The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • Royal transgressions

    Royal transgressions

    The traditional institution has existed since time immemorial. In Yoruba land – and many other parts of Nigeria – kingship is hereditary. A great attribute of monarchy is the permanence of tenure. Once they are installed, the Sultans And Emirs, Obas And Baales, Obis and Igwes, Shehus and Lamidos, Obongs and Amanyanabos hold the titles and the accompanying powers for life.

    In Yoruba land, monarchs are regarded as second-in-command or lieutenants to the deity (igbakeji obarisa). The throne is prestigious and honourable. It is revered and feared due to its perceived sacredness. Going to the palace evokes a sense of awe. It is not an ordinary place of abode. The chief occupant or tenant is an overlord – rich, powerful, and influential. In the days of yore, their words were laws.

    But traditional rulers are not God, howsoever they try to act as equal to the Supreme Being. They are only His representatives on earth and are expected to reign with the fear of the Almighty to whom they will ultimately account. While many monarchs have lived up to expectations, many have failed woefully through excessive use of their powers. Even in the days when monarchical powers were seen to be boundless because kings were allowed to decide on most matters (oba ba le ohun gbogbo – the monarch lords over all things), there were cases when the subjects found some royal decisions as transgressions. Such acts sparked conflicts between the kings and their subjects, or neighbouring communities.

    The latest example of a failed traditional leadership was recorded in Ogun State two weeks ago. A community head, Oba Abdulsemiu Ogunjobi of Orile-Ifo, was seen in a video assaulting one of his subjects, an octogenarian. The hapless victim was slapped, kicked, and cursed even while kneeling before the traditional ruler. He suffered the indignity of a man of low estate.

    Commendably, the government has risen to the occasion by taking up public complaints against the obvious royal misconduct. Promptly, the rascally oba was arrested and, according to reports, he is going to have his day in a court of law.

     What is happening to the Orile-Ifo traditional ruler should serve as a deterrent to others who delude themselves that they have the power of life and death over their fellow beings.

    While other traditional rulers are advancing the cause of their towns, Oba Ogunjobi indulged in what could have caused an affray had the man he was maltreating also disposed to violence and had his thugs resist the assault.

    From ancient times, the monarchy has been associated with despotism. Thus, in the beginning, the All-knowing and All-seeing God never wanted to appoint a king for the people of Israel. Samuel, a prophet and judge, also dissuaded them from insisting on kingship, warning that the king they earnestly yearned for would enslave them, confiscate their property, conscript their children to fight wars and impose taxation on the nation.

    The admonition was ignored, but the predictions came to pass. King Saul shunned God’s instructions during the Israel/Amalekite war. He was disrobed and rejected. He became dejected. He never bounced back.

    But King David, who succeeded him, also committed murder. When he was idling at home instead of going to war, he saw a beautiful woman, Bathsheba, while peeping through the window of his palace and, out of covetousness, forcefully had carnal knowledge with her. When she became pregnant, the king directed his Army chief to post the husband, Uriah, to the hottest area of the battlefield, where he died fighting. The king married Uriah’s widow.

    Like David, many ancient monarchs were also covetous. An example was King Ahab, who coveted the vineyard of Naboth, his subject. A greedy man, Ahab craved the inheritance of another man and raged when the owner objected. His wife, Jezebel, arranged the killing of the innocent farmer and the king took possession of a commoner’s property.

    Wicked rulers always have collaborators when they commit atrocities. Politically ambitious princes also rely on the counsel of their partners in crime to commit atrocities.

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    But the repercussions were grave. While the sword never departed the household of David, Ahab and his wife died miserably. Today, Christians are counseled to exorcise themselves of the Jezebel spirit. The mark of departure is that David repented.

    Many Old Testament Bible verses contain accounts of how kings committed evil acts in the sight of God. In the New Testament is another account of horror.

    John the Baptist was beheaded by Herod Antipas at the request of the king’s daughter, Salome. The prophet of God had criticised the king for marrying the wife of Philip, his brother. To the king, the request was awful. But he lacked the courage to decline. To save his face, the tetrarch sent soldiers to the prison to cut off John’s head. They brought it on a platter and gave it to the girl who took it to her mother.

    In the olden traditional Yoruba societies, despotic and barbaric rulers, at the height of their powers, seized the wives of other men by placing their legs on them (oba gb’ese le – the king has seized her). Others confiscated the farms and lands of their townspeople, claiming that all lands belonged to the king. Tributes were increased and vassal towns and villages that could not meet up faced wars.

    The Old Oyo Empire produced some wicked monarchs who wreaked havoc on the kingdom. In a display of naked power, Alaafin Majeogbe ordered his in-laws to be beheaded over his wife’s jokes about his smallish stature when she was scrubbing his back in the bathroom.

    Also, King Aole, ever blood-thirsty, ordered that the chief of the Apomu community be beheaded because he had offended him before he mounted the Oyo throne. Previously, he had sold his best friend into slavery. Later, he tricked his Army chief, Generalissimo Afonja of Ilorin, into waging war on Iwere-Ile, the hometown of the mother of Oba Ajagbo, who created the title of Aare Ona Kankanfo, and warned, with a curse, that any Generalissimo who attacked the town would die. Afonja discovered the folly and rallied other war chiefs to demand that the monarch be made to ‘open the calabash,’ the euphemism for committing suicide. At the point of his death, he cursed the Oyo Kingdom that it would be hit by wars while its people would be enslaved and their kith and kin would coexist in mistrust and disunity.

    Powerful chiefs also oppressed their tributaries. At home, they were terrors. His Supernal Highness Gaa, the Bashorun of Oyo, supervised the liquidation of three kings in a row on flimsy excuses. So were some Aremos (royal first-borns) who displayed a lot of rascality; killing, maiming, and depriving people of their belongings.

    Even, residents (ajeles) of Ibadan warlords also camouflaged as royals and violated the rights of the people in distant Yoruba county, seizing farms, crops, and animals. That of Okemesi-Ekiti, Adepetu, overstepped his boundary when he molested the wife of warrior-prince Fabunmi. He paid with his life. The chain of events heralded the 16 years of the Ibadan/Ekiti Parapo war.

    The inhumanity of monarch to their subjects continued till the days of colonialism. In Lagos, the war between Oba Kosoko and the prime minister, Eletu Odibo, was costly. In the battle for the throne, the head of kingmakers supported Akitoye against Kosoko, who took a woman who had been betrothed to him. A war ensued and Kosoko fled. Then, the Eletu Odibo arranged for the grave of Kosoko’s mother to be dug up and threw her remains into the Lagos lagoon.

    A naive Akintoye offered reconciliation by inviting his elder brother, Kosoko, from exile. It became his undoing. Kosoko waged a successful war, sacking Akitoye from power. He fled to Abeokuta, but Kosoko asked the Egba to send Akitoye’s head to him. They refused.

    But Eletu Odibo was captured in the battle and Kosoko avenged the scattering of his mother’s bones by the Eletu. He placed him in an empty oil barrel, sealed it, set it alight, and dumped it in the Lagos Lagoon.

    In Ile-Ife, the cradle of the Yoruba race, Prince Adesoji Aderemi’s wealth and fame brought him into conflict with the powerful Ooni Ademiluyi Ajagunlaforikan. His offence: he rode in a car on the streets of Ife. It was misinterpreted by foes who claimed that he was parading himself as the Ooni. The educated prince was severely punished. He was asked to prostrate on the same spot from sunrise to sunset. Aderemi endured the pain and humiliation. After the death of his tormentor in 1930, he succeeded him as monarch, and no monarch has been greater in Ife than Oba Aderemi, who became a federal parliamentarian, minister, and ceremonial governor of the defunct Western Region.

    At Efon Alaaye in Ekiti State, Oba Samuel Adeniran abducted a princess, Adediwura, for rituals, apart from tampering with the freedoms of religion, association, and worship. He was tried by the colonial authorities. The ugly event sadly ended the reign of the charismatic ruler.

    In the early 1950s, there was tension between uneducated obas and their educated and enlightened subjects, who rivaled them in politics. Thus, in Oyo, a political quarrel between Oba Adeniran Adeyemi II and a frontline lawyer and politician, Chief Bode Thomas, degenerated. Kabiyesi moved against the promising politician, who died mysteriously. The oba, who was highly respected by his people, was, nevertheless, dethroned.

    There are also good examples to emulate. There was the Deji of Akure, Oba Afunbiowo Adesida, a humble and honest man who could not hurt a fly. His son, Otutubiosin Adelegan Adesida, gentle like a dove; Olubadan Isaac Akinyele, President of Christ Apostolic Church (CAC), who was an embodiment of good virtues; the Alaaye of Efon, Oba Lawani Aladegbemi, a Muslim who promoted religious tolerance and harmony in his community; his successor, Oba Dr. Adesanya Aladejare, a scholar of note who is very passionate about infrastructural and human capital development; Oba Omoniyi Abolarin, who has changed the Oke-Ila landscape through his unprecedented philanthropy; Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, a cultural nationalist; the Shehu El-Kanemi of Borno, an astute administrator and humble ruler; and the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Sa’ad Abubakar, a defender of the faith and the Caliphate.

    Other traditional rulers of note have impacted their domains with good leadership. The Awujale of Ijebu land, Oba Sikiru Adetona, has rallied all Ijebus for development; the Loja-Oke of Okemesi, Oba Orimadegun Dada, who donated his family land for a secondary school project; Ewi Biritiokun Omoapanajare Anirare Aladesanmi, who left a memorial in Ado-Ekiti; Oba Akenzua II of Benin, who believed in the unity of the Yoruba race; and Papa Adeyinka Oyekan, the Eleko of Lagos, who was held in high esteem by all Lagosians.

  • Obiora Okonkwo: The man Anambra needs for its renaissance

    Obiora Okonkwo: The man Anambra needs for its renaissance

    In a vibrant political landscape such as what is obtained in Anambra State, where tradition meets  progress, one name has consistently featured within the state’s political firmament standing  as a beacon of transformative leadership and that is Professor Obiora Francis Okonkwo. As the All Progressives Congress (APC) positions itself yet again to upstage the All Progressives Grand Alliance, APGA  from what many may perceive to be its strangulating hold on Anambra State for the past 16 years,  Okonkwo stands out as a candidate who uniquely combines a high level of business knowhow, grassroots acceptance, and an intellectual depth – a rare trifecta the state of Anambra is desperately in need of in these critical moments.

    Now, in an era where states must think and act like businesses not only to survive but also to thrive, Okonkwo’s stellar track record in the private sector naturally thumps the chest pounding of the average aspirant and trust me such a record speaks volumes. As the founder of United Nigeria Airlines, he  has largely demonstrated that with vision and strategic thinking, enterprises within Nigeria can adequately compete in our local markets and even international markets if given the opportunity. His business empire, spanning aviation, hospitality, and real estate, showcases not just entrepreneurial prowess but a keen understanding of value creation and sustainable growth – precisely what Anambra State needs to unlock its vast economic potential and challenge the Lagos, the Lanos and Rivers for national economic dominance.

    What sets Dikeora apart is his proven ability to translate business principles into governance frameworks. His companies by the long run have created thousands of jobs, suggesting he understands what it takes to combat unemployment – a pressing issue in Anambra State. However Okonkwo has always argued that it is not just about creating jobs; it’s about building credible, people oriented and  sustainable economic ecosystems that can withstand global economic headwinds and harness the potentials of that entity for massive growth and development.

    Beyond he’s just being a business mogul, through the years, Okonkwo’s style of politics has been grassroots oriented, his political philosophy harps repeatedly on genuine community engagement and thus whether it was in his time as a member of the Advanced Congress of Democrats,  ACD or the Action Congress where he played huge roles in getting the party then its first and only seat in the Senate and the House of Representatives as well as in the Anambra State House of Assembly where the party nicked 6 seats, a feat the successor party  has failed to replicate in past elections. As we speak, his aspiration is catalyzing coalition talks across political parties, blocs and structures, the only aspirant presently exciting such; a testament to his understanding that development must touch lives at the most fundamental level. Through various community development initiatives, he has demonstrated that prosperity must be inclusive to be meaningful.

    His political movement isn’t built on the usual cursory like transactional politics but on a deep understanding of the people’s needs. Okonkwo has again and again demonstrated  that leadership isn’t about imposing views from above but about listening and responding to the people’s aspirations. His people centric  approach to politics is refreshingly different – it’s about building consensus, understanding the sum of the local dynamics, and creating solutions that resonate with real needs of the masses.

    Another distinguishing factor about Professor Okonkwo is his intellectual depth. With a doctorate in Political Science from the Russian Academy of Science, Moscow, he will be deploying an analytical approach to the business of governance that Anambra desperately needs. His regular contributions to national discourse through articles, speeches, and policy papers demonstrate a mind that doesn’t just understand problems but can articulate practical solutions.

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    Now, In an age where governance challenges are increasingly complex, Anambra will definitely be needing a leader whose agenda will be paradigmatic of the experiences that a new generation of Ndi Anambra and Nigerians seek. Okonkwo’s intellectual thrust transcends just possessing a plethora of certificates and well coloured academic robes; it is largely possessing the ability to blend theoretical knowledge with practical experience and it is this trait that makes him uniquely qualified to lead Anambra into the future.

    What makes Okonkwo’s candidacy particularly compelling for the APC is his embodiment of progressive ideals with pragmatic execution. His vision for Anambra aligns perfectly with the party’s focus on development and innovation. While others might speak of change, Okonkwo has demonstrated it through his various enterprises and initiatives.

    His approach to governance is built on four key pillars: economic development, social inclusion, technological innovation, and cultural preservation. This comprehensive framework shows an understanding that progress doesn’t mean abandoning our cultural heritage but building upon it to create a better future.

    His candidacy represents more than just any kind of political aspiration; it embodies the hopes of a new Anambra – one that can compete effectively in the global economy while preserving its rich cultural heritage. His understanding of both traditional values and modern governance principles positions him uniquely to bridge the gap between Anambra’s proud past and its promising future.

    As the political season heats up, the choice before Anambra State becomes clearer. In Obiora Okonkwo, the APC has a candidate who brings to the table a rare combination of qualities: proven business success, genuine grassroots connection, and intellectual depth. This combination isn’t just attractive; it’s essential for the challenges that lie ahead.

    The question isn’t just whether Okonkwo can win an election; it’s about whether Anambra is ready to embrace a leadership style that combines vision with execution, intellect with action, and progress with preservation. As the evidence suggests, he isn’t just the candidate to beat; he’s the leader Anambra needs for its next phase of development.

    In Okonkwo, Anambra has the opportunity to elect not just a governor, but a leader who can beckon upon the state a renaissance understanding that true development must be holistic, inclusive, and sustainable. As the state looks to the future, his aspiration offers not just hope but a concrete path to progress.

  • PDP and its leadership crisis

    PDP and its leadership crisis

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) never anticipated the turn of events. Its leaders had confidently declared the party would rule for 60 years. They least expected the transmogrification that boxed it into the opposition corner. Now dazed, its leaders have been trying to pinch themselves into reality. But the more they try, the deeper they lapse into odious phantasm.

    The PDP seems to find more crises in resolving the self-inflicted confusion it created for its leadership. As its headship falters, the centre weakens further. Its administration has become a case study in party politics conflict resolutions.

    When the wind of change blew, an adjustment to reality became tedious. The transition to life outside power has been hectic. Left in the cold for 10 years running, the party is yet to put itself together. Its bane is a lack of unity, cohesion, and focus.

    However, the PDP cannot be dismissed with a wave of the hand in many states, particularly in its strongholds, where it still has structures and can weather the storm. It will be risky for the All Progressives Congress (APC) to sleep on guard because it is now the ruling party at the centre. The reason more chieftains are defecting to APC is because it is the ruling party. They feel they have prospects of winning on the platform. APC should learn from the PDP’s mistakes and manage its achievements well.

    The founding leaders of the PDP are now on the sidelines. Many of them are old and contending with fading influence. At one point or the other, they were either pushed aside, emasculated, or frustrated out of the party. The majority of the current crop of the party’s leaders – governors, National Assembly members, and national officers – were too junior to the founding fathers in the hierarchical order. Between 1999 and 2003, many of them were SAs, SSAs, council chairmen, and state lawmakers. The party appears to be collapsing because its leaders are neglecting the old vision and agreement that once held the party together.

    The few active founding fathers are pretending as if nothing of such existed because upholding them would be detrimental to their interests. In the process of holding on to personal agendas, the collective interest is threatened.

    It is not a fitting tribute to the memory of PDP leaders, like Dr. Alex Ekwueme, that rotation or zoning of the presidential and national chairmanship slots was discarded by the current handlers of the party.

    Read Also: PDP disciplinary committee summons Anyanwu, Ortom

    It is a tragedy that the formidable party chaired by progressive leaders, including Chief Solomon Lar and Chief Bola Ige, who wrote its constitution, now appears to be ebbing away.

    The PDP agreed to distribute six positions into six zones. These positions are: President, Vice President, Senate President, House of Representatives Speaker, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and the National Chairman of the party.

    Also, it was agreed that the offices should rotate between the South and the North. The aim was to foster unity, equity, justice, and a sense of belonging in the heterogeneous country.

    Once those agreements were breached in PDP, lots of problems arose.

    There was a political pollution at the beginning as the Generals who reluctantly surrendered power became the pillars of the edifice. Many of the founding fathers developed an inferiority complex in 1998/’98. After establishing the party, they started looking for an outsider to fly its presidential flag. Even, if General Olusegun Obasanjo was a silent PDP sympathiser, there existed well-known and competent civilians in the party who were qualified to run for President. But the retired soldiers who held the ace insisted on the former military head of state.

    As the ruling party, the PDP was beset by leadership instability. After it gained power, the party slipped into turmoil. As the President became the National Leader, the national chairmen became puppets. From 1998 to date, a spate of 27 years, the party has produced 17 national chairmen. Only one of them, Col. Ahmadu Ali, completed his tenure successfully. Many left the party chair worse than they met it. Today, no fewer than five former chairmen of the party are in the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    PDP’s problem is worsened by its lack of leadership. Party leadership is beyond the National Working Committee (NWC). In this wise, the PDP has not borrowed a leaf from the pre-2019 APC, which, despite being an amalgam of struggling platforms, had a National Leader, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man of immense stature who commanded the respect of all and sundry.

    In the PDP of today, there is no unifier. Its interim leadership does not command popular acceptance. Yet, the search for a credible alternative is problematic. The party’s elders are not in one accord. They are divided by antagonistic ambitions, conflicts of interests, and clash of egos. As the national leadership is bogged down by unresolved squabbles, many state chapters are also battling with sundry crises that appear intractable.

    The stunted growth of the PDP is a disservice to democracy. It robs the country of a critical alternative route and creates a void that cannot be filled by the crisis-ridden Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP); the latter party’s sphere of influence is highly restricted to Kano.

    PDP leaders work at cross-purpose as the platform wobbles towards 2027. Instead of collectively building the party, gladiators are building ambitions on private structures. Cracks are not mended. The organs of the party cannot reach a consensus on concrete ideas and future goals of the party. Many party stalwarts commit anti-party activities. They justify their actions and go unpunished. Thus, there is collapse of discipline.

    Reconciliation in the PDP is not built on altruism. It is cosmetic in nature because the sources of discord are ignored. Instead of facing the reality of partisan feuds and malice rooted in the unresolved crisis of 2022, party leaders are busy chasing shadows. It is ironic that as the Oyinlola peace panel swung into action, the intra-party crisis has escalated.

    Many things are disputed in the PDP. Its proposed convention is disputed. The NEC meeting has been repeatedly shifted. The party has failed to build a consensus on the choice of the next chairman, although the former occupant of the position, Senator Iyorchia Ayu, was shoved aside more than a year ago. The Deputy Chairman (North), Ambassador Umar Damagum, who has been steering the party’s affairs, does not enjoy the support and cooperation of all. He has survived the plots to remove him more than twice.

    Damagum has succeeded in obtaining a court judgment that validates his tenure as the interim leader till December. Yet, concerted efforts are on to pull the rug off his feet. He has to be vigilant.

    The Northcentral chieftains are agitating for the new chairman to come from the zone. There is no agreement on micro-zoning. Aspirants are locked in acrimony.

    The position of the National Secretary is also disputed. Senator Samuel Anyanwu lays claim to it. His challenger, Ude-Okoye, kicks, accusing the former Imo State governorship candidate of impersonation.

    Two weeks ago, their supporters stormed the party headquarters in Abuja to flex muscles. The police described them as thugs who invaded the meeting of the Board of Trustees (BoT) to settle scores. Caution was thrown to the wind. The mob attacked chieftains and no one was ready to claim responsibility.

    Today, the Wadata House is not safe. BoT Chairman Adolphus Wabara and other party elders are keeping a distance from the party’s secretariat till further notice. They are taking precautions. On Wednesday, they relocated to Transcorp-Hilton in Abuja for their meeting.

    The PDP Governors’ Forum has threatened fire and brimstone. It recognised Ude-Okoye as the authentic National Secretary, to the consternation of an equally embattled Senator Anyanwu, who has been reminding the forum about the stay of execution of an Appeal Court judgment. A situation whereby the landlord packs out of his house is serious.

    Echoing the same sentiment and bias, the highest advisory organ took sides in the highly divisive and destabilising issue by throwing its weight behind Udeh-Okoye. This did not go down well with some party youths who rejected the position of the BoT, saying its gerontocratic advice was not binding. The youths pointed out that the tenure of many BoT members had expired.

    If there is a court judgment, the verdict should be obeyed. This conforms with the constitution and the rule of law. However, if there is a stay of execution, it should not be ignored either.

    The proxy war in the PDP should be carefully settled. The partisan rift between former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and former Rivers State governor and current Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike started during the 2023 electioneering. What the party could not resolve was the zoning or rotational question. Instead of running to their party’s elders at home to seek their wise counsel, the party went ahead with Atiku as the presidential candidate and Ayu as the national chairman. It meant the old agreement, which Atiku and Ayu were witnesses to at the beginning, was violated.

    Younger elements who were not there when the agreement was made but who got to know about it, including Wike and other members of the ‘G5,’ protested. Reconciliation collapsed because the terms of the truce were jettisoned. As the aggrieved governors fought back, the PDP became weakened in some states. The APC saw the cracks and wooed the aggrieved for collaboration. PDP’s loss became APC’s gains.

    As a minister, Wike became a subject of envy, and his former colleagues in the PDP Governors’ Forum and new members of the group lacked a novel strategy for engaging the FCT minister.

    Treading the path of discord is disastrous. Anyanwu is being targeted for political liquidation at the party’s secretariat, being an associate of Wike. The court, and not the party, will determine his fate. Also, concerted efforts are on to pull the rug off the feet of Damagum. This can be done after December.

    As the party warms up for the March 13 National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting, there is palpable anxiety among party leaders and members.

    Reconciliation is still the solution. But it should be genuine. It should be erected on the foundation of equity and justice.

  • NCC’s tariff increase: Another misguided step in wrong direction

    NCC’s tariff increase: Another misguided step in wrong direction

    The recent decision by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) to increase phone call tariffs has sparked widespread concern and criticism across the country. Such move, which is coming at a time when Nigerians are already juggling  with severe economic challenges, poor take homes against galloping like inflation much demonstrates a troubling disconnect between regulatory decisions and market pricing realities.

    Such timing of this tariff increase by 50 percent on operating tarrifs could not be more inappropriate and insensitive. With inflation rates soaring without any form of immediate reprieve and the purchasing power of the average Nigerian readily and repeatedly diminishing, adding to such economic woes, the cost of essential communication services places an unnecessary  and unfair burden on citizens who rely heavily on mobile communications for both personal and business purposes.

    How do you go ahead with steep increases in tariffs when a number of glaring issues  affecting mobile telephony  are yet to be addressed by the NCC. These recurring problems which stem from NCC’s shambolism as a  regulator are still lingering. So the average Nigerian is none the better since neither the QoS nor the rates are favourable, mobile subscribers who have been plagued with these issues will only adjust to the continuous provision of substandard services from network providers, including frequent dropped calls, poor network coverage, and inconsistent data speeds and consumption. The regulatory body’s inability to effectively address these fundamental challenges raise a number of serious questions about its priorities and regulatory effectiveness.

    The billing methods of these mobile telephony companies have long been a source of frustration for Nigerian consumers. Subscribers are usually piqued with regular cases of unexplained deductions, questionable charges. Shouldnt this be the thrust of the NCC? Shouldnt the leadership of the NCC focus  on these critical consumer protection issues? Isnt it suprising  that it is the issue of tarriff that the leadership of the NCC has chosen to implement? One that will definitely bring about immense  hardship to the subcriber while failing to address these core issues.

    Network providers have consistently hidden under the unveriable claims them running and incurring  high operational costs as justification for various price increases, these are telecom companies that have year in year out declared jawbreaking sums as profits after taxes. Some of these telecom operators prefer to spend more on lush adverts and sponsor reality shows and yet there is little evidence of corresponding improvements in service quality. In saner  climes the NCC as a regulator would first of all seek the kingdom of evidential improvements  before deciding on any form of price increases. The message  the NCC is merely sending to the world is that poor performance will always be rewarded without seeking guarantees of offering better service quality.

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    I have said this before and i will repeat such here, and that is that the the regulatory framework governing Nigeria’s telecommunications sector requires progressive  reform. The NCC’s approach to regulation has been largely dour rather than proactive, it has like Rome’s Nero fiddled while the sector continues to do the forward and backwards dance, it has failed to galvanise the telecoms sector with robust measures that would protect consumer interests while fostering healthy competition among service providers as well as enhance the sector’s strategic place in our economy, not only as a meana for creating jobs but also as a hib for continuous investment. In addition to this, the commission’s monitoring and enforcement mechanisms have time and time proven incompetent in ensuring compliance with service quality standards, yet it seems more focused on facilitating revenue increases for operators.

    Moreover, the lack of transparent consultation with key stakeholders before implementing this tariff increase raises concerns about the NCC’s decision-making process. Consumer advocacy groups, business associations, and other relevant stakeholders should have been given meaningful opportunities to provide input and raise concerns before such a significant change was approved.

    The economic impact of this tariff increase extends beyond individual consumers. Small and medium-sized enterprises, which form the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, rely heavily on telecommunications services for their daily operations. Increasing their operational costs through higher call tariffs could have ripple effects across various sectors of the economy, potentially leading to job losses and reduced economic activity.

    It is worth noting that many other countries are working to reduce communication costs to drive digital inclusion and economic growth. The NCC’s decision to move in the opposite direction raises questions about Nigeria’s commitment to digital transformation and economic development goals.

    The commission should reconsider this ill-timed tariff increase and instead focus on:

    The immediate reversal of this tariff increase would demonstrate the NCC’s commitment to protecting consumer interests and promoting sustainable growth in Nigeria’s telecommunications sector. The regulatory body must prioritize addressing the fundamental challenges facing the industry rather than implementing measures that further burden already struggling consumers.

    Until these critical issues are adequately addressed, any attempt to increase tariffs can only be seen as premature and detrimental to the interests of Nigerian consumers. The NCC must return to its primary mandate of ensuring quality service delivery while protecting consumer interests. The current tariff rates should be maintained, if not reduced, until there are substantial improvements in service quality and regulatory oversight.

    The way forward requires the reversal of such an ugly increase and the establishment of a more proactive regulatory regime, one  that considers the interests of all stakeholders while prioritizing the development of a robust, efficient, and consumer-friendly telecommunications sector. The NCC must demonstrate stronger leadership in this regard and work more effectively to fulfill its regulatory responsibilities, i lend my voice to the reversal of the tarrif hike, it is unjust! It is unfair!! It is the height of regulatory irresponsibility!!!

  • Wike’s intriguing politics

    Wike’s intriguing politics

    To his surge of supporters, former governor of Rivers State and now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Mr Nyesome Wike, has transformed into the status of deity. He is the object of their unending adulation and ululation. Among them, he is fast becoming the man who cannot be corrected because he is above mere mortals and thus can do no wrong. Alas! Wike knows more than anyone else the sheer ephemeral nature not just of power but of life itself. A leader who wants to succeed must beware of listening to the deceptive music of sycophants who desire nothing but to lure him to the cesspit of demystification and destruction. This is a factor that the incumbent governor of River State, Siminalai Fubara should also habitually keep in mind and meditate upon daily.

    On the other side, those who fervently support Governor Fubara detest his predecessor, Wike, with unmitigated passion and undisguised hatred. They do not see anything wrong with the governor turning so vehemently and venousmally against a mentor who not only sold his candidacy to the voting public but mobilized and deployed massive resources to ensure a little-known Fubara’s victory at the polls. Now that Fubara is in the governor’s seat, he has laid bare his fangs and set his claws like a feral beast waiting to pounce on any available prey. But it is a matter of moral integrity, character, loyalty and fidelity to truth. Of course, it can be argued that it was God who made Fubara governor of Rivers State. True, but God uses human beings to achieve his purposes on earth and in the case of Fubara, God’s tool was Wike and the governor must never forget that.

    It is difficult to understand how a man like Fubara who was a trusted aide to Wike and worked with him for eight years as governor, could so suddenly turn against a man who made him politically and helped build the political structure that enabled his victory to become Rivers State governor. Could he have been deceptive all along, hating his boss with all his might but disguising his true feelings in order to achieve his political objective? If so, Fubara should be Intelligent and wise enough to know that no matter which political party he gravitates towards in due course, he will not be trusted. His integrity will always be questioned as well as capacity for loyalty either to any person or group. Wike as it is now turning out to be, has little capacity to spot, recruit and motivate people of talent and ability to aid him add value to governance when he was governor of Rivers State.

    But then, despite his political astuteness and acumen, how could Wike have decided for and massively enhanced resources behind a Fubara who was his candidate for the governorship office in Rivers State? It is now obvious that if Fubara had any iota of loyalty to his then-boss, Wike, or any sense of commitment to the principles of truth and honesty, they were deceptive and only skin deep. But many of the Rivers State respected elders swarming around Fubara, singing his praises and denouncing Wike today are most likely to harbour some doubts within them about the character, constancy and dependability of Fubara.

    The lesson here is that rather than one person picking a candidate and imposing such an aspirant on the party, structured and institutionalized mechanisms must be put in place across parties to facilitate the emergence of candidates for elections in a competitive, transparent and credible process. But this also implies further that there must be a fundamental change in the way our political parties are funded and run. Rather than the current system whereby wealthy political entrepreneur’s fund and thus dominate the political parties, we should return to a new model where party members pay their dues through which the parties’ activities and obligations are funded.

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    Both Wike and Fubara have their respective faults in the ongoing political crisis but the governor in my view has the greatest responsibility to bend over backwards to cultivate his mentor and former boss. It is certainly not too late. Moreover, it is the well-being and progress of the people of Rivers State that must be paramount. The speed with which he moved against and sought to decapitate Wike politically is amazing and creates the impression of a ‘Machiavellian’ for whom  the end justifies the means no matter how base or immoral. But a lesson of history is that adopting a Machiavellian disposition to life can often be counterproductive or outrightly self-destructive.

    It was not until he stormed the venue of the PDP presidential election convention and very nearly got the ticket but for the ethnic sleight of hand that gave Alhaji Atiku Abubakar the PDP presidential flag, that I began to take a serious view of Wike. If Atiku had picked him as his running mate, would that not have brightened his chances in the last presidential election? Well, that question lies in the bosom of time. Wike is energetic, focused and productive. Both as governor of Rivers State and now Minister of the FCT, even WIKE’s most ardent adversaries would admit that he is a star performer and an aggressive goal-getter. But his failure with regard to the Rivers crisis is his penchant for intervening unnecessarily in the administration of Rivers under Fubara. Many see him as too brusque, harsh, dictatorial and overbearing. Even as it is important to let Wike know the need to curb these traits, his shortcomings cannot be an excuse for what is widely believed as Fubura’s betrayal of his former boss.

    The Scenario in Rivers is no exception. We have continued to witness ceaseless confrontations between governors and their successors since the inception of this dispensation in 1999 and across party lines. And in most cases, it is due to a struggle between former governors who seek to play the role of party leaders in their respective states and newly elected governors who seek to assume control of the party structure and assume the leadership of the party in the state. It was this conflict between the leadership of the party and that of the government machinery that led to the

    breaking down of the relationship between Chief Obafemi Awolowo as Leader of the party and Chief SLA as Premier of Western Nigeria that later degenerated into widespread riots and demonstrations in the region and later led the country to civil war with excruciating implications for millions of people on both sides of the battleground. And it was to avoid such a situation to recur in future that in the Second Republic from 1979, Awolowo insisted that the governor in each state controlled by the Unity Party of Nigeria must also be the leader of the party in the state.

    How he walks the tightrope of being a Minister on the platform of the APC and also a still influential member of the PDP is intriguing  and impressive. But we can only wait in bated breath as events unfold in the near future. President Tinubu tried in futility to reconcile the warring factions. Their mutually agreed positions were soon jettisoned and the contenders were back in the trenches. It is surely time for elders in Rivers State to close ranks and help bring these two eminent citizens of the state together.

    Meanwhile, we will continue to closely watch Wike’s intriguing dance steps on the often treacherous terrain of Nigerian politics.

  • Where is Chelle?

    Where is Chelle?

    Suddenly, those who run our football have realised that Nigeria’s flag won’t be hoisted among the comity of soccer-playing nations at the 2026 World Cup. They have pressed the panic button as if the World Cup qualification fixtures were drawn yesterday. They are experts in creating needless tension among the players, coaches and the over 200 million Nigeria. It is no rocket science that Nigeria may not qualify for the Mundial. Some of the new decisions being adopted now ought to have been done before the qualifiers began last year. If Nigeria fails to qualify for the Mundial (God forbid), will our soccer chieftains apologise to Nigeria and quit the soccer scene here for the good of the game?

    Coach Eric Chelle, whenever you have discussed with all the players in Europe, you could arrive in Abuja one week before the contingent’s departure to Rwanda in our characteristic style of arriving aboard a charter jet. That is the way our people run her football-fire brigade system.  We have just woken up and we expect the world to wait for us.

    You would have come to formally assume the most unreliable job in the universe as the Super Eagles coach where every game must be won with goals aplenty. It is the job in which those watching the team play at the stands during matches feel they can do better than the coach – in this case Eric Chelle. Yet, they don’t submit their applications for the job, whenever there is a vacancy. This writer belongs to this group without apologises since for us in Nigeria, football is like a religion. Football unites Nigerians. It is a game where the father and wife belong to different clubs as supporters. It is a game here in Nigeria where children mock their daddy to the bones whenever his European club loses a game. Daddy takes the harassment on the chin, waiting patiently for his turn in the weeks ahead.

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    Interestingly, daddy, mummy and the loving kids come under a family umbrella to support the Super Eagles. Such is the allure the Super Eagles enjoy here. Chelle, the passion and incredible followership of the Eagles when they are playing anywhere in the world is such that the streets around the country are desolate with the young, the old, boys and girls moving around before the the game to look for here to watch their idols on match days.

    With exactly 40 days to the battle against Rwanda inside the Amahoro Stadium, it is to interrogate Chelle’s thoughts to find out if he will continue fielding the slow-moving Eagles or replace them with a squad of energetic and skillful players running down the Rwandans on the pitch, covering the blades of grass and spending less than 60 seconds to retrieve the ball when they lose its possession. Again, would we be watching a selfless bunch of players playing the game as if their lives depended on it? Would the players aim at scoring 80 per cent of the goal-scoring opportunities that they would create against Rwanda and Zimbabwe?

    Showboating during games doesn’t translate to victories at dusk because it is the side that slams the ball into the net as many times as the openings are created that win. Therefore, Chelle shouldn’t hesitate to replace unserious players since he has a must-win mandate for the remaining six matches in her quest to qualify for the 2026 World Cup.

    The 46-year-old admitted that the road to glory would be tough but insisted that both he and the team are determined to claim African football’s biggest prize. We pray O’ Lord! “Yes, it’s going to be difficult to win because there are 24 very good teams and some very good coaches,” Eric Chelle told CAFonline.

    “I know I’ve got a team that’s out for revenge, and I’m out for revenge too, so we’re going to have a lot of fun.

    “We are out for revenge. We know what this team is capable of, and our goal is clear—to lift the trophy in Morocco.” I digress!

    Yes, Chelle was at the 2025 AFCON draws as other nations’ coaches in Morocco in December. Need I remind Chelle that he won’t be in Morocco if Nigeria are not the winner of the sole qualification in Group C for the 2026 World Cup?

    It would interest you to know that whilst you were junketing in Europe to rub minds with our foreign legion, South Africa’s Bafana Bafana’s coach, Hugo Broos provided the arithmetic and geometrical perspectives to the ticket race stressing that South Africa need 16 or 17 more points to add to their seven points to edge out Nigeria.

    According to Hugo Broos: “We now have seven points, and then I count six (in March), it’s 13. And then we have four games, which tally up to 12 points. I think if you have 16-17 points, you have qualified,” Broos told journalists as per Africa Football.

    “All the teams are still in the running. Therefore, March can be a key month, and things will be a little bit clearer. And then after that, we can say, for example, Rwanda is out. Again, that’s why it’s very important to win the two games (against Lesotho and Benin).”

    “You know we have to be realistic. If tomorrow South Africa qualifies for the World Cup, we don’t have to talk about quarter-finals and semi-finals,” Broos added.

    What Broos’ permutations show is that he expects South Africa to grab the ticket with 23 points, including that of Nigeria’s six games which would be played in  South Africa. Perhaps, it is the Nigeria game that the Bafana Bafana coach thinks that his boys can draw hence the 16 out of 18 points he has settled for. Fair enough.

    So, what are Nigeria’s permutations? Are we just massaging our egos with the thought of being able to win the remaining six games? A big possibility, but are our players ready to fight to the finish lines in the six matches left? Perhaps, we may need to ask the NFF if truly the players, coaches and backroom staff have been paid their outstanding bonuses and entitlements. This is the crux on which Nigeria’s chances of another Mundial appearance lie.

    It would be a big shame if Nigeria fails to qualify for the next World Cup in 2026 despite the increase in the participating countries. The football federation would have no reason to give if Nigerians are made to support other nations, not theirs. Besides, another generation of young boys who have evolved from the FIFA grade competition such as Victor Osimhen would have been wasted due to the administrative incompetence of people who specialise in planning for events whose dates had been made public at least two years earlier.

    Perhaps, such a failure is what the game needs for the government to interfere in how the federation’s elections are conducted. This idea that only a selected group of people are eligible to participate in the body’s election is unacceptable. Nigeria is a football nation given the exploits of our players in European football. We need not be seers to know where the problems of our football lie.

    We are tired of all these needless permutations for Nigeria to participate in global competitions other sports-loving countries use to change the worldview of their countries. It hurts talking about a likely failure because people who ought to plan early for assignments such as this wait until the roof falls on their heads before doing what ought to have been done years ago. Would there be any reason for the present board of the federation to remain in office if they fail to qualify the Super Eagles for the next World Cup? You tell me.

  • FCCPC’s ongoing rejuvenation

    FCCPC’s ongoing rejuvenation

    Established to provide speedy redress to consumers of products and services whose rights have been breached as well as protect and promote the rights of consumers and hold producers and service providers accountable among its core functions, not much had been heard in the public domain about the Federal Consumer Competition Protection Council (FCCPC) until the appointment by President Bola Tinubu of Mr Tunji Bello as the Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the agency on July 25, 2024. Ever since he assumed office, Mr Bello has swung into action, hit the ground running and commenced the repositioning of the organization to fulfil its mandate with a greater sense of urgency and responsibility. Now we regularly hear the voice of the FCCPC as an agency that actively puts providers of goods and services on their toes as it strives to protect the interests and rights of consumers.

    For instance, following the recent 50 per cent increase in tariff rates by telecommunications companies, the FCCPC moved quickly to remind affected service providers of the need to ensure that the quality of their services reflected their enhanced revenues as a result of the increase. In a statement by the agency, it noted that “The NCC’s approval of a 50% adjustment, which is lower than the over 100% increase initially proposed by operators, demonstrates a thoughtful effort to balance industry sustainability with consumer protection”.

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    Stressing that the recent Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) signed between the FCCPC and the National Communication Commission (NCC) emphasizes a joint commitment to ensuring robust consumer protection, fair competition and the eradication of exploitative practices in the communication sector, the FCCPC warned that “It is non-negotiable that telecom operators must prioritize visible and measurable improvements in network reliability, speed, accessibility and customer service as part of any tariff adjustment”. It will be recalled that as part of its resurgent vigilance, the FCCPC that in December last year, the FCCPC launched enquiries into widespread consumer complaints against leading players in the banking, telecommunications and aviation sectors. The companies engaged in the process were Guaranty Trust Bank (GTB), MTN Nigeria and Air Peace Limited. The agency stated that the enquiries would provide these companies”a platform to address consumer concerns, clarify business practices and enforce compliance with regulatory stipulations.”

  • APC, Aregbesola’s final parting of ways?

    APC, Aregbesola’s final parting of ways?

    Was the exit from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) by two time governor of Osun State and former Minister of the Interior from 2019 to 2023, Ogbeni Raufu Aregbesola and his political tendency in Osun State, a development announced this week, inevitable and unavoidable? I don’t think so. The inability to resolve the festering crisis between Aregbesola’s ‘Omoluabi Progressives’ and his successor as Osun State governor who is now Minister for Marine and Blue Economy, Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola, a disagreement that degenerated to a rupture of the political rapport between Aregbesola and his erstwhile political leader and mentor, President Bola Tinubu, vividly illustrates the weak crisis resolution mechanisms within the APC and political parties in Nigeria generally. In the run up to the 2023 presidential election, Aregbesola had in an unguarded moment at a public rally in Osogbo launched a blistering verbal attack against Tinubu, under whose administration as governor of Lagos State he served as Commissioner of Works and Infrastructure for eight years.

    Widely regarded as one of the closest aides and passionate supporters of Tinubu throughout his tenure as governor of Lagos State and for many years after the end of his tenure in 2007, Aregbesola cast his lot with former Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, in the latter’s futile bid for the APC presidential ticket in 2022. Under Tinubu as governor, Aregbesola was virtually in control of the APC political structure in the state through his influence in Alimosho Local Government Area and his leadership of the Mandate Group, a powerful tendency within the state APC. Tinubu could not be persuaded to whittle down the clout of Aregbesola by many of the detractors who envied the latter’s considerable stature both in the politics of the state and the administration of government. He enjoyed the absolute confidence of the then governor who was convinced of Aregbe’s unalloyed loyalty.

    Indeed, after serving as one of the most powerful commissioners in his government, Tinubu backed Aregbesola to the hilt materially, logistically, politically and financially to run for the governorship of Osun State. When Aregbe’s strong challenge for the governorship against entrenched political forces of incumbency in Osun appeared to have run into irredeemable stormy political waters through widely rigged elections, Asiwaju was solid as the rock of gibraltar behind the candidate as he challenged the purported outcome of the 2007 Osun governorship elections in court. No less a person than Osinbajo revealed at one of the annual colloquia to commemorate Tinubu’s birthday in Abuja the extent that Tinubu went in mobilizing both internal and external, legal, intellectual and forensic support to ensure the judicial victory of the then Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in Osun and other Southwest states where the polls were fraudulently manipulated.

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    That Aregbesola could not only refrain from supporting Tinubu’s presidential bid but would back Osinbajo’s presidential aspiration as well as openly campaign against his leader indicates the depth of the animosity between he and Oyetola and his belief that the latter enjoyed Tinubu’s tacit support. Aregbe’s fervent support for Tinubu before, during and after the 1999 elections in Lagos State was understandable and unsurprising. As a student union leader in his formative years, he was an active participant in protests against military misrule and was also a passionate advocate for the end of apartheid rule in South Africa and the promotion of the dignity of the black man. During the struggle for the actualization of the annulled June 12, 1993, presidential mandate of MKO Abiola and to force the retreat of the military to the barracks, Aregbe was in the thick of the struggle at home just as Tinubu was at the forefront of the battle in exile. They were ideological and political soulmates as Progressives.

    Aregbe no doubt delivered on his mandate as Commissioner for Works in Lagos State ensuring the radical modernization and expansion of several key roads and allied infrastructure in the Centre of Excellence. As governor in Osun State, his record was mixed. He initiated laudable infrastructure projects in the state in the area of roads as well as modernization and provision of infrastructure in schools and health care facilities. He launched several programmes to cater for the vulnerable including the school feeding scheme as well as cash disbursements to the elderly. However, Aregbe’s ideological fervency and vibrancy was not matched by the requisite administrative acumen and managerial astuteness. Thus, the Opon Imo (Tablet of Knowledge) scheme was a revolutionary initiative to make text books and examination questions in key subjects available to students in a portable format but foundered on the altar of poor planning and conceptualization despite the humongous resources sunk into it.

    His school reforms proved to be poorly conceived and engendered considerable confusion and strife among stakeholders such as old students of prominent schools and could not be sustained. His administration’s far reaching programmes were not calibrated with availability and sustainability of resources in mind and thus he ended up with a legacy of incomplete or staggered payment of salaries for different categories of workers, a situation that had negative electoral implications for his political party. His successor, Oyetola, was a more restrained and reserved personality as well as a more sober and astute administrator and financial manager. Hence, he was able to achieve a modest level of infrastructure provision while paying all categories of workers their full complement of salaries.

    But whatever were Aregbe’s faults or weaknesses were, in my view, failings of the heart and not the head. The critical thing was that he meant well and was faithful to his ideological convictions and the philosophical orientation of his party. His strength lies essentially in his immense capacity for grassroots political mobilization and effective party organization. Perhaps the ideal thing would have been for Oyetola to concentrate on governance where he had demonstrated commendable proficiency and allowed Aregbe to handle political organization and popular mobilization. Oyetola is more in the mould of a technocrat and board room operator who is effective behind the scenes but seldom musters the infectious charisma and capacity for grassroots razzmatazz to rouse large numbers of people into political consciousness and activism, an art in which Aregbe is adept. It is not surprising that Oyetola’s dream of winning reelection for a second term was dashed as a result of the APC going into that election as a badly fractured house.

    There are those APC members in Osun and beyond that have described Aregbe’s exit with his group as good riddance. It is hasty and rash to come to such a conclusion. Is Aregbe’s disagreements with Oyetola and his subsequent fall out with President Tinubu final and beyond redemption? I don’t think so. There is nothing like an irredeemable or irreconcilable conflict where there is the requisite will, generosity of spirit and maturity. In the first Republic, Chief Obafemi Awolowo as leader of the Action Group and Chief Ladoke Akintola as Premier of the Western Region fought each other to a standstill until democracy in the West and ultimately in the whole country came crashing in January 1966. Surely, if they had the opportunity to relive their lives over again, they would have responded to issues, personalities and events differently and with greater maturity and tolerance. It is instructive that in the Second Republic, Awolowo was far less rigid in handling conflicts and differences.

    Perhaps Aregbe’s greatest error was the vehemence and bitterness with which he publicly excoriated the President publicly during the campaigns in a quarrel that was essentially between him and Oyetola. As a fallible human being prone to errors like all mortals, he can reach out to the President and make necessary amends. Luckily, one of President Tinubu’s most admired attributes is his largeness of heart and expansiveness of spirit which makes it easy for him to forgive repentant adversaries and genuinely reconcile with them. From his body language, Oyetola desires to stage a comeback as elected governor of Osun State. If so, having the Aregbesola political structure in his corner will be a valuable asset in terms of grassroots mobilization to achieve his objective. This will of course mean eating the humble pie of accepting Ogbeni’s status as a key political leader in the state.

    On his part, Aregbe has invested too much of his time, talent and energy in building the progressive political structure in the Southwest and beyond as well as projecting the Tinubu persona over the last two and a half decades for him to abandon his political habitat at this time for an unfamiliar political dwelling. There is every possibility that his considerable talents, experience and abilities can still be brought to play in President Tinubu’s ongoing quest to lay a solid foundation for the restructuring and modernization of Nigeria. With the present state of affairs, both Aregbe and Oyetola will be the ultimate losers in the unfolding politics of Osun State as there will be no stopping the dancing governor’s Second term.

  • Before Nigeria’s VAR complaints

    Before Nigeria’s VAR complaints

    Countries which prioritise credible appearances at the senior World Cup always ensure that they upgrade their facilities to be in sync with what is germane anywhere else. Besides, they create the right ambience around and inside the stadiums where they play their matches. They do this because they don’t want their players to feel inferior against better-exposed opponents before, during and after games.

    One wasn’t, therefore surprised, when I read that Rwanda had installed the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) equipment inside the Amahoro Stadium where their March 17 crucial 2026 World Cup qualifier against the Super Eagles would be played. The VAR machine was installed penultimate Sunday. What Rwanda has simply done is to make their players learn how to handle VAR’s decisions without infringing on them. So, expect the traditionally ill-prepared Nigerian side to complain about such minute details after the March 17 tie, especially if there are post-match talking points around the activities of VAR.

    What is clear is that Rwanda is taking the March 17 game seriously. It further explains how they developed the tenacity to handle Nigeria’s ceaseless attacking forays in Uyo, before scoring two late goals to beat the Super Eagles 2-1. Rwanda recognises what beating Nigeria inside the Amahoro Stadium would do to their ambition to play at the Mundial. If the Super Eagles roll up their sleeves, Rwanda will be a piece of cake to munch and later wash down with choice drinks.

    Indeed, the most significant lesson from what Rwanda has done with groundbreaking feats is to ask those who administer football and sports generally in Nigeria, when one of our Federal Government owned stadia would be fitted with the VAR machine without all the noise associated with such noble feats in Nigeria? The Rwanda government wasn’t made to break the banks to fund the VAR machine nor are the Rwandans making an issue out of it as we do here.

    One only hopes that the procurement of the VAR machines by the Rwandans would be the fillip for victory for Nigeria, especially in deciding properly scenes that the human eyes of the referees can’t capture during the March 17 game. It is my fervent wish that the NFF President Ibrahim Gusau and the NSC Chairman Shehu Dikko find out from their Rwandan counterparts the spec of the VAR machine which they installed inside the Amahoro Stadium. Nigerians are tired of the excuse that VAR machines and their components are too expensive. How much is it?

    “Yes, it’s going to be difficult to win because there are 24 very good teams and some very good coaches,” Eric Chelle told CAFonline.

    “I know I’ve got a team that’s out for revenge, and I’m out for revenge too, so we’re going to have a lot of fun.

    “We are out for revenge. We know what this team is capable of, and our goal is clear—to lift the trophy in Morocco.

    “We must focus on following the players. It’s very good now, and a lot of Nigerian players are very good.

    “So we need to be focused and be ready,” he said.

    One has appreciated Eric Chelle’s comments about the Nigerian team without mentioning names which goes to show that he has an open mind towards selecting his players.

    But he needs to be reminded that the Eagles’ midfield and defence need new players who are currently first-team stars in their different European clubs.

    For instance, it would be unfair for Chelle to invite Wilfred Ndidi who hasn’t been playing regularly for Leicester in the Premier League for the two matches in March against Rwanda and at Uyo against Zimbabwe, given the deluge of Nigerians doing well in Europe. Ndidi isn’t fit and should be allowed to recuperate in his club.

    A young brilliant midfielder like Raphael Onyedika, who scored his first-ever UEFA Champions League goal for Club Brugge against Manchester City is a perfect replacement for Ndidi in the heart of our midfield. The 23-year-old is highly rated by top managers in Europe including Pep Guardiola, who highlighted parts of his game before their Champions League meeting on Wednesday night. It is no surprise that top clubs like Aston Villa and Borussia Dortmund are after his services and he commands a fee of €30m (N46 billion) in the transfer market. Onyedika’s starts in the UEFA Champions League is super impressive, clocking 10.5km per match this season with a passing accuracy of 90.34 per cent in the competition. He is a player that can gradually replace Ndidi who is gradually going out of the national team. Using Onyedika  will help the team grow to its fullest potential. Nathan Tella should anchor the Eagles midfield in the two fixtures in March given his performance for Bayern Leverkusen both in the German Bundesliga and in the European Champions League.

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    It would be a great disservice for Chelle to invite embattled Kelechi Ihenacho for the two fixtures in March. Iheanacho has problems with his weight. His reflexes are no longer sharp. He runs, dragging one of his legs. He, perhaps, may not have fully recovered from his previous injuries which have made his laps or muscles bigger than in the past which now inhibits his swiftness on the field. No hyperbole. Sevilla are desperate to offload Iheanacho before the January transfer deadline on Monday and they’ve made this clear by signing a replacement already. Interestingly, the replacement is another Nigerian from Benue State, Akor Adams, who was signed from Ligue 1 side Montpellier HSC. The 24-year-old striker penned a five-year contract, keeping him at the club until 2029. Adams may not start ahead of Victor Osimhen but would provide more competition in the Super Eagles attack than Iheanacho.

    The Nigerian side has lost the fear factor which our opponents have when pitched against them. This is due largely to the fixation our coaches have imbibed when picking each team. The Eagles look the same in spite of the fact that many of the regulars have lost their shirts in the foreign clubs. The rustiness arising from our boys being on the bench rubs off how poorly the Eagles have played in recent times.

    Benin Republic’s German coach Gernot Rohr literally exposed the Eagles’ underbelly when he said that those playing in the Eagles’ defence are slow runners insisting that they lack speed. Isn’t this true about our defenders even when Rohr was the Super Eagles coach? Ola Aina is our best playing defender in Europe while Calvin Bassey’s tackles are vicious and attract the referee’s yellow or / and red cards. Semi Ajayi is one other defender playing regularly in Europe although in the second division for West Bromwich Albion. One isn’t too sure if Troost Ekong’s determination is enough to earn a first-team shirt in the Eagles, having moved to novelty leagues such as Saudi Arabia.

    Chelle has his job cut out for beginning with discovering a very good goalkeeper. Nwabali didn’t sharp in the last game, which incidentally was against Rwanda. This is a tough call, especially when there isn’t a FIFA window before the March 17 game to play friendly games.

    Chelle, I don’t envy you.

  • IBB’s memoirs and a nation’s expectations

    IBB’s memoirs and a nation’s expectations

    The announcement of Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida’s forthcoming memoirs, “A Journey In Service,” has stirred considerable interest across Nigeria’s political and intellectual landscape. The former military president’s decision to document his experiences is commendable, as it offers Nigerians insight into a significant period of the nation’s history. By this gesture, IBB joins the select ranks of Nigerian leaders like Shehu Shagari and Olusegun Obasanjo who have chosen to share their stories through autobiographical works. In a nation where leaders often depart the stage without leaving written accounts of their stewardship, such an effort is noteworthy. However, as anticipation builds around this literary venture, there is a palpable sense that Nigerians expect more than just a carefully curated narrative of his eight-year tenure as military president.

    The public expects this memoir to transcend the usual diplomatic prose and self-justifying narratives that often characterize political memoirs in Nigeria—works that frequently strive to confer a kind of sainthood upon their authors. For a leader whose tenure was marked by controversial decisions and unexplained events, this book presents an opportunity for candid revelations and honest reflections that could help heal historical wounds and provide closure to lingering questions.

    Central to these expectations is the need for IBB to address several pivotal events that defined his era as Chief of Army Staff and Military President. The coup that toppled General Muhammadu Buhari and the intrigues that led to the execution of General Mamman Vatsa remains one of his regime’s most controversial decisions. Nigerians expect a detailed account of the circumstances that led to this tragic event, including the personal turmoil he must have experienced in approving the execution of a childhood friend and colleague.

    The memoir must address critical incidents such as his relationship with Chief of General Staff, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, and the assassination of Dele Giwa, the founding editor of Newswatch magazine, through a parcel bomb in 1986. While Babangida has claimed innocence in the murder of the veteran journalist, the lack of answers about who masterminded such a dastardly act remains a puzzle. Since this tragedy occurred during IBB’s tenure and has never received a satisfactory explanation, the memoir presents an opportunity to provide clarity on this dark episode in Nigeria’s history.

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    The C-130 Hercules aircraft crash of 1992, which claimed the lives of 150 middle-ranking military officers, demands explanation. The circumstances surrounding this tragedy and its impact on the nation’s military operational capacity deserve more than a passing mention.

    Perhaps most controversial is the issue of the missing $12.4 billion oil windfall from the Gulf War period. The Pius Okigbo panel’s report on this matter has never been fully made public, and Nigerians deserve to know how these resources were managed during his administration. This memoir provides an opportunity for IBB to present his side of the story with supporting documentation and evidence.

    The most significant event that Nigerians expect to see addressed comprehensively is the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election. This single action, more than any other, has defined IBB’s legacy in Nigerian politics. The annulment of what is widely regarded as Nigeria’s freest and fairest election requires more than political rhetoric. Nigerians expect a detailed explanation of the forces and factors that influenced this decision, and the personal reflections of a man who must have grappled with its far-reaching consequences.

    IBB’s well-known political dexterity, which earned him the nickname “Maradona” after the legendary Argentine footballer, should not be deployed in this memoir. The Nigerian public has evolved beyond accepting diplomatic evasions and clever wordplay. What is required is a straightforward, honest account that addresses these questions directly.

    The value of this memoir will lie not in its literary flourishes but in its willingness to confront difficult truths. If IBB chooses to provide genuine insights into these controversial episodes, he could potentially reshape public perception of his legacy. The memoir should serve as a historical document that helps future generations understand the complexities and challenges of leadership in Nigeria’s political environment.

    The timing is particularly significant. Nearly 40 years since he assumed power as the nation’s leader—styling himself as “president”—and 32 years since he left office, Nigeria continues to grapple with challenges of leadership and governance, many of which originated during the IBB administration. Insights from the man who bore ultimate responsibility could provide valuable lessons for current and future leaders, but only if they emerge from a place of truth and genuine reflection rather than political calculation.

    Political memoirs serve purposes beyond personal vindication. They contribute to national memory, provide insights into high-level decision-making, and offer lessons for future generations. IBB’s memoir, given his pivotal role in Nigeria’s political history, has the potential to serve all these purposes—but only if it rises above the temptation to be mere prose or a cynical attempt to reshape public perception of his eight years in office.

    As Nigerians await the release of “A Journey In Service,” the hope is that it will break new ground in political memoir writing in Nigeria. The book should not merely add to the volume of political literature but should set a new standard for honesty and transparency in public service documentation.

    For IBB, this memoir represents perhaps his final opportunity to address the court of public opinion and historical judgment. By providing clear and honest answers to long-standing questions, he could transform his legacy from that of an enigmatic and controversial figure to one who ultimately chose to serve the cause of historical truth.

    The success of this memoir will not be measured by its sales figures or critical reviews but by its ability to provide honest answers to questions that have haunted Nigeria’s political discourse for decades. If IBB can rise to this challenge, “A Journey In Service” could become more than just another political memoir—it could become a crucial document for understanding a pivotal period in Nigerian history.

    The time for diplomatic maneuvering has passed. Will IBB confront these crucial issues with the candor and courage that history demands, or will he once again sidestep the difficult questions? Nigerians await to see what the memoir will reveal.