The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • Further issues in the LSHA crisis

    Further issues in the LSHA crisis

    For members of the De-Renaissance Patriots, a socio-cultural group of eminent Lagos indigenes with accomplishments in diverse spheres of life, the Lagos State House of Assembly crisis, which has been finally apparently laid to rest following a meeting in Abuja between President Bola Tinubu and the 40 members of the state legislature, has to do essentially with the politics of indigeneship in cosmopolitan Lagos, which is its prime concern. Obviously not too concerned about the grave but yet unsubstantiated allegations that resulted in the earlier, now reversed, impeachment of Hon. Mudashiru Obasa as Speaker of the House, the De-Renaissance Patriots are of the view that having elected Hon. (Mrs) Mojisola Meranda as Obasa ‘s replacement, the new status quo should have been allowed to stand, especially as what it describes as her ‘forced’ resignation as Speaker is a slight on Lagos indigenes who supported her emergence.

    In a rejoinder to a well-publicized piece by respected Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Dr Muiz Banire, on the LSHA crisis, the association of Lagos indigenes had averred that “The decision to reinstate Speaker Mudashiru Obasa at the expense of Hon. Meranda, an indigene, effectively disregarded the will of Lagosians from Epe, Badagry, Ikeja, Lagos and Ikorodu divisions, who had overwhelmingly supported Meranda. The intervention of these external figures, therefore, dashed the hopes of Lagos indigenes and will be remembered in history as a betrayal of democratic principles”. The ‘external figures’ referred to here by the De-Renaissance Patriots are Chief Bisi Akande and Aremo Olusegun Osoba, former governors and revered progressive Yoruba statesmen, who had led mediatory initiatives to resolve the impasse in the Assembly and restore normalcy.

    But the position of the De-Renaissance Patriots as stated above appears fallacious and misleading. Obasa was not initially removed by his colleagues as Speaker because he was an indigene and neither was Mrs Meranda named to replace him because of the indigene factor. And no poll was conducted to empirically determine the views of Lagosians from Epe, Badagry, Ikeja, Lagos and Ikorodu on the matter as insinuated by the Lagos Patriots. The politics of  indigeneship   is complex and intricate in a sprawling metropolis like Lagos where indigenes are a numerical minority in a political system predicated on liberal democracy where voting strength determines electoral supremacy.

    There is hardly anyone better placed than Dr Muiz Banire to intervene in the matter as he has done in his characteristic forthright and incisive manner. I had not known that he had played a major participatory role in the efforts by Chief Akande and Aremo Osoba to mediate in the crisis and thus is in a position to speak authoritatively on the issue. Banire is himself a Lagos indigene of an illustrious lineage. He served with distinction as Commissioner in Lagos State in the key Ministries of Environment and Transportation for at least 12 years and was active in the politics of the state for nearly two decades before he chose to quit partisan politics to concentrate on the practice of law. Even before his exit from the political scene, he was bold in speaking out and strove to be objective in his positions on crises within the party.

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    Banire thus speaks with considerable credibility when he avers that Baba Akande and Osoba were not procured by the presidency to play the role they did. Rather, they were invited by key stakeholders in the party in Lagos to intervene in resolving an avoidable crisis with potential cataclysmic consequences detrimental to the continued enviable progress of Lagos State. And there is no reason to doubt Banire when he testifies that the duo played their roles with dedication, diligence, determination, balance and an open mind to resolve the crisis in the best interest of Lagos State and the ruling party in the state. That the final resolution of the crisis did not strictly follow the pattern of the recommendations of the mediatory committee, at least as reported in the media, confirms Banire ‘s submission that Chiefs Akande and Osoba were not necessarily being teleguided by anybody. There is no indication that Dr Banire himself is supportive of the terms of the final settlement.

    But the important thing is that the unduly festering crisis has been contained and this is due largely to the towering stature of the President in the politics of the state. There was the danger that the crisis could have dragged on interminably with legal battles being waged from one level of our cumbersome legal process to the other right up to the Supreme Court with deleterious consequences for the development of the state. As things stand, all parties to the crisis have been given an opportunity to reset and learn appropriate lessons to inform future actions. The legislators have learnt that they cannot act unilaterally and independent of their party and its leadership in taking key decisions on its operations as a legislative body. Hon. Obasa has been given an opportunity to learn from his missteps, mend fences with his colleagues and improve on his human and public relations.

    Hon. Mrs Meranda has emerged as a self-sacrificial hero in the entire affair by subordinating her personal ambition for the collective party interest and I believe the party owes her a debt of compensation when it is time in future to collect her political ‘IOU’.  She could well have opted for the ‘Akintola taku’ option and sought to bring down the roof on everybody. From the perspective of the De-Renaissance Patriots, “…it is deeply concerning that Speaker Obasa, despite losing the confidence of the House, is being artificially sustained by external forces, thereby subverting democratic principles”. Again, this is fallacious. The political party which provides the platform for the legislators to be elected cannot rightly be described as an ‘external force’ in the affairs of the legislature. The same legislators who exercised the right to remove Obasa have exercised the right to reinstate him and there cannot be anything undemocratic about that.

    In his authoritative and inimitable manner, Chief Obafemi Awolowo stated in his address to the Oyo State Conference of the Unity Party of Nigeria on 8th November 1980, that “Indeed, the registered Political Party is the sole source from which candidates for election, and elected members of the Legislature and Executive, derive their life-blood for acceptability, public status, and legitimacy. Any elected member or group of elected members of a Political Party who refuse to toe the party line – that is, choose to break their link with the party source – must, of a necessity, either quickly affiliate with another Political Party for a link with another party source, or be doomed to political dehydration or anemia. In other words, by express provisions as well as necessary implications in the Constitution, the Registered Political Party is supreme and absolutely decisive in the conduct of our public affairs”.

    Commenting on the role of the Governor’s Advisory Council (GAC) in the LSHA crisis, The Punch newspaper in its editorial of 11th February 2025, wrote that “The GAC’s involvement in this matter amounts to a democratic hijack. As an unelected advisory body with no constitutional authority, it has no place dictating the pace of legislative affairs”. Contrary to the newspaper’s view, associational and interest groups which are not necessarily creations of the Constitution have their legitimate roles in liberal democracies. The GAC was an innovation of President Tinubu when he assumed office as governor of Lagos State in 1999.

    Contrary to those who always strive to portray him as a power-monopolising, totalitarian godfather, Tinubu created the GAC then known as the G12, to enable him as governor to have access to the advice and input of men of distinction, wisdom and experience in public service to serve as a restraint on his exercise of power. In his book, ‘Reflections of a Public Man’, Alhaji Olatunji Hazmat, who was Commissioner for Transportation in the Alhaji Lateef Jakande administration in Lagos State in the Second Republic and a leading Lagos, Southwest and national progressive leader, wrote of a crisis that arose over the decision of two of his sons to contest the local government elections in the state based on their own campaigns and efforts and devoid of his influence. He gives us an insight into the workings of the advisory group even at that time.

    In his words, “The first open dissent I encountered about the boys’ ambition was at a meeting of the Group of 12 (G12), an advisory group of party leaders that met often at Isaac John Street, reflecting on important issues to guide and formulate policies. Though the group served at the behest of the governor, he was not mandated to attend its meetings. Now and then he would appear, depending on the hurried pace of events and the exigency of the moment. He had appeared at this very meeting because of the party primary and related electoral concerns…Here, at this meeting, the governor had expressed misgivings about my sons’ ambitions, saying one of them should drop out. I thanked him for his observations and there and then l plucked out a written statement and read it out loud and clear”.

    In that statement read to the G12 at the Isaac John Street meeting on 3rd January 2003,  Alhaji Hazmat had contended that “In this wise, it would be wrong, wicked and even malicious to deny a son a legitimate ambition simply because the father is a revered political presence. If we want to sustain the integrity and the equitable continuity of this democratic enterprise, we should emulate the enlightened tradition of the great democracies of the world where distinguished political lineages and ancestral beginnings are seen much more as a benefit than a liability. On this nobody should compromise. It is a matter of honour.”

  • Azu: Symbol of class, value at 60

    Azu: Symbol of class, value at 60

    In all of its 180 slim pages, the unique publication, ‘Azu at 60: Celebrating a Legacy of Words and Love’, compiled and crafted to commemorate the Diamond anniversary of Azubuike Ishiekwene, Frontline journalist, ace columnist, media manager, engaging polemicist, author and public intellectual, oozes class, quality and style. It is a true embodiment of the man simply called Azu by friends, colleagues and acquaintances – a unique manifestation of considerable value. The quality of the historic work in content, graphics, literary flair and the sheer erudition of its diverse contributors is not surprising given the reputation of its three ‘curators’ and editors – Louis Odion, Mojeed Jamiu and Ololade Bamidele – who rank among the best and brightest minds in contemporary Nigerian journalism.

    Although he is renowned as one of the country’s leading pharmacists and a former Minister of Health, Prince Juli Adelusi-Adeluyi, in the succinct but pungent foreword demonstrates not only exquisite literary craftsmanship but arresting intellectual versatility. Noting that 1965, the year of Azu’s birth, was a good one to arrive this side of eternity, Prince Adeluyi writes that “It was in March 1965 that Martin Luther King Jr led the famous Selma, Alabama demonstrations for voting rights for black people. It was also in 1965 August that Lyndon Baines Johnson, the 36th president of the US signed the Voting Rights Act…In the Arts, it was the year the movie, Sound of Music, directed by Robert Wise, came up on the cinema screens…In Science, it was the year of the revolutionary invention of the internet, a phenomenon which, like Azu, continues to grow stronger and more relevant with the fullness of time”.

    For Adeluyi, the dexterity with which Azu navigates the intriguing terrain of newspaper management in Nigeria and “His determination, zeal, creativity, persistence, perseverance and the Mona Lisa smile he wears through trying times, must have been a result of the special Ogbe-ani, Ndokwa milk that mummy Jenny fed him with when he was young”. It was with evident pride and immense sense of fulfillment that Azu’s teacher, renowned journalism scholar and inimitable columnist, Professor Olatunji Dare, testifies to his protege’s brilliance and sterling accomplishments in the introduction crafted with his trademark scintillating prose style.

    According to Professor Dare, “From early encounters in the class, Azu struck me as a young man who was most likely to succeed. He was driven, committed, and enquiring. On assignments, small and big, he strove to excel. You would hardly catch him making the same mistake or lapsing into the same solecism twice. He invested so much care into preparing his submissions that I remarked once that if every reporter were as meticulous as he was, copy editors would go out of business”. It was thus no wonder that Professor Dare did not hesitate to recommend Azu for employment on graduation and one of Nigeria’s leading newspapers, The Punch, immediately offered him a job.

    Azu’s rise to the topmost editorial and managerial echelons of The Punch was meterioc as he quickly proved his versatility, competence and professional astuteness. Even though he was to depart the newspaper in controversial and hazy circumstances, he demonstrated uncommon inner fortitude and tenacity to bounce back to even greater glory. As Dare put it, “Azu has, by dedication and sustained commitment to the art and craft of journalism, earned and re-earned the encomiums strewn across this volume, an eloquent testament to the high esteem in which he is held by his peers. He fell, he picked himself up, and by great striving rose and rose to a position of acknowledged eminence in Nigerian journalism. At 60, Azu has lived a life rich in purpose, achievement, and example. Nor is he done yet”.

    And on Azu’s latest book, Dare has subtle words of admonition for his former student. He writes, “Lately, with the publication of ‘Writing for the Media and Monetizing It’, Azu has ventured into what I call mercantile journalism, for want of a better term. By all accounts, the book has been a commercial success. Such books, I humbly suggest, should be left to those who are more interested in commercial success than journalism, in helping shape the standards of sense and sensibility in society”. Incidentally, Prince Adelusi-Adeluyi had humorously referred to the book in his foreword. In his words, “I was excited that this was Azu’s”eureka!” moment. For writing such a book, he himself would soon be in the ranks of Keith Rupert Murdoch, the Australian -American business magnate, investor and media mogul. Months later, I am yet to see Azu’s name among the rich-list of the Forbes magazine. Am I missing something?”.

    The calibre of those who testify to Azu’s qualities in this publication testify to his class and integrity. They include Alhaji Mohammed Idris, current Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mr Frank Nweke II, a former Minister of Information, Dr Muiz Banire, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika, another Senior Advocate of Nigeria,  Justice Olubunmi Oyewole, a highly esteemed Judge of the Court of Appeal, Mr Lekan Abdul, Chief Executive Officer of Bond Energy Limited and Dr Niyi Adeosun, MD/CEO of Ayodele Medical Centre, Lagos.

    Zainab Nda-Isaiah, widow of the late founder of Leadership newspaper, testifies to his professional proficiency and soaring sense of loyalty, fidelity and commitment. “I guess Azu means different things to different people” she writes. “Some know him as an author; many see him as a mediapreneur. To us, the family of Sam Nda-Isaiah, he has been a Rock!!! I believe he is all these and more – a consummate journalist, a leader’s leader,  and an intelligent troubleshooter who finds solutions where others see road blocks”.

    Some of Azu’s eminent professional colleagues – Funke Egbemode, Louis Odion, Joseph Adeyeye, Gbenga Adefaye, Mojeed Jamiu, Eze Anaba – offer insights into his career trajectory, his role and impact as a journalist and above all his attributes as a good human being. In his characteristically reflective and philosophical contribution, Louis Odion, focuses on Azu’s life of sacrificial self-giving affirming that “I, therefore, count myself among the countless beneficiaries of his generosity of spirit, which is quite ecumenical in texture. You only need to hint Azu of a difficulty – whether professional or personal – and, in the next moment, he has everything already worked out clinically, like an Oracle in terms of solution options”.

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    A number of contributors allude affectionately to Azu’s wife, Mrs Rume Ishiekwene and there is no doubt that she is a vital and indispensable factor in whatever he has achieved in six decades of an ongoing epochal life. Frank Nweke Jr recounts how her stubbornly insisting on his partaking of a feast of Amala, Ewedu and orishirihi accompaniments at the Azu’s Lagos home at Omole led to his postponement of a return trip to Abuja on an aircraft that fatally crashed. In her contribution, Mrs Ishiekwene writes, “As you turn 60, I find myself reflecting on the remarkable journey we’ve shared and the extraordinary man you are – both as a distinguished journalist of over 35 years and as the cornerstone of our family”.

    Rume writes further that “What makes you truly remarkable is how you’ve balanced these professional achievements with being an extraordinary father and husband. You’ve never watched from the sidelines of our children’s lives, you’ve been an active participant in their dreams”. In their respective contributions, the children – Ashioma, Emeke and Nkechi – all paying glowing tribute to their dad’s invaluable contributions to their life accomplishments.

    On a personal note, my first close interaction with Azu was when I was appointed Special Adviser/Permanent Secretary in the Lagos State Ministry of Information and Strategy in 2005. The Commissioner, Mr Dele Alake, and I had a dream of making Lagos the first state to domesticate the Freedom of Information Act. Accordingly, we set up a committee to work out modalities towards actualizing this objective and Azu was a member. His work rate was incredible and the quality of his contributions at meetings superlative.

    We worked at a frenetic pace holding several meetings over a two-month period culminating in  a very successful stakeholders forum at the Lagos Airport Hotel. Azu played a central role in drafting the final report which was to be the basis for the requisite FOI Act. Until I left the Ministry in 2009, we were still trying in futility to get the report through the labyrinth of the public service bureaucracy. We were quite lucky that Azu did not do a scathing column lacerating us for wasting his valuable time. I wish him a happy birthday and even more glorious years ahead.

  • Afenifere after Ayo Adebanjo

    Afenifere after Ayo Adebanjo

    Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, is at a crossroads. Its popularity is fading in Yoruba land, its supposedly base, stronghold, and main sphere of influence, whose interest it was set up by the founding fathers to articulate and protect, right from the pre-independence days.

    The organisation is also facing a crisis of relevance in the country as it has grossly failed to put its house in order. While Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and Ohanaeze Ndigbo have managed to weather the storm of division due to their comparatively stronger crisis resolution mechanism, Afenifere has not been that lucky. It has regressed into a bastion of strife and rancour.

    The Yoruba group has been bastardised. It has become a toothless regional bulldog that can only bark and cannot bite. Its factional handlers tend to exploit it as a tool for inordinate ambition, inexplicable political negotiation, and other motives that are not connected with the propagation of the Yoruba interest.

    Afenifere had a beautiful beginning. The name was coined for the defunct Action Group (AG) in the pre-First Republic by Chief Meredith Adisa Akinloye, who later abandoned the group.

    In the time of peace and war, Afenifere did great exploits. The relatively advantageous position of the Southwest in the pre-independence era and the early years of post-independence was due to the wonders of Afenifere government, led by its first leader and Premier of the then Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. That administration was second to none in Africa. It has remained a reference point for many decades.

    Afenifere also fought against prolonged military rule. It teamed up with the defunct National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) in the agitation for the revalidation of June 12, 1993 presidential election results and the restoration of civil rule.

    Also, prominent Afenifere leaders, working in concert with compatriots in other regions, have never relented in their clamour for the resolution of the National Question to foster what they call ‘true’ federalism, peaceful co-existence, and unity in diversity.

    However, since the birth of the Fourth Republic, things have fallen apart for the group. Between 1998 and 2003, Afenifere has failed to move beyond the mess it created at D’rovans Hotel in Ibadan when it ignored its time-tested criteria of age, hierarchy, ideology, as well as unblemished service and unalloyed loyalty to the group. It has been roving in a circumlocution since that day it gathered its best patriots to select the Alliance for Democracy (AD) presidential candidate.

    Since 2003, the intrigue and acrimony have been sustained. Prominent chieftains have been united in their hate for a chieftain of the organisation, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who won re-election as Lagos governor, despite their opposition, and who also became president amid their virulent blackmail and campaign of calumny against his ambition.

    It is ironic that without wide consultation, brainstorming, discussion, and in-depth analysis, the former Acting Leader, the late Chief Ayo Adebanjo, erroneously declared that the organisation would oppose one of its own and support an outsider for president. He tried to use a regional body to accomplish a personal goal without collective permission and consensus.

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    But the Leader, Chief Reuben Fasoranti, reiterated that Afenifere was backing Tinubu for president, to assuage the situation.

    Today, Afenifere is factionalised, despite the efforts by Fasoranti to unite the fold and motivate its members with gerontocratic wisdom to correct its multiple and cumulative mistakes.

    The great NADECO leader, Chief Abraham Adesanya, who took the mantle of leadership from Pa Adekunle Ajasin, handed over to Fasoranti as acting leader, an Awoist of long-standing, like Adebanjo. When the Ijebu-Igbo-born Second Republic senator passed on, the group proclaimed Fasoranti as its Leader.

    Adesanya had nominated Fasoranti, an Ondo State Finance Commissioner in the Second Republic, as acting leader, based on the advice of younger chieftains who noted that the appointment of either Sir Olaniwun Ajayi or Adebanjo would make it appear that Afenifere leadership was being monopolised by Lagos-based Ijebu Mafia that had dominated the group’s leadership.

    Under Fasoranti, the crisis worsened. The climax was the recognition accorded Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa as AD national chairman, instead of Chief Bisi Akande, by some anti-Tinubu chieftains. They also misled Fasoranti to accept that the factional convention in Abuja appeared to have met the party’s guidelines. But the other side kicked. Thus, tension developed momentarily between the two groups led by Fasoranti and Ayo Fasanmi, who coordinated the activities on the side as Deputy Leader in succession to the late Chief Bola Ige. Efforts by the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), led by Olawale Oshun, to reconcile the two groups at Ibadan failed.

    Afenifere’s chieftains, particularly those of Ijebu-Igbo Mafia, were jolted out of their reverie when, based on the advice of younger elements, Adesanya asked a chieftain from outside Lagos and Ogun to steer the affairs of the group. But Fasoranti, a reticent leader and unassuming gentleman, later threw in the towel based on some internal contradictions, before he was prevailed upon to rescind the decision.

    Fasoranti’s inclusive policy became obvious when he asked Adebanjo to act as the leader but later withdrew the decision when he realised that the organisation was drifting.

    The pervading feeling among the mostly dormant and absentee chieftains of Afenifere is that the vibrant and vocal acting leader had often been credited with highly inflammatory utterances that created tension between him and his colleagues as well as rivals in the Awoist family who were electorally lucky and, therefore, perceived to be more successful in their chequered political careers.

    Pa Adebanjo was always combative, highly inflexible, and never condescending within the larger fold. He never avoided the use of harsh statements. As the father of all, he never assembled the scattered Yoruba progressive leaders in a bid to bring them under the same Afenifere roof. He never forgave those who may have offended him in the group. He never presided over genuine reconciliation in the larger interest of Afenifere and Yoruba land. Thus, many critics have argued that despite his contributions to the growth of the organisation, Adebanjo, at the twilight of his life, also came across as a divisionist.

    Indeed, at no time was Adebanjo the Leader of Afenifere, although some factional members, out of rebellion, decided to hold meetings at his Lagos and Ijebu-Ogbo homes without the permission of the Leader. This was in flagrant violation of the tradition of holding meetings in the house of the Leader, as it was done in Owo in the days of Ajasin and in Ijebu-Igbo in the days of Adesanya.

    The appointment of another acting leader without clearance from Fasoranti amounted to a coup. Whenever a king lives, another king cannot be enthroned. There is no leadership vacuum. Any plan for succession, even at this stage, can only be mooted by the Leader or at the general meeting, after uniting the fold and repositioning the organisation for future challenges.

     Afenifere now has two secretaries, two directors of organisation, and two publicity secretaries – three officers taking orders from Akure and three factional officers taking briefs from another place. This portrays an awful picture of a distressed regional mouthpiece. It is confusing.

    Afenifere’s unauthorised meeting outside Fasoranti’s home is about the grouping of minority members savouring the backing of the media. The views emanating from that corner are not representative of the hopes, feelings, and aspirations of the children of Oduduwa.

    All the progressive Yoruba leaders on both sides have paid their dues and served the region and the country in their respective capacities. The question is: why can’t they sheathe their swords and unite?

    Afenifere chieftains holding court at Adebanjo’s residence include Senator Femi Okunrounmu, Senator Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, Chief Supo Sonibare, Hon. Oladipo Olaitan and Chief Sola Ebiseeni. They are eminent Nigerians in diverse fields.

    Those holding court in Akure are Chief Sehinde Arogbofa, Oba Olu Falae, Chief Korede Duyile, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, and Jare Ajayi.

    But there is a gap in membership. Is Afenifere complete without the involvement of other chieftains who once grouped under Deputy Leader Ayo Fasanmi when the organisation split? Are Prince Oluyole Olusi, Chief Bisi Akande, Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Chief Busura Alebiosu, Dr. Amos Akingba, Gen. Alani Akinrinade, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, Ayo Opadokun, Wale Oshun, Dr. Dapo Fafowora, Jimi Agbaje and Prince Dayo Adeyeye no more Afenifere members?

    The burial of Adebanjo, nevertheless, can be a meeting point for kick-starting reconciliation. The group’s crisis resolution mechanism should be revived and strengthened. Cracks on the wall of brotherhood should be mended. There is strength in unity. Afenifere also needs reforms.

    A divided Afenifere is not in the interest of Yoruba land.

  • Ukraine: As Starmer and Macron Rekindle Hope

    Ukraine: As Starmer and Macron Rekindle Hope

    In the complex theater of international relations, where the interplay of power many a times often overshadows principles, recent diplomatic engagements about  Ukraine by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron have again rekindled the hopes  of many liberals that their coordinated efforts represent a significant recommitment to the foundational values of the post-war international order at a time when such values face unprecedented challenges owing to President Trump’s  ambivalence on the subject.

    The diplomatic initiatives undertaken by Starmer and Macron in Ukraine reflect more than mere political maneuvering; they embody a conscious reaffirmation of democratic principles in the face of authoritarian aggression. Through their diplomatic channels, both leaders have articulated a vision that places human dignity, justice, freedom and the territorial integrity of the people of Ukraine at the forefront of international discourse.

    Similarly, Macron’s persistent engagement with the Ukrainian situation reflects France’s historical commitment to democratic values. His diplomatic overtures have consistently emphasized the protection of civic freedoms and self-determination as non-negotiable principles rather than bargaining chips in geopolitical negotiations.

    Starmer’s approach, which has sought to give Ukraine some room to negotiate with Russia is highly commendable. His “Coalition of the Willing” which will see 18 countries commit themselves to ending Russia’s aggression via a continuos commitment to maintaining the flow of military aid to Ukraine while increasing economic pressure on Russia through sanctions and other measures; ensuring that any lasting peace agreement must ensure the sovereignty and security of Ukraine, with Ukraine being present at all peace negotiations; pledged assistance  to enhance Ukraine’s defensive military capabilities following any peace deal which may deter potential future invasions, and the establishment of the “Coalition of the Willing” consisting of multiple nations prepared to defend the terms of any peace agreement and guarantee Ukraine’s security afterward.

    At a point  where the US under President Trump is appearing to revise all known facts about the war in Ukraine and allow Putin a free hand while hundreds of thousands die,  while many have fled their homes, what Starmer and Macron have done is similar to what Churchill and his French counterpart in Albert Lebraun and later Charles De Gaulle took to stop Hitler  from extending his idea of Lebensraum (Expansionism) by altering the borders of Europe.

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    To kickstart such commitment  Starmer has committed £1.6 billion ($2 billion) in UK export finances to acquire  over 5,000 air defense missiles for Ukraine.it had initially  announced a £2.2 billion loan for military aid to Ukraine backed by frozen Russian assets.

    Asides these, Starmer would okay a

     “boots on the ground, and planes in the air,” a key feature in Zelensky’s demand for “gurantees” concerning a peace deal with Russia.

    Starmer’s and Macron’s efforts have also revived the willingness for Europe to rearm and increase defence spending.  In the face of abdication of the United States to the its commitment to the Free World and its traditional allies. The likes of Starmer and Macron will not only ensure the means of Ukraine to stay and fight but will also prepare Europe for any future suprises from Russia. 

    Starmer and Macron’s  efforts have laid the ground  for Europe’s must “heavy lifting,”  which will see the continent take more charge of its affairs, this however does not mean that the continent would be estranged from the US, it would however also stop Putin from the vantage point of dictating the terms of a peace deal.

    A close look at the situation would also tell that Europe’s  show of unity and stance on Ukraine has somewhat forced Trump’s  hand and saved Ukraine from being isolated and coming to the peace talks with a weak hand.

    As i write this, there is some palpable feeling that the US will attempt to descalate tensions with Zelensky, while certain elements want Zelensky out as a precondition  to the peace talks, Starmer and Macron msy not be having this as keeping Zelensky is key to a strong presence in the forthcoming nego

    tiations.

    The diplomatic efforts of Prime Minister Starmer and President Macron in Ukraine demonstrate that democratic resilience remains possible even in challenging circumstances. Their coordinated approach offers a template for values-based engagement that acknowledges geopolitical realities without surrendering fundamental principles.

    As the West continues to navigate over Ukraine and the consequences for the free world, the willingness of leaders like Starmer and Macron to defend normative frameworks despite America’s attempt at bullying Zelensky to a hurried peace deal, one that will only humiliate Ukraine and encourage aggressor nations. Their example suggests that while the path forward contains significant obstacles, the commitment to democratic values continues to animate important strands of international engagement.

    In a world where force and coercion remain potent instruments, the diplomatic initiatives of these leaders remind us that legitimate authority ultimately derives from adherence to principles rather than raw power. This distinction remains central to preserving an international order that can accommodate diversity while maintaining fundamental protections for human dignity and freedom.

  • Rivers crisis and its lessons

    Rivers crisis and its lessons

    It boils down to two issues. The first is the peculiar predecessor-successor crisis due to wrong calculation or faulty succession plan. The second is the violation of the constitution and the rule of law in the bid to consolidate one’s hold on power.

    While the first hurdle can be resolved by a political solution mutually agreed upon by the two strong camps, the circumvention of the constitution is a serious matter that can only be determined by the court.

    In the political fight, the combatants are not of the same strength. The strength of one is the weakness of the other, and vice versa. A critical factor is the influence of external forces. This is because the scramble for power and influence in Rivers State may impact positively or negatively on serious future calculations in other states and even at the centre.

    The first hurdle could not easily be scaled by a sheer political pact, even though it originated from the highest office in the land. A big opportunity for concessions, consensus, and ‘win-win’ was bungled without sparing a thought for its consequences.

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    It meant, therefore, that the alternative route was the judiciary, the final arbiter whose verdict must be painfully complied with now, no matter the initial hesitation or reluctance. In a democracy, the Supreme Court’s verdict is the ultimate. Any disobedience of the apex court’s judgment is tantamount to inviting anarchy. It is risky for the continuity of democratic governance. Also, any eruption of violence due to the hardline posture or resistance to order may not be condoned by the Federal Government.

    The Rivers scenario may shape succession politics in other states and zones in the future. If politics is based on an ideology, it may be easy to resolve. This is because ideological parties, more or less, usually establish a pattern of leadership succession in the party and government by its members who understand the ideas, focus, aspirations and public expectations about the platforms. Such parties also have a system of political elimination of deviants from their ranks in a bid to prevent the consequent pollution of the organisations. None of the existing political parties in Nigeria has this attribute. They are mere vehicles for acquiring power.

    In Rivers, history will record that Siminalayi Fubara brought upon himself and his state an avoidable crisis. In the past year, his government has been generating tension. Certain steps he has taken have underscored the naivety and limitation of political experience on the part of a technocrat catapulted to power.

    The next few months will task the governor’s ingenuity and acumen. The driver’s seat has become hotter since last week. Already, the state is divided. Peace may take a further fight.

    The Supreme Court judgment was not unexpected. It only halted the pattern of executive recklessness and political absurdity.

    The apex court restrained the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF)  from further releasing funds to the Rivers State government until a valid Appropriation Act is passed by a lawfully constituted House of Assembly with Martins Amaewhule as the Speaker.

    The direct interpretation is that Fubara has spent Rivers money without lawful appropriation for 26 months. This is a serious infraction. A wiser governor would have negotiated with the aggrieved lawmakers. The dialogue would have prevented the 48-hour ultimatum the governor got to hurriedly re-present the 2025 budget.

    The five-member panel of the apex court also ordered that Amaewhule and 26 other members of the Rivers State House of Assembly, who were alleged to have defected, should be allowed to resume legislative duties. This means that Amaewhule is the authentic Speaker who has been denied, deprived, and oppressed along with 26 others by the governor. The corollary of the verdict is that Victor Oko-Jumbo is an interloper, an impostor, and a fake presiding officer.

    The Supreme Court also ordered all members of the Rivers State House of Assembly to resume normal legislative businesses without any hindrance. What this portion of the judgment connotes is that the governor cannot pull down the Assembly complex under the guise of renovation. Also, security agents and political thugs cannot be incited to frustrate the lawmakers.

    Normal legislative business encompasses receiving the 2025 budget and the list of commissioners afresh. It also means taking on serious oversight functions, including the probe of spending without parliamentary approval, investigating the activities of the state electoral commission and the screening of nominees for appointments, as prescribed by the law.

    The Supreme Court condemned Fubara’s conduct for acting unlawfully by pulling down the House of Assembly, owing to his fear that there were moves to impeach him.

    In another judgment, the Supreme Court declared the local government elections illegal because they violated the Electoral Act. The council chairmen, councillors, and their aides who may have drawn money illegally have moved out of the local government secretariats.

    There was no dissenting judgment. Also, it is not likely that the governor will go back to the Supreme Court for the review of the judgment, which has vindicated the claim of pro-Wike lawmakers that the polls were held in error.

    What is required now is for the Fubara camp to adjust to a judgment and its implications for their political future.

    As the FCT minister and the governor went their separate ways, the Rivers PDP was split. The successor-predecessor crisis broke out early. During his inauguration, former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose had advised Fubara to exercise wisdom in his dealings with his benefactor and godfather. The admonition was ignored.

    Wike frowned at the governor’s penchant for allocating positions and privileges to those who worked against his victory while neglecting members of the dominant camp who weathered the electoral storm with him in 2023. Fubara complained about meddlesomeness or undue interference in his government.

    The governor tried to consolidate his hold on the party. But he could not take all the party structures from his former boss who brought him from the position of a Permanent Secretary to that of the Chief Executive. Fubara attracted some elders who had scores to settle with Wike, some of who never backed his governorship ambition in 2023. He also tried to play the ethnic card, portraying the conflict as another confrontation against his Ijaw ethnic group, forgetting that the former governor fought the Ijaw battle for a sense of belonging by insisting on a power shift from “upland” area to the “lowland” area.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had initially intervened in the Rivers logjam by trying to broker peace. The president felt that democracy was being threatened when the crisis led to the demolition of the House of Assembly by the state government. The resignation of some commissioners also meant that there was a division in the Rivers ruling party.

    But the combatants only returned from Abuja to Port Harcourt to resume hostilities. The governor jettisoned the important element the peace pact. On the heels of the face-off, the two sides returned to court for adjudication. Reconciliation broke down totally. The governor said the presidential peace pact was merely advisory.

    Since then, Fubara and his illegal Oko-Jumbo-led four-member House of Assembly sunk deeper into mistakes. Under the pretext that Amaewhule and others had defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), the governor insisted that they had ceased to be members of the House of Assembly.

    But parliamentary seats cannot be voided by a mere threat to defect. APC has not claimed that the 27 are part of the ruling party. PDP cannot present a letter backing its claim that they had defected. Resignation involved certain processes beyond an unclear verbalisation.

    The illegal House of Assembly screened the commissioner-nominees and passed the 2024 and 2025 budgets. Illegal council polls were conducted and violence engulfed the state.

    The Supreme Court judgment became the watershed. The verdict is final, and it has serious implications for governance in Rivers.

    Raising and spending money for recurrent expenditure and developmental purposes are the chief functions of government. The withholding of allocations to Rivers means shrinkage of revenue base, in the interim. Rivers, an oil-bearing state, is rich. Its internally generated revenue (IGR) is only second to that of Lagos State. However, the federal allocation is still the main source of income. Even now, the IGR cannot be spent without the approval of the Amaewhule-led Assembly. Expectedly, the Assembly has become hostile towards the recalcitrant governor.

    It also implies that no federal allocation can go to Rivers councils since democratically elected local governments are not in place in the state. Grassroots development may be hampered.

    The governor was duly elected. His legitimacy derives from the people’s mandate conferred on him. But the composition of the State Executive Council was not neat. The screening of commissioners and special advisers by an illegal Speaker did not follow due process. So were other appointments that required parliamentary consent.

    Apparently, the governor might be deemed to have committed impeachable offences in the face of the law.

    In this political drama are great lessons for the wise – to avoid creating a crisis, tread the path of peace, and stay humble in the corridors of power.

    In the days ahead, where the political pendulum swings in Rivers will depend largely on how Fubara manages the crisis his leadership style has foisted on the state. It is up to him and his cheerleaders to wield the olive branch pronto – humbly and politely.

    He should take a cue from the psychological advice that the best managers are not those who are prudent in times of scantiness but those who can change course when they see a crisis and avoid a collision with it. The ball is in his court.

  • IBB in history

    IBB in history

    Self-styled former military President, General Ibrahim Babangida’s long-awaited memoir, ‘A Journey in Service’, brings to the forefront an earlier book, published in 2010 titled ‘Diary of a Debacle: Tracking Nigeria’s Failed Democratic Transition (1989-1994), authored by renowned journalism scholar, inimitable satirical columnist and diligent public intellectual, Professor Olatunji Dare. In the light of IBB’s account in his book of the reasons for and the personalities behind the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, now confirmed to have been won by Chief MKO Abiola, Professor Dare’s ‘Diary of a Debacle’ acquires greater poignancy, saliency, relevance and significance.

    For in delectable after delectable column giving a ringside account of events as they unfolded before, during and after the annulment including the pronouncements and actions of the major dramatis personae, Professor Dare proves conclusively that IBB did not have any intention of leaving power and thus made no effort to reign in those of his military colleagues that he belatedly admits in his book, were vehemently opposed to the transition from military dictatorship to a democratically elected government.

    Professor Dare’s disdain and dislike for what he perceived as IBB’s duplicity, slipperiness and Machiavellian disposition is unhidden in his chronicles of events surrounding the annulment but he hardly ever succumbed to the passions of raw anger or blind outrage. Yet, Dare had much to be displeased with as regards the IBB dictatorship. His newspaper, The Guardian, was one of the courageous voices shut down for prolonged periods during IBB’s inglorious reign. His pungent and popular columns understandably attracted the close attention of the regime’s security goons.

    His refusal to be part of a delegation to apologize to the military to facilitate the reopening of the newspaper rendered him virtually jobless. Yet, his articles were couched with characteristic literary and linguistic flair and the facts were presented with the meticulous diligence and integrity of the professional historian. A resort to anger, vulgar insults and cheap abuse would no doubt have devalued their intellectual worth and diminished their worth as reliable historical documents.

    Those responding in fiery anger to IBB’s memoir may have some lessons to learn from Professor Dare’s class and style in the presentation of his material. Can it be that there is absolutely nothing of worth and not a single iota of truth in a memoir of over 400 pages? That would be an intellectually dishonest overgeneralization. For a dictator who ruled the country for eight years, we surely should be interested in a dispassionate analysis to situate his place in Nigeria’s history. Much more important and critical than his regime’s Political Transition Programme that produced the annulled June 12, 1993, presidential election was its Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which was its flagship economic policy.

    There are those who contend that there was no alternative to SAP at the time the Babangida regime came to power in August 1985. The austerity measures and remedial economic policies implemented by the preceding Shehu Shagari civilian administration and the General Muhammadu Buhari military regime were simply not producing the desired effects. Professor Adebayo Olukoshi analyzed some of the Buhari regime’s policies such as devoting over 44% of the country’s total foreign exchange earnings to debt servicing and the policy of counter-trade which involved bartering Nigeria’s crude oil for raw materials, spare parts, machinery and consumer goods from a number of countries.

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    In his words, “In the face of this, the problems of the Nigerian economy worsened, with inflation still rising further, infrastructural facilities deteriorating, more workers losing their jobs, the payments problem persisting, the industrial sector suffering more setbacks and the agricultural sector stagnating”. All of these increased the intolerance and authoritarianism of the Buhari regime and facilitated the successful Babangida’s palace coup in 1985.

    The core of the IBB regime’s SAP was the massive devaluation of the Naira and the country has continued to suffer from its debilitating effects to this day. Commenting on the consequences of the devaluation of the Naira and the introduction of the Second Tier Foreign Exchange Market announced on February 26 September, 1986, the late Pa Alfred Rewane, had written that “As my friends and I discussed the implications of the government’s announcement, I expressed the view that the devaluation of the Naira was a recipe for disaster and that within five years, the Naira would be worth less than 20 per cent of its then existing value, leading to the possible collapse of the Nigerian economy”.

    Rewane continued, “I reminded them of a standard economic argument that devaluation of the national currency is best contemplated where the nation’s economy depends largely on the export of manufactured goods for its foreign exchange earnings, and where devaluation is considered appropriate to ensure the competitiveness of its manufacturers. I went on to say that, for a country like Nigeria, which earns the bulk of its foreign exchange from the export of crude oil and a variety of agricultural products, such as cocoa, groundnuts, palm produce, rubber etc, there is no advantage in devaluing its currency”.

    Unfortunately, Pa Rewane ‘s prediction has been all too true. The IBB regime’s SAP resulted ultimately in the massive de-industrialization of the economy, phenomenally increased unemployment, the virtual wiping out of the middle class and widespread increase in poverty levels. But as evidenced by the minuscule number of billionaires at his book launch, who raised N17 billion for his presidential library within an hour, his regime also created a new class of super-rich Nigerians whose wealth was predicated more on government patronage than any outstanding ingenuity or extraordinary skill or creativity.

    However, the administration’s Political Transition Programme was fashioned to protect and preserve the SAP and make it a permanent policy feature in Nigeria. Thus, while the SAP undertook a far-reaching deregulation of the Nigerian economy, through the privatization and commercialization of state-owned enterprises, considerable whittling down of fuel and other subsidies, deregulation of prices and interest rates, trade liberalization, reduction of public expenditure and removal of administrative controls in foreign exchange transactions among others, the Political Transition Programme was highly regulated and characterized by rigid military regimentation. That is why any elections conducted under this suffocating military-political environment can be described as the freest and fairest in Nigeria only within necessary contextual limits.

    IBB’s Political Transition Programme involved the patently undemocratic banning, unbanning and rebanning of so-called old-breed politicians, the imposition of two government-created parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP), the imposition on these two parties of government created manifestos and constitutions positioning the parties a little to the left and a little to the right of a centre determined by the military. But for the banning of the so-called old-breed politicians, it is unlikely that either MKO Abiola or Bashir Tofa would have emerged as presidential candidates of either the NRC or SDP. It is certainly not fortuitous that the two presidential candidates that emerged were close friends of IBB.

    Again, in the earlier presidential primaries that were held, General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua had emerged the clear winner in the SDP while Alhaji Adamu Ciroma and Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi were heading for a run-off in the NRC. However, IBB cancelled the primaries in which two northern candidates were emerging alleging monetization of the process and he received widespread approbation in the South for this forerunner to the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election. Indeed, some newspapers in the Southwest wrote front-page editorials commending IBB for the cancellation of the primaries. When his regime eventually annulled the June 12 election so clearly won by Abiola as IBB himself has now admitted, it is understandable that the criminal act received little condemnation outside the Southwest.

    IBB and the other pro-annulment forces within his regime had obviously presumed that MKO Abiola could be placated with government patronage or induced like Elesin Oba in Wole Soyinka’s ‘Death and the King’s Horseman’ with the pleasures of the flesh to forgo his mandate. But the billionaire businessman and Egba warrior chief rose to the occasion, stood doggedly by his mandate and lived up to the saying of the Yoruba that a honourable death is far more desirable than a shameful existence.

    There are those who condemn IBB as being cowardly for blaming others like Abacha for the annulment although taking responsibility as the one ultimately in charge at the time. They contend that he could easily have retired Abacha and the other officers opposed to the transition programme. But this view underestimates the complexities of politics within a military regime despite the unitary character and rigid hierarchical structure of the military as an institution. From what we know of Abacha, would he just have quit meekly if sacked or would he and his loyalists have fought back ferociously even if it meant bringing down the roof on everybody?

    General Yakubu Gowon was alerted about a coup plot against his regime before his trip to Uganda for the meeting of the Organization of African Unity. But there was little he could do but meekly accept his fate with philosophical equanimity. General Obasanjo was military Head of State after the demise of Murtala Mohammed but the powers behind the throne were Generals Yakubu Danjuma and Musa Shehu Yar’Adua. Military politics may be more intriguing and intricate than we think.

    What will be the final verdict of history on IBB, MKO, Abacha and other dramatis personae in the confounding conundrum of the June 12 annulment? Was IBB the sole villain with no redeeming feature whatsoever? Was he in the final analysis an embodiment of the weaknesses and limitations of the collective Nigerian society and character, features which he thought he understood and sought to manipulate but which finally undid him? Or is there as the famous Gbolabo Ogunsanwo once famously asked an IBB in us all?

  • Can these Eagles fly?

    Can these Eagles fly?

    It would be uncharitable to tag the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) as a colony of jesters though some of their decisions on the beautiful game in Nigeria seem to suggest so. I’ve tremendous respect for most of them. How best can you describe a perpetually broke body that allows its employee to submit a 39-man team list unchallenged? I shudder to call them comedians, especially when they told us that they wanted to build a hotel to prune the huge sums of cash spent on accommodation whenever they assemble for a game.

    I deliberately refused to join issues with the federation when the NFF and NSC chieftains recently went on an inspection of the hotel’s site in Abuja, knowing that body doesn’t stop entertaining me with some of their weird decisions. Indeed, where would the NFF find the cash to build a five-star hotel in Abuja with a crowd of 39 foreign-based stars asked to fly straight to Kigali for the March 21 tie against Rwanda?  What happens to the hotel when the players, coaches and backroom staff don’t have games to play? I thought that the NFF and indeed their supervisors would have gone to the government asking to use some of the seized buildings by the EFCC, especially those handed back to the Federal Government, instead of embarking on another white elephant project.

    A body that is still indebted to the players, coaches and backroom staff has cast an indulgent eye on the huge expenses associated with camping 39 players for the game in Kigali for five days, except they are saying the Eagles Head Coach would prune the list to a manageable 23 players in the coming days? I laughed my heart off reading one online story which suggested that the team’s Head Coach Eric Chelle has plans to drop 15 players from the 39 he pencilled for both games against Rwanda in Kigali on March 21 and against Zimbabwe in Uyo, four days later. Medicine after death. Pity! In fact, I joked about it further when the names of those dropped were not mentioned nor did the dropped list come from the NFF through Dr. Ademola Olajire.

    At the unveiling of Chelle as the Super Eagles Head Coach, we were told he was an ardent follower of Nigeria’s senior soccer team, fuelling speculations that he would not toe the path of previous foreign coaches who invited between 28 to 38 players to camp for a game where only 16 of them eventually get to prosecute the game on match day. Not so for Nigerian administrators where prudence isn’t in the country’s lexicon when it comes to spending the government money which is cheap. Instead of a bogus 39-man list, it would show how well Chelle has been following Nigerian stars’ performances in the European leagues, if he invited 23 of them and listed between four or five as standby. I’ve always written here that there appears to be a fixed list where coaches employed to handle the Super Eagles must defer if they want to do their jobs. The only difference is the eight new likely debutants and a few home-based players which is understandable. Otherwise, how does anyone explain the choice of Kelechi Iheanacho and those nursing or recuperating from injuries in the 39-man list? Or would members of the NFF’s technical committee tell us that they too approved the invitation of 39 players? Incredible.

    Any coach who invites as many as 39 players for his first game is either confused or incompetent, I dare say. How can Chelle explain the choice of five goalkeepers (Stanley Nwabali (Chippa United, South Africa); Maduka Okoye (Udinese FC, Italy); Amas Obasogie (Singida Blackstars, Tanzania); Adeleye Adebayo (Enosis Paralimni, Cyprus); Kayode Bankole (Remo Stars) for an assignment he knows that European clubs would reluctantly release to countries between three to five days to the first game?

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    Looking at the 39-man list dispassionately and based on how the goalkeepers have fared for their clubs, it won’t be out of place to pick those with international matches experience. Of course, Nwabali and Okoye tower above others. If indeed there is synergy between Chelle and the Nigerian coaches who have been chosen to work with him, he should easily concede the choice of the third goalkeeper to them. No doubt the CHAN Eagles first choice goalkeeper should get the nod except he is injured. I don’t think so.

    Inviting 10 defenders (William Ekong (Al-Kholood FC, Saudi Arabia); Bright Osayi-Samuel (Fenerbahce SK, Turkey); Bruno Onyemaechi (Olympiacos FC, Greece); Gabriel Osho (AJ Auxerre, France); Calvin Bassey (Fulham FC, England); Olaoluwa Aina (Nottingham Forest, England); Zaidu Sanusi (FC Porto, Portugal); Igoh Ogbu (SK Slavia Prague, Czech Republic); Jordan Torunarigha (Gent FC, Belgium); Ifeanyi Onyebuchi (Rangers International) is quite a crowd?

    I can understand the choice of the home-based player Ifeanyi Onyebuchi  from Enugu Rangers International. I won’t be surprised if I’m told that Onyebuchi has left Enugu Rangers for one of the leagues these scouts use.

    Well, Chelle knows best. He is the one wearing the shoes and knows where it itches. I wish him good luck.

    Chelle chose 10 midfielders namely Wilfred Ndidi (Leicester City, England); Raphael Onyedika (Club Brugge, Belgium); Alhassan Yusuf Abdullahi (New England Revolution, USA); Fisayo Dele-Bashiru (Lazio FC, Italy); Frank Onyeka (Augsburg FC, Germany); Alex Iwobi (Fulham FC, England); Joseph Ayodele-Aribo (Southampton FC, England); Anthony Dennis (Goztepe SK, Turkey); Chrisantus Uche (Getafe CF, Spain) and Papa Daniel Mustapha (Niger Tornadoes).

    Again, I can understand why Papa Daniel Mustapha from Niger Tornadoes in Minna was picked – for exposure? That is fine but I hope he isn’t already out of the country or is on the verge of travelling out of the country and needs a Super Eagles invitation to increase his market value.

    Whosoever allowed Iheanacho’s name to be included in this list doesn’t want him to develop beyond where his game has descended. The media has different channels to monitor happenings around the world, so those who listed Fisayo Dele-Bashiru who plays for Lazio FC, Italy should tell us where they saw him playing football in the last 12 days. Some Europa and Conference games were played on Thursday and Dele-Bashiru couldn’t feature for Lazio FC, in their UEFA Europa League Round of 16 tie at Czech club Viktoria Plzen which Lazio won 2-1 in away turf.

    The joke in the 39-man squad was an invitation extended to Ahmed Musa, Super Eagles top scorer at the main World Cup. Chelle picked 14 strikers comprising (Samuel Chukwueze (AC Milan, Italy); Victor Osimhen (Galatasaray FC, Turkey); Ademola Lookman (Atalanta FC, Italy); Kelechi Iheanacho (Middlesbrough FC, England); Victor Boniface (Bayer Leverkusen, Germany); Simon Moses (FC Nantes, France); Sadiq Umar (Valencia FC, Spain); Nathan Tella (Bayer Leverkusen, Germany); Cyriel Dessers (Glasgow Rangers, Scotland); Tolu Arokodare (KRC Genk, Belgium); Chidera Ejuke (Sevilla FC, Spain); Paul Onuachu (Southampton FC, England); Ahmed Musa (Kano Pillars) and Jerome Akor Adams (Sevilla FC, Spain).

    One only hopes that the choices here are Chelle’s. Otherwise, we are done for now that the die is cast or what do you feel about these scenarios, dear reader? You tell me.

  • The Area Boys’ Club: A satirical look at Tinubu’s administration

    The Area Boys’ Club: A satirical look at Tinubu’s administration

    In a stunning revelation that shocked all, a former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, “scattered the table” off President Bola Tinubu’s revolutionary approach to governance: the “Area Boy Administration” model. For El Rufai, meritocracy had lost it—there’s a new system in town, and it runs on street credibility, alaiye , agbero tendencies and Lagos postcodes!

    The way El Rufai spoke one wont be shocked when FEC meetings will

    with roll call by neighborhood. “Lagos Island?” “Present, sir!” “Ikoyi?” “Present, sir!” “Kaduna North?” “Awkward silence”. It seems the geographical requirement for government service has shrunk considerably, now measuring approximately the distance between Bourdillon Road and Banana Island.

    Perhaps Tinubu reduced the criteria for his appointments to those who have shared a bowl of Amala with lafun, gbegiri and ewedu or Ewa Agonyin and buredi ( Bread). Asides this, the list of appointments includes those who have ‘Fajied’ with President Tinubu in the past, i mean those Owambes that have rocked Lagos soceity in the past. Scholars on efficiency and inclusivity experts  are studying this groundbreaking approach to human resource management in governance.

    El-Rufai’s complaint has revealed a revolutionary new qualification system for high office in Nigeria. Traditional requirements like education, experience, and expertise have been replaced by a single question: “Were you ever within shouting distance of me in Lagos?”

    Presidential advisors have been quick to defend this system. “It’s actually quite sophisticated,” explained one unnamed source while adjusting his agbada. “We call it the ‘I Know This Guy’ meritocracy. It’s been field-tested in Lagos politics for decades, with results that speak for themselves!”

    The president’s commitment to geographic inclusivity has been particularly noteworthy. His appointments represent an impressive diversity of backgrounds, ranging all the way from Victoria Island to Lekki, with bold expansions into experimental territories like Ikeja, Agege, Tagbon Tagbon, Surulere, Egbeda etc.

    This is actually a masterclass in Nigerian unity. The president is showing that regardless of whether you’re from the mainland or the island parts of Lagos, there’s a place for you in this administration. That’s Nigeria for you—boundless opportunities within bounds!

    Critics have noted that Nigeria’s 36 states seem underrepresented in this new model. The administration has responded by pointing out that many appointees have, at some point in their lives, driven through or flown over various states, thereby qualifying as experts on these regions.

    Poor El-Rufai seems to have missed the obvious solution to his predicament: simply relocate to Lagos and hang around the president’s favorite haunts for a few decades. Perhaps then he too could enjoy the fruits of the “Area Boy to Federal Appointment” pipeline.

    Some political observers have suggested that El-Rufai’s criticism stems from his application of outdated concepts like “federal character” and “national unity.” These quaint notions have apparently been replaced with the more streamlined “I’ve known you since when?” principle of public appointment.

    The administration has defended this approach as fiscally responsible. It will ask whether one has an inkling of how expensive it is to interview candidates from all 36 states. Imagine the wrangling and energy such an approach will save Nigerians from.

    Political analysts predict that ambitious young Nigerians will now abandon traditional career paths like law, medicine, and engineering in favor of the more direct route to success: loitering strategically near the homes of potential future presidents, some have started loitering around Shettima, Ribadu’s ,El Eufai’s and even my house!

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    University admission officers are  reporting  a sharp decline in applications for public administration courses and a suspicious increase in requests for information about properties near politicians’ residences. “Location, location, location” has taken on a whole new meaning in Nigerian political career planning.

    The National Integration Masterplan

    I am sure when pressed about the apparent regionalism in his appointments, the president via his handlers like Onanuga and co who drank Emu and Awonpa with Asiwaju would reportedly respond with characteristic wisdom: National integration doesn’t mean President Tinubu will need to integrate people he doesnt know from Lagos into his cabinet.

    Such a profound statement has led to a complete reimagining of Nigeria’s national motto. “Unity in Diversity” may soon be updated to the more accurate “Unity Among Those I have had Asaro With.”

    As Nigeria continues on this bold new path, citizens are encouraged to update their understanding of merit and qualification. Your degrees from Harvard? Irrelevant. Your decades of public service? Inconsequential. That time you helped the president find parking in Lagos traffic twenty years ago? Now we’re talking premium CV material!

    El-Rufai may continue to cling to outdated notions of regional balance and representative government, but Nigeria has clearly moved on to a more intimate model of governance. After all, why entrust the nation’s future to the most qualified when you can entrust it to the most familiar?

    My worry however is this,  when did the likes of Badaru, Ribadu, Umahi, Akume, Bianca, Bagudu, Musawa, Diginyadi, Matawalle, Wike and the rest find time to fill such Area Boy criterias for appointment? I can imagine with a mischievious grin how a Ribadu and Badaru will dance to Apala or Fuji music? For Wike,  he has some maverick dance steps but juju dance steps wouldnt be his thing.

    In a cabinet of 47, that a whooping number of 37 are non Yorubas or Lagosians! How El Rufai arrives at such a notion leaves one worried.

    Even a cursory look at other appointments will definitely not give  any credence to such an accusation.

    However,  lets hold  the phone, should the president appoint his enemies, possible saboteurs and non loyalists into his government? Is Nigeria in a civil war situation that requires perhaps a government of national unity, one that will see President Tinubu appoint the likes of Atiku and Peter Obi into his cabinet? This is the same El Rufai who while questioned on the people he gave land to while he served as FCT minister was asked why he allocated lands to his friends and he replied by saying to the panel ” When you get there allocate to your enemies”. This is the same El Rufai who served as Governor of Kaduna State, pray can he tell us how many of his enemies he appointed  into his cabinet?

    As for those 35 other  states feeling left out of the new arrangement, there’s always the next administration. According to El Rufai,  perhaps start by opening a good buka near your governor’s house—you never know where they might end up, and when they do, they will bring their appetites and address books with them.

    In the meantime, ambitious young Nigerians are advised to focus less on their CVs and more on their GPS coordinates. In the new Nigeria, it’s not what you know, it’s not even who you know—it’s where you’ve known them!

  • Wike’s intriguing politics

    Wike’s intriguing politics

    To his surge of supporters, former governor of Rivers State and now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Mr Nyesome Wike, has transformed into the status of deity. He is the object of their unending adulation and ululation. Among them, he is fast becoming the man who cannot be corrected because he is above mere mortals and thus can do no wrong. Alas! Wike knows more than anyone else the sheer ephemeral nature not just of power but of life itself. A leader who wants to succeed must beware of listening to the deceptive music of sycophants who desire nothing but to lure him to the cesspit of demystification and destruction. This is a factor that the incumbent governor of River State, Siminalai Fubara should also habitually keep in mind and meditate upon daily.

    On the other side, those who fervently support Governor Fubara detest his predecessor, Wike, with unmitigated passion and undisguised hatred. They do not see anything wrong with the governor turning so vehemently and venousmally against a mentor who not only sold his candidacy to the voting public but mobilized and deployed massive resources to ensure a little-known Fubara’s victory at the polls. Now that Fubara is in the governor’s seat, he has laid bare his fangs and set his claws like a feral beast waiting to pounce on any available prey. But it is a matter of moral integrity, character, loyalty and fidelity to truth. Of course, it can be argued that it was God who made Fubara governor of Rivers State. True, but God uses human beings to achieve his purposes on earth and in the case of Fubara, God’s tool was Wike and the governor must never forget that.

    It is difficult to understand how a man like Fubara who was a trusted aide to Wike and worked with him for eight years as governor, could so suddenly turn against a man who made him politically and helped build the political structure that enabled his victory to become Rivers State governor. Could he have been deceptive all along, hating his boss with all his might but disguising his true feelings in order to achieve his political objective? If so, Fubara should be Intelligent and wise enough to know that no matter which political party he gravitates towards in due course, he will not be trusted. His integrity will always be questioned as well as capacity for loyalty either to any person or group. Wike as it is now turning out to be, has little capacity to spot, recruit and motivate people of talent and ability to aid him add value to governance when he was governor of Rivers State.

    But then, despite his political astuteness and acumen, how could Wike have decided for and massively enhanced resources behind a Fubara who was his candidate for the governorship office in Rivers State? It is now obvious that if Fubara had any iota of loyalty to his then-boss, Wike, or any sense of commitment to the principles of truth and honesty, they were deceptive and only skin deep. But many of the Rivers State respected elders swarming around Fubara, singing his praises and denouncing Wike today are most likely to harbour some doubts within them about the character, constancy and dependability of Fubara.

    The lesson here is that rather than one person picking a candidate and imposing such an aspirant on the party, structured and institutionalized mechanisms must be put in place across parties to facilitate the emergence of candidates for elections in a competitive, transparent and credible process. But this also implies further that there must be a fundamental change in the way our political parties are funded and run. Rather than the current system whereby wealthy political entrepreneur’s fund and thus dominate the political parties, we should return to a new model where party members pay their dues through which the parties’ activities and obligations are funded.

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    Both Wike and Fubara have their respective faults in the ongoing political crisis but the governor in my view has the greatest responsibility to bend over backwards to cultivate his mentor and former boss. It is certainly not too late. Moreover, it is the well-being and progress of the people of Rivers State that must be paramount. The speed with which he moved against and sought to decapitate Wike politically is amazing and creates the impression of a ‘Machiavellian’ for whom  the end justifies the means no matter how base or immoral. But a lesson of history is that adopting a Machiavellian disposition to life can often be counterproductive or outrightly self-destructive.

    It was not until he stormed the venue of the PDP presidential election convention and very nearly got the ticket but for the ethnic sleight of hand that gave Alhaji Atiku Abubakar the PDP presidential flag, that I began to take a serious view of Wike. If Atiku had picked him as his running mate, would that not have brightened his chances in the last presidential election? Well, that question lies in the bosom of time. Wike is energetic, focused and productive. Both as governor of Rivers State and now Minister of the FCT, even WIKE’s most ardent adversaries would admit that he is a star performer and an aggressive goal-getter. But his failure with regard to the Rivers crisis is his penchant for intervening unnecessarily in the administration of Rivers under Fubara. Many see him as too brusque, harsh, dictatorial and overbearing. Even as it is important to let Wike know the need to curb these traits, his shortcomings cannot be an excuse for what is widely believed as Fubura’s betrayal of his former boss.

    The Scenario in Rivers is no exception. We have continued to witness ceaseless confrontations between governors and their successors since the inception of this dispensation in 1999 and across party lines. And in most cases, it is due to a struggle between former governors who seek to play the role of party leaders in their respective states and newly elected governors who seek to assume control of the party structure and assume the leadership of the party in the state. It was this conflict between the leadership of the party and that of the government machinery that led to the

    breaking down of the relationship between Chief Obafemi Awolowo as Leader of the party and Chief SLA as Premier of Western Nigeria that later degenerated into widespread riots and demonstrations in the region and later led the country to civil war with excruciating implications for millions of people on both sides of the battleground. And it was to avoid such a situation to recur in future that in the Second Republic from 1979, Awolowo insisted that the governor in each state controlled by the Unity Party of Nigeria must also be the leader of the party in the state.

    How he walks the tightrope of being a Minister on the platform of the APC and also a still influential member of the PDP is intriguing  and impressive. But we can only wait in bated breath as events unfold in the near future. President Tinubu tried in futility to reconcile the warring factions. Their mutually agreed positions were soon jettisoned and the contenders were back in the trenches. It is surely time for elders in Rivers State to close ranks and help bring these two eminent citizens of the state together.

    Meanwhile, we will continue to closely watch Wike’s intriguing dance steps on the often treacherous terrain of Nigerian politics.

    • This article was first published 8th February 2025

  • World Cup ticket going…

    World Cup ticket going…

    March 21 is exactly 20 days from today and injuries have struck key Super Eagles players to further cripple an unbalanced team. Of course, this won’t be the best of times for the team’s Head Coach Eric Chelle who has the mantle to guide the Super Eagles back to winning ways beginning with the March 21  away games in Kigali against Rwanda, fails to deliver. Nigeria has only three points and has not won a game. Rwanda has seven points, beating Nigeria at home in Uyo. A win for Rwanda again could spell doom.

    The names of the injury-hit Super Eagles players are frightening, leaving Chelle with the unsavoury option of fielding boys who wouldn’t be as experienced as the injured lads. West Bromwich Albion’s Semi Ajayi, was subbed off after 41 minutes of their 2-0 win over Oxford United, with early diagnosis saying that he suffered a relapse of the injury that kept him out since November last year. Ajayi is out. Super Eagles captain and chief motivator who rallies his men to victory, William Troost-Ekong has been sidelined by an undisclosed injury. Ekong was substituted in Al-Khalood’s 0-2 loss to Oruba a week ago and was also missing in action in Sunday’s 1-0 win over Al-Wehda. Perhaps, this is Chelle’s opportunity to find a capable replacement for Ekong who on Tuesday hinted that AFCON 2025 may be his last.

    According to Ekong: “So, it’s hard to find that balance because, during tournaments like that, it’s so intense because there are emotions (people upset, someone sad if he’s not playing, something goes wrong..) so I felt you have to be consistent, or not do it at all.

    “I probably will bring it back for the next one *because it’s probably going to be my last and I also just want to have it for memories and show them to my children,” Ekong stated on Tuesday. Ekong’s resignation call rings so true with a lot of Super Eagles players. I only hope that the oldies in camp emulate Ekong so that Chelle can truly rebuild the team for the good of the beautiful game. Interestingly, A source close to the player revealed that he was back in England over the weekend to celebrate his daughter’s fourth birthday. He is not at risk of a suspension and there was no word about his health status, though.

    Ekong and Ajayi have formed a very reliable central defence pairing just as they have struck an almost impregnable shield for goalkeeper Francis Nwabali. Who are the standby goalkeepers for Chelle? Certainly not Okoye, who has been ruled out of Chelle’s plans due to club inactivity. Indeed, Okoye had allegedly been accused of infringement in betting rules according to his Italian club, Udinese FC. Udinese’s management went further to deregister Okoye, though other news sources have hinted that the Nigerian may, after all, not be guilty. It remains to be seen if Okoye will come out of this mess with the expected clean hands.

    Can we rely on shaky Francis Uzoho? Or would the coach parade two home-based goalkeepers as Nwabali’s deputies? Who are the home-based goalkeepers? Thank God the country’s CHAN side recently completed a campaign in which Nigeria edged out her Ghanaian counterparts. So, the goalkeepers can be drafted to the Super Eagles for Chelle and his other European tacticians to work with and make their independent decisions on which of them can deputise for Nwabali, in the unlikely event he gets injured during the March 21 cracker against Rwanda in Kigali.

    But will Chelle roll the clock backwards to invite Leon Balogun and Kenneth Omeruo? Certainly not. They are in the kind of form that would compel the coach to take the risk with them. The Rwanda encounter is a must-win game, not one to gamble with by fielding half-fit stars.

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    Nottingham Forest’s right-back Ola Aina is easily the best Nigerian in Europe. No prize for guessing right that his place in the all-conquering squad to Kigali on March 21 is secured. The other Nigerian Calvin Bassey, and two domestic league players could form a solid back four to protect goalkeeper Nwabali from conceding cheap goals are Calvin Bassey (Fulham), Igoh Ogbu  (Slavia Prague), Gabriel Osho  (Auxerre), Nduka Junior (Remo Stars) and Onyebuchi Ifeanyi (Enugu Rangers).

    Dear Coach Chelle, if Ekong is ready to play in the Rwanda game he should be fielded, but only after getting a clearance from the team’s medical crew. The Rwandans are very athletic and energetic to last 120 minutes. One only hopes that our players don’t suffer much from the altitude problems in Kigali.

    Watching Wilfred Ndidi play against West Ham on Thursday on television, it was clear that he wasn’t fully fit, as his shots were fickle and unable to trouble the Hammers’ goalkeeper. Ndidi played for the Foxes but his contributions to the team’s play were far and wide apart as the dentition of a centurion.

    Yes, the coach is in big trouble except Ndidi’s form improves in the next 16 days. Otherwise, Chelle would have to rely on Onyeka and Onyedika to function in the holding midfield role with Alex Iwobi being the midfielder spraying defence-splitting passes to the threesome of Ademola Lookman, Victor Osimhen, and Moses Simon. My heart skipped a beat when Fulham’s coach didn’t field the two Nigerians in his team against Wolves in an away game on Wednesday. What crossed my mind was that they might have been injured, since they have been a regular part of the team’s successes this season. Fulham’s coach eased my fears when he revealed on Thursday in a post-match media interview that he knowingly benched them for tactical reasons. I hope so, otherwise we are done for in Kigali.

    The Rwandans are the leaders on the table with seven points and won’t be a stroll in the park, having beaten Nigerians in Uyo in the first leg game 2-1. Our players must roll up their sleeves to fight as if their lives depend on a positive outcome from the game, otherwise, the country’s flag won’t be hoisted among the comity of nations at the 2026 World Cup. The Rwandans are beatable but this feat would only be achieved if everyone associated with the trio to Kigali does theirs optimally.

    It is exactly 20 days to the Rwanda game in Kigali, and the government does not take the issue of the players, coaches, and backroom staff being owed huge sums of money in hard currencies lightly. If there is any form of logistics group from the Presidency to ensure that Nigeria qualifies for the 2026 World Cup, the time for such a group to begin their job is now. It isn’t enough for the team to be flown to Kigali on a charter flight costing the country N200 million, yet not qualified for the 2026 World Cup because we had disgruntled players and coaches angling silently for their entitlements.

    We shouldn’t wait until we have been eliminated from the competition for us to start probing what went wrong. Those who think we can rescue our World Cup dreams from its melancholy should stop at nothing to achieve it. And the time is time is now. Or what do you think, dear reader? You tell me.