in plain language.  Which  means that the world is in an  exciting season  of calling a spade a spade and it is becoming unpopular  even in diplomacy  to talk to friends  and  foes alike   by   mincing words. This is the language  of our time at least this week and I  ask  you  to enjoy  this  unique development in international  relations  and global  diplomacy with  me today.

    At  the UN   this week,  I  think it was US  President  Donald  Trump, outside that august body  who  started  the ball  rolling   last    week  by recognizing Jerusalem  as the capital  of Israel  and setting the Middle East on fire literally  by injuring Arab  and Palestinian sentiments, passion  and emotions  with that  pronouncement.  Then Nikki  Haley  former   South  Carolina   governor    and    now    vibrant US Ambassador  at the UN took  over  the baton,  vetoed  a Security Council condemnation of  the American  Jerusalem  position and lambasted  as an insult,   the rejection of that position by those  who  she   protested  have no respect  for the sovereignty of the US  on that score.  Haley  like  an Amazon  she has become  at  the UN,  promised  to take down  the names of all    nations   which  vote against the US  on  the Jerusalem  issue and  ostensibly   take retaliatory  action  sometime later.  Her  boss  the American President  Donald  Trump  followed  suit  later on global  media warning that those who take American  aid should expect  a  freeze on such free  rides  as there is no free  lunch  anymore on any form of  anti – Americanism at  the UN    or  any where else  for that matter.

    In    S Africa  the ruling African  National Congress, ANC  had  a smooth transition in terms of a change  of leadership  as millionaire   Cyril  Ramaphosa    was voted in as   leader  of the party  to replace President Jacob  Zuma.  But  that   was a transition  with  a lot of rumble  in the jungle  of  S African   politics.  This  is because   outgoing President  Zuma  was awash  with the opprobrium of corruption  such  that the party  wanted him to go   even  if   he is   not  probed.  But  his wife was the opponent  to the eventual  winner  and it was obvious  that Zuma was using his incumbency to obtain a succession by his wife to ensure his immunity or soft landing against the massive  corruption charges that have plagued his  presidency  rather  notoriously  and  so  disgracefully. At  the end,  his nepotic    survivalist  and protective strategy  failed,  and his wife lost.  Now  the winner  has pledged  to  fight  corruption  and  it needs no  soothsayer in S African  politics to know that is Zuma’s other surname and his  days of walking free  are over once as expected  the ANC  under the leadership  of  Ramaphosa wins  the next  presidential elections   in   2019.

    To  allay  the fears of the teeming  masses of  S Africans  on persistent  poverty  and corruption under the Zuma  presidency, the new leader  of ANC has  promised to follow the decision of the ANC  at  the Congress to make land appropriation with compensation  a  policy in the next  ANC  presidency.  This   is obviously  aimed  at  copying what Robert  Mugabe did in Zimbabwe. But  the new leader  has warned  that the ANC  must  ensure  that it protects  the economy  and its vast  agricultural  skills and resources.  This  is obviously  a check  on the possibility of South Africa  following the destructive footsteps of  Mugabe  who  destroyed his nation’s  economy  by appropriating land without compensation  from white  farmers  and giving such  farms and lands to party members and cronies who  mismanaged such  lands and ruined the Zimbabwean  economy.  In  addition  the ANC  has  already  shown that it was not ready  for any of Mugabe’s   shameful  wife  succession  scheme  in the way it has carefully led the Zuma bull  out of the china shop,   by  rejecting his wife  as the ANC new leader  at the party convention this week. Obviously  the path of honor  for the ANC   leadership  hierarchy  is  to prosecute Zuma  for his corrupt  practices  and  actions which  gave him immense   wealth.  I  caution    however  that   for  now till  after the 2019  elections the party  must  not  show its hand till  the election is won  and   Ramaphosa  is sworn  in as Zuma’s    successor.   This  is to pay  heed  to the African  proverb  that says until  a man has  seized   the hilt  of his sword,  he does  not inquire  who  killed  his father.   That  to me is the safe way  to show outgoing  President Jacob  Zuma   that even  in African  politics,   social    control  and    deterrence  are  alive  and well    even   though  it is    easy     for    every dog    to have its   day.

    It   is necessary to look  at the American  threat  on aid cancellation on the Jerusalem  recognition matter in the light of the pedigree of US foreign policy  and pedigree on such threats  or perceived insults. Similarly  we  need to look at Nigeria’s  anti  corruption  war  and the personality   and   leadership  of the Nigerian  president leading the crusade  to    appreciate   how  unacceptable and repugnant   were   the leadership  styles that both Zimbabwe  and S Africa  have endured under  both  former President  Robert  Mugabe  and now Jacob  Zuma. Indeed   President Muhammadu Buhari  emerges like  a saint  compared to the corruption, abuse of  office and misuse of power  that have tainted both Southern African  leaders. Even  if you take  the charge against  the Nigerian president that he  was  a Muslim  fundamentalist, that  charge falls off  in the way  he has pursued  Boko  Haram and encouraged  the military with funds to preserve the security of life and property  of  Nigerians  in the face  of terrorism  in the North East. The  latest  is the withdrawal  of $1bn  from the Excess  Crude Acount   by  the Federal  Government  to fight  the bloody  Boko  Haram  insurgency.   This  is  aside the huge funds made available  in the   proposed  2018 budget for the military  to  fight this crippling insurgency. Even  if  you  are a Buhari sceptic  and you ask  why  part  of the   withdrawal  from the ECA  cannot  be used  to contain the Fulani herdsmen  now shooting at NAF  aircraft  in some  parts  of the nation, you  will  even   then   albeit   grudgingly agree  that President Muhammadu    Buhari   is  very    committed to fighting both terrorism  and  corruption  and his integrity on that  score is intact  and unassailable. You    may even   ask   that  part  of the money be used to accommodate   those    Nigerian  youths  misled   into   Libya  ending up in dehumanizing slavery and you will   have   my   full    support.   Really  then   I  see no sense in the brouhaha on whether  the National  Assembly  has the authority  or not on the ECA disbursement,  as security  is always  a priority  in terms  of  government   expenditure  and cannot  wait most  times. Especially  now that Boko  Haram  has  resurrected with    deadly   girl  bombers  in recent  times  in  our  Far  North  East.

    Again  on   the  Trump retaliatory threat on Jerusalem   voting   at  the UN,  I state   clearly   that   surely   it has a precedent. This  is  because  the   Obama Administration  had a similar intimidating  policy  against  African  nations that had anti  gay  and  anti  homosexual  laws and even  threatened  Nigeria which  has such laws. I  leave  it to you to decide which is more repugnant  between  Trump’s  threat on Jerusalem  and Obama’s  on gay  recognition and aid withdrawal. Once again  long live the  federal  Republic  of  Nigeria.

  • Messi’s trumpet

    Messi’s trumpet

    Lionel Messi is excited and it is showing in his utterances. Consider the dismissive manner in which he talked about Nigeria’s chances at the Mundial. But the Eagles must take to heart Messi’s observations and shut his trap with another resounding whiplash of Argentina. Dear Eagles, this is a task that must be done, with proper planning, when both teams meet in the last Group D game in Russia. It will be the most exciting photograph to see Messi on the cover pages of newspapers, his face buried in his jersey, after another humiliating defeat. Tough task though.

    Messi used to allow his feet do the talking than be indulged in verbal jibes, which translate to mind games. He is talking now and the world is taking note, so much so that many pundits don’t believe that Nigeria can beat Argentina by the same margin  (4-2) at the Mundial. They agree that the result would have been different if Messi played. No doubt about that, but the difference could have been more goals conceded because the Argentines were awful in the second half.

    I don’t intend to speak for the Eagles. I know the players will prove their mettle when the chips are down. Messi’s message should compel Manager Gernot Rohr and NFF chiefs to prepare well for the June competition. Need I waste space to enumerate Messi’s qualities or his feats as one of the greatest players in the world?

    Aside Messi’s jives at the Eagles, he has raised a fundamental question which should provide insights in doing a comparison of who the greatest player in the world is. The Argentine is thinking of winning the World Cup for his country again. If it happens, he would join the league of soccer greats who won the World Cup, a status Edson Arantes do Nascimento (Pele) and Diego Maradona enjoy.

    Messi needs to win the World Cup for his country to first match his compatriot Maradona, a feat which will silence Cristiano Ronaldo, who is the real threat  to the Argentine’s stardom in the 21st Century. Where do we start from in highlighting Messi’s achievements? His records can only be matched by Ronaldo, but he wants to win the World Cup next year to join soccer greats and seal the difference between him and Ronaldo. It will be easier for Messi and Argentina to win the world Cup than Ronaldo and his mates from Portugal. The Argentines have better players than the Portuguese.

    ‘’I hope football will repay its debt. I heard what Jorge Sampaoli said, in fact, he told me himself. I don’t think the pain of the 2014 World Cup final defeat to Germany will ever heal. I think I’m just going to have to live with what happened, it will always be there. The World Cup provides nice memories, but also some very painful ones,’’ Messi told FIFA.com in an interview last week.

    One man who knows Messi’s qualities aside grooming him from youth to stardom is Manchester City FC of England’s manager Pep Guardiola. Pep nurtured Messi from his infancy to glory. He thinks Messi is matchless and shouldn’t be likened to anyone because of the things he does with the ball.

    “I feel sorry for those who want to compete for Messi’s throne – it’s impossible; this kid is unique,’’ Guardiola said, after Messi became Barcelona’s all-time top scorer at 24 in March 2012.

    Ronaldo will be facing Messi for the first time since he was declared the best player in the world by FIFA and France Football awards. But Ronaldo holds the ace in this evening’s encounter, largely because he gives his best when it comes to the big games especially Barcelona.

    “You will go and say that I have a big head, but when you’re at the top, it’s normal that you’re criticised,” Ronaldo told France Football. “I am the best player in history, in both good and bad times.”

    Ronaldo’s and Messi’s pre-match utterances have raised the game’s profile, with everyone expecting a thrilling 90 minutes.

    Messi said: “Titles are our goal. If individual statistics are there also, that’s even better, but they are not the objective.” Indeed, Messi.

    Messi and Ronaldo have four Champions League titles, with Messi’s eight league titles twice higher than Ronaldo’s. This is despite the fact that Ronaldo played for Manchester United FC of England and plays for Real Madrid. The usual head-to-head analysis for such big matches tilts towards Messi, having outscored the Portuguese 19-17, since Ronaldo joined Real Madrid in 2009.

    Tonight, soccer faithful will be glued to their seats around the globe to watch the El Clasico in Spain between Barcelona and Real Madrid. The two characters who make the game the most glamorous in Europe are Messi and his rival Ronaldo. Gamblers would have placed several bets on Messi and Ronaldo to do things such as scoring a goal or two each. Both men serve as the pivot of their teams’ style of play. The winner will be leaving the pitch on Sunday, with the bragging rights of being the better of the two until the return leg game next year. Real Madrid are 11 points adrift Barcelona, but have played a game less due to their participation at the Club World Cup. Barcelona sits on top of La Liga with 42 points. Real Madrid are fourth with 31 points.

    Ronaldo and Messi are talking about the 278th El Classico with interesting comments that have raised the stakes in previous matches. Indeed, words from Real Madrid’s camp suggested that Ronaldo could miss the game against Barcelona. ‘’Cristiano Ronaldo worked separately from the group. Luka [Modric] also trained alone out on the pitch as he continues his recovery process,’’ a club spokesperson said.

    Not many will believe this submission, especially after Rondalo said in subsequent reports on Wednesday: ‘’I felt an issue in my calf in the second half, but I kept playing. For sure on Saturday I will be fine.’’

    Ronaldo takes this game seriously as if his life depends on it. He sees the game as one which real Madrid must win, if it wants to close the gap between the two sides on the La Liga table before today’s game.

    So, who wins tonight’s game? Barcelona’s captain Iniesta’s submission tells the story of what to expect in the 278th El Clasico.

    “That is in the past, we’re in another competition and in a different moment. It’s a completely different game and nothing to do with how we were back then,” Iniesta told Marca.

    “I don’t look at the league table before a ‘Clasico’. They are unique games and form has no impact. We know what’s at stake and we’ll try to take an important step towards winning the league.”

    May the best side win. But it is looking like a draw, if Ronaldo is declared fit by the doctors this morning.

     

    Good luck, for Moses

    The Confederation of Africa Football (CAF) didn’t shock anyone when it dropped Nigeria international Victor Moses from the top three nominees for the African Footballer of the  Year Award. Since the story of the Nigerian’s exclusion broke on Monday, many readers of this column have called to ask if I knew that Moses would be dropped.

    Moses did well for Nigeria, no doubt, but there were other African players who played pivotal roles for their countries en route the Russia 2018 World Cup and at their European clubs.

    Mohammed Salah, Saido Mane and Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang did well for Egypt, Senegal and Gabon in the Mundial. But Aubameyang was awesome for his German side, Borrussia Dortmund last season, scoring 31 goals. Mane and Salah did well in the World Cup qualifiers for Senegal and Egypt. They are both captains of their national teams. They play for the same European club, Liverpool FC of England and all three are strikers.

    Perhaps, being strikers put Mane, Salah and Aubameyang ahead of Moses, who plays from the right wing-back position. Will anyone blame CAF for their decision? After all, the essence of football is scoring goals. It is the reason the fans throng match venues and sit around the world to watch the games.

    The atmosphere is different when goals are scored. Goal scorers get all the attention, not defenders. This is not to say that defenders have not won such awards. Moses has done well. He needs to start scoring goals regularly and pray for an injury-free season. Good luck, Moses.

  • What future for PDP?

    What future for PDP?

    After the fierce and bitter protracted struggle for the soul of the party that pitted the faction of the pugnacious, tenacious and unyielding Senator Ali Modu Sheriff against that of the restrained but highly astute Senator Ahmed Makarfi, members and leaders of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) must be justifiably relieved at the success of its December 10 National Convention no matter the flaws that attended the exercise.

    The legal triumph of the Makarfi faction, which paved the way for the convention to hold, offered an opportunity for the PDP to pick a leadership that would give it a new face, demonstrate its determination to turn a fresh leaf, undertake a rigorous moral inventory, critically rediscover, interrogate and reinvent its core values and move in an ethically elevated direction diametrically opposite to its badly tainted past. Unfortunately, that opportunity appears to have been squandered by a limited, strategically short sighted and largely unrealistic preoccupation with regaining power at the centre in 2019.

    There is no doubt that the PDP is emboldened in this endeavour by the undeniable disenchantment of a large number of Nigerians with what is widely perceived as the wide gap between the high expectations it aroused among the citizenry during the campaigns and the actual performance of the APC federal government. Can the resultant disappointment and frustration among a not insignificant cross section of the populace help catapult the PDP back to power at the centre in the next election? It is doubtful.

    True, millions of Nigerians continue to groan under the weight of persistent socio-economic hardships. But a good number of them also know that the root cause of the problem lies in the profligacy and prodigality of the preceding PDP administration that failed to utilize the huge oil revenues earned under its watch to lay a solid foundation for sustainable economic growth. Yes, Nigerians do not expect the APC-controlled Federal Government to continually blame its predecessor for problems it was elected to solve. But neither do they realistically expect that the APC will miraculously achieve in two and a half years what the PDP could not in its 16 years in power.

    Of course, it is all too easy to exaggerate the differences between the PDP and the APC, to perceive one as a party of unblemished saints and the other a party of irredeemable sinners. In reality, the ideological, philosophical and even moral boundaries between the two major parties are blurred. Many of those who contributed to the victory of the APC in the 2015 election were decampees from the PDP.

    The ethical infractions associated with the former SGF, Babachir Lawal, ex-DG of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Ayodele Oke, or the ongoing monumentally scandalous Abdulrasheed Maina affair even in this APC dispensation of change prove that no party is immune from corrupt behavior. The decisive difference is that, though he may be agonizingly and discomfitingly slow in acting, Buhari makes no distinction between stealing and corruption and those found guilty of malfeasance under him are invariably brought to book.

    Perhaps the major albatross that the PDP has to confront is the unprecedented and colossal corruption perpetrated under the Dr. Goodluck Jonathan administration. Humongous amounts of stolen funds and scores of mind boggling physical assets within and outside Nigeria have been recovered from top functionaries of that government while many are being prosecuted in court. Many Nigerians are unlikely to be persuaded by the argument that the anti-corruption war is one-sided because only members of the opposition are being prosecuted. The fact that other thieves have not been caught does not justify my own stealing if the law catches up with me.

    Against this background, it is my view that the PDP should have been more concerned with electing leaders that could effectively help rebrand, re-position and rebuild the party for the future rather than the preoccupation with zoning of party offices all with 2019 in mind. It should have sought to elect national leaders who symbolize a decisive ethical break with the putrescent past and a desire for a refreshingly different future. That would have jolted an APC that is obviously being lulled into complacency by a lack of viable competition.

    The PDP appears to underestimate the amount of work it has to do to redeem its image, meaningfully change public perception in its favour and become a viable, vibrant and electable brand once again. Although the APC as a whole and the Buhari administration in particular suffer from many self-inflicted wounds and unforced errors, millions of Nigerians still have confidence in the personal integrity of Buhari and Osibanjo. If they emerge as the party’s candidates in 2019, it will be a difficult ticket for the PDP in its present form to beat.

    With the PDP’s loss of presidential power in 2015, the locus of power and influence within the party has unquestionably shifted from the presidency to the party’s governors. This is obviously because the governors control immense resources, which they can readily deploy to achieve their goals within the party as allegedly happened at the PDP convention. But then, the problem of powerful cliques seizing control of a political party and becoming a virtual dictatorship within largely by virtue of money power is not limited to the PDP. It is also a challenge that the APC has to confront.

    Indeed, the overbearing influence of powerful groups, interests and cliques within parties cannot be eliminated. It can only be reduced and continuous attempts made to empower the rank and file of party members to take ownership of their parties. How to reduce the influence and role of money in our political processes including intra-party contests remains an enduring problem.

    The Electoral Act No. 6, 2010 (Amendment Act) Bill 2017 recently passed into law by the Senate takes bold and commendable steps towards ensuring freer and fairer intra-party electoral processes. Among other provisions, the law prevents political parties from imposing arbitrary nomination fees on political aspirants and makes it impossible for parties to impose qualification/disqualification criteria, measures or conditions on aspirants for political offices different from what is stated in the 1999 constitution.

    Even more importantly, the law provides that “all members of political parties are now eligible to elect candidates of parties in indirect primaries”. The aim is obviously to reduce the power of party executives to manipulate primaries. Even though it is well meaning, expanding the base from which delegates to indirect primaries are chosen to include all party members will indirectly work in favour of those who have sufficient funds to bribe the far larger number of people who will now elect delegates. But it is at least another small step in the right direction.

    Surely, the new Prince Uche Secondus-led National Executive Committee of the PDP has its task cut out for it. It remains to be seen if the new Chairman can free himself from the grip of the forces that ensured his emergence to be his own man in the interest of the party. In a polity characterized by unprincipled ideological fluidity and peripatetic political vagrancy among political actors, one cannot but be impressed by Secondus’ ideological consistency over the years. In the Second Republic, he served as the Rivers State Youth Leader of the conservative National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and in the aborted Third Republic he was the Rivers State Publicity Secretary of the National Republican Convention (NRC), another party to the right of the political spectrum.

    A two-term Chairman of the PDP in Rivers State, Secondus has played several critical roles at the national level of the party including South-South Coordinator for the PDP National Campaign Council in 2007, National Organizing Secretary of the party between 2008 and 2012, National Deputy Chairman and also Acting National Chairman of the PDP following the resignation of Alhaji Adamu Muazu in 2015. He no doubt has a rich political pedigree that should serve him well in his new position.

    However, in 2016, Secondus was detained by the EFCC for unlawfully receiving 23 luxury vehicles from embattled businessman, Jide Omokore, on behalf of the PDP. His detention was subsequently declared illegal by a law court, which awarded N10million damages against the EFCC.

    The party’s new National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Kola Ologbodiyan is a professional colleague with a track record of competence, versatility and integrity in media, public relations practice and political consultancy over the years. Ologbondiyan has already hit the ground running and is sure to give the APC a good run for its money. That would sure be good for the polity. I do not know much about the other members of the team but we should be hopeful that they can help lay the foundation for the emergence of a brand new PDP, an organization proud of and faithful to its conservative ideological antecedents in the interest of stable democratic development in Nigeria.

  • ‘Diversification, key to maintaining balanced portfolio’

    ‘Diversification, key to maintaining balanced portfolio’

    The Chief Executive, Stanbic IBTC Stockbrokers Limited, Mrs. Titi Ogungbesan, speaks on why there is  the need to sustain investors’ confidence, the role of market operators in 

    Stanbic IBTC has been involved with most of the ticket financing deals in Nigeria in the last few years. What would you say is behind the confidence corporate bodies and Federal Government repose in Stanbic IBTC when it comes to debt or equity transactions in Nigeria?

    I think the most important characteristics that has endeared us to our clients are our Integrity, professionalism and painstaking execution capabilities. For us, it is important that clients derive utmost value first before any other consideration.  We are Nigeria’s largest Stockbroking firm in terms of transaction value from 2006 to 2016 (2017 current market share of 15 percent while also leading the transaction volume chart in 2013 and 2014.) The fact that we are supported by high quality research and have franchise capabilities across and beyond the continent due to our relationship with our parent company is significant advantage.

    How significant was SISL’s operation and performance in first and second quarters 2017 to Stanbic IBTC Holdings PLC’s performance recorded in its half-year 2017 financial results?

    SISL as one of the major subsidiaries allows Stanbic IBTC Holdings to present end to end financial capabilities to the clients which has been an important consideration for them in passing their transactions through the group.

    Data obtained from the NSE showed that 10 stockbroking firms led by SISL, traded 70.71 per cent of the total value of stocks exchanged in eight months and 46.28 per cent in terms of volume. Specifically, Stanbic IBTC Stockbrokers led in value terms, trading N299.592 billion, which is 19.61 per cent. To what would you attribute this feat?

    Our reputation for excellence is unrivalled, excellence in execution, research, sales and in sourcing for block flows. When clients know that you can deliver value to them as a company, they naturally gravitate towards you. We do not only seek to execute transactions, it is more important to build quality relationships with our clients and other stakeholders.

    Nigeria is officially out of recession, firstly as an organization, what are you doing to raise investor confidence and collectively as a nation what should we be doing now to attract investors?

    We will continue to engage investors on the value that is in Nigeria as they can still get very good returns on their investment. The economy witnessed a significant improvement in the macro-economic fundamentals in 2017 as we have recorded consistent monthly drop in inflation from 18.72 percent in January 2017 to 16.01 percent in August 2017 due to base year effect. We have also had improvement in FX liquidity due to the new Investors & Exporters (I&E) FX window introduced by Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) during the year. We saw significant improvement in volume of transactions executed in the equities market as well as the fixed income market. The intervention of the CBN in the capital market has helped in bringing Foreign Portfolio Investments (FPIs) into the country.

    What advice will you have for someone who wishes to invest in Nigeria now?

    My advice to investors is that they should consider valuation of the companies and take advantage of the undervalued stocks on the Nigerian Stock Exchange. We have several quality stocks that pay good dividends and offer capital appreciation which are attractive at the current levels. Diversification is also very important for investors to maintain a balanced portfolio.

    The listing of major companies, particularly in the oil and gas, power and telecoms sectors, on the Nigerian Stock Exchange has remained a matter of intractable debate, with both sides offering strong arguments that appear to have stalemated the issue. What role can market operators like you play to break the deadlock and possibly encourage the targeted companies to quote on the local bourse?

    The market can support the government’s financing efforts by raising capital for infrastructural projects through primary issues and public offerings. The major point here is capital whether for expansion or for diversification or even taking on new projects- that is what the Stock market provides. Companies that have a good business model and a good track record of profitability over the years, investors will want to be part of such businesses. The challenge we now have to take on as market operators is identifying those companies, engage them and intimate them of how the Nigerian stock market can both create more liquidity and value for their business. I must mention that although the operating environment is quite challenging at the moment for most businesses in those sectors. There has to be a really compelling story for the companies wishing to list on the exchange to get their desired level of liquidity.

    The capital market is expected to play a major role in helping government finance a huge budget deficit this year. Considering the general apathy in the market, particularly by foreign investors, how well can the market support government’s financing efforts?

    The Federal Government has always and will continue to tap into the fixed income market as a way of providing funds and finances to fund a budget deficit. We believe that the domestic pension funds and other investors have sufficient capacity to support government’s bond issues. Issuing project related bonds would also be an avenue to raise funds to plug the budget deficit in our view. This will however have to be looked at from a contract sanctity perspective. On the equity side of the capital market space, one way to fund the government deficit is by getting some of the properly-run government agencies to list on the exchange. Take for example NNPC listing on The Exchange or perhaps the National Communications Commission (NCC). The power of sovereignty alone could be compelling enough for investors to invest and hence for the government to source the liquidity it requires.

    What are some of the key lessons from the just concluded 2017 Standard Bank East to West Africa Investors’ Conference?

    One of the most important lessons is that Nigeria is very key to investors looking at investing in Africa, the potential that the country has to offer is not in doubt, it is just important for them that the right policies are put in place. Another lesson is that companies that are perceived to be quality organisations in terms of efficiency, corporate governance, effectiveness and client -centricity will always be of interest to investors. Opportunities are still available in the stock market especially for long term investors.

    SISL is the leading stockbroking firm in Nigeria, what goals and targets are you setting for yourself over the next two to three years?

    Yes we have consistently been the market leader in the Stockbroking space over the last couple of years. Just like the brand we represent, we aspire to continue to be the market leader. For us, it is important to rebuild retail investor confidence in the Nigerian equities markets; our goal is to continue to use technology to drive this. We are committed to taking participation in the market to each household in Nigeria because empirically, it has been proven that the returns of the equities market over the long term is usually higher than the fixed income returns. We will also continue to partner with The Securities and Exchange Commission and The Nigerian Stock Exchange to deliver on the development of the market. It is important for us also to continue to deploy the capabilities within the broader group and relationship with our parent company to introduce new products to the market.