The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • Kalu, Emir Sanusi II, Agary, Abaribe, others raise a voice…

    Kalu, Emir Sanusi II, Agary, Abaribe, others raise a voice…

    As the tumultuous year 2024 clock ticks to a close, Nigerians home and abroad like the global community eagerly await the dawn of 2025. As with all New Years, there are expectations, regrets, anticipations, dreams, plans and even the often laughable ’New Year Resolutions’ some of which fade away before the end of the first quarter of the year. But humans are born optimists. Pregnancies occur and there is growth and expectations of development. The child is born and there is hope of the expected milestones of growth both mentally and physically.

    So when a child is born and does not develop according to the known milestones especially the motor and cognitive stages, naturally the parents and extended family begin to ask questions and plans are made to assist the child lead a near normal life. These days, fatalism that fuels superstition has given room to realistic steps to assist children with physical or learning challenges to develop and maximize their potentials no matter how imperfect. The bottomline however is that the adults in the societal room make efforts to help the child with development challenges.

    This narrative is a mere illustrative sample of the developmental challenges and how the human community tries to fill the gap. At regional and national levels, Nigeria appears like the child whose development is challenged and the people that pride themselves as the greatest black people on earth have seemingly been oscillating between near development and a situation of total socio-economic chaos resulting in mass poverty and  gaining the country the notoriety of the country with the largest number of out-of-school children, the poverty capital of the world, the country with one of the highest number of maternal and child mortality and numerous other development challenges that have impacted the standard of living and life expectancy.

    Since 1999 and with the return to civilian democracy in the country, each administration has encountered daunting challenges that seem to worsen with each transition to a new government. The socio-economic problems in the country have in a way stunted the growth of a 64 year old independent Nigeria. But Nigeria has not always been in dire development straits. The descent to anomie started with the post-independent power struggle of which the military took a huge advantage of. Coups and counter coups, a three year war, and political instability almost pushed the country off the edge.

    The return to civilian democracy in 1999 has signaled some development but it is still not uhuru. The country is still tethering and the socio-economic problems seem to be escalating by the day. There has been a tendency for the blame game between the leaders and the led. The Bottomline line is that both sides of the aisle are casualties of systemic dysfunction.

    Nkata Ndi Inyom Igbo Foundation, a socio-cultural group of women of Igbo ancestry or by marriage has since its birthing in 2020 during the COVID-19 lockdown period been concerned about the slow development not just of the region but of the whole country. The group, coming from a background of traditional dual governance of both men and women decided to take the lead  by doing something. The group has a Board of Advisers made up of only men working progressively with an all female Board of Trustees giving vent to the motto of the foundation which is “Partnering for Development”.

    Read Also: Imo community decry alleged extortion, harassment of youths by security personnel

    The vision of the group is to steer both regional and national conversations that could accelerate development. The first word Nkata in Igbo language means conversation. The group believes that the powerful tool of conversation, dialogue or effective communication can be employed to unknot the development crisis that has been affecting the country. They have in the last three years been deeply involved in strategic communication using all necessary tools to address issues of development in the country.

    For this year’s conference, the group brought together informed and influential Nigerians to Abuja to discuss the theme, “Driving Transformation Through Value Re-Orientation, Inclusive Leadership and Sustainability”.

    This theme was chosen after very wide consultations. The bane of Nigeria’s developmental problems is due to a multiplicity of issues. However, at the root of the problems is the loss of core values that held communities together. The values that do not by any means produce Saints but at least helped the society to uphold certain core values that helped in maintaining a more progressive and cohesive society. The values of integrity, honesty, diligence, respect and other values seem to be on the decline. Ironically, most people assume that the leaderships over the years are to blame but aren’t the leadership taken from the people?

    Again, inclusive leadership has been an issue in the democratic space. Civil Rights and Gender advocates have been worried that the Nigerian political space is suffused with masculine energy in that more than 90% of political offices are occupied by men in all tiers of government. What this means is that many qualified women do not get the much desired opportunpartake in leadership. Global institutions like the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) all have research findings that show that countries with less opportunities for women are always lagging behind developmentally.

    Ironically in Nigeria, statistics have shown that women excel in those areas where merit and capacity are the criteria. The informal sector that contributes a lot to the GDP has mainly women operators. Many women are at the helm of many financial institutions as chairmen and CEOs. In the academia, many women are in very high positions just as many perform well in sports, entertainment and music. It therefore beggars belief that when it comes to political inclusion, very few women are allowed to bring their competence and learning to contribute to national development.

    The near exclusion of women, the youths and those living with disabilities in the democratic process contributes to the lack of development in the country. No bird flies successfully with one wing. This is exactly the reality of the Nigerian situation. The human capital is neither fully developed nor utilized for the good of the country. So the conversation at the conference was robustly about three key points, value-reorientation, inclusive leadership and sustainability.

    The varied Speakers at the conference from the different sectors of the Nigerian society spoke brilliantly about the need for an introspection by the Nigerian society. National development is never sourced out. The citizens must choose what path they want to development. The political structure must be inclusive and equitable. The present political exclusion cannot birth a developed nation. The political party structure must change. Competence and merit must be the criteria for leadership selection.

    According to Rt. Hon. Benjamin Kalu, Deputy Soeaker Nigerian House of Representativesthe 10th assembly who Chaired the Conference, the house would be willing to revisit the gender equity bills and make other laws that would facilitate inclusivity to enhance development. In his speech, he agreed that national development cannot be achieved without women participation given the fact that women are natural builders.

    Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe, spoke of what he called “the uncomfortable truth”. According to him, while we all acknowledge the loss of values especially amongst his Igbo ethnic group, he believes that women have a role to play in raising their children with admirable values that ennoble. He said the people must go back to the values of integrity, diligence and honesty if any changes must happen to propel development. Acquitting wealth by any means is not a cultural attitude. Wealth in Igbo culture always comes from traceable business

    According to the Emir of Kano, HRH Lamido Sanusi II who was Royal Father of the Day, investing in women must be a priority and a national emergency because women hold the key to development. He believes that the idea of brandishing statistics of, maternal and child mortality, malnurished children, out of school children, child brides, female IDPs is defeatist. The governments must try to be proactive right from the cradle because an educated woman holds the key to the prevention of a lot of the socio-economic problems that affect the country. According to the Emir, investment in women development is key to national growth given the great role they play in the lives of their children.

    The Emir recalled the role he played as Central Bank governor in making sure more qualified women were appointed into many financial institutions and today more women are directors not just at the CBN but they are also CEOs of many banks. He went further to advise Nigerians about values that matter. He believes the people must distinguish between what and who they are. In his view, what you are might be a position but who you are is the value you bring to the people through what you are.

    The former First Lady of Ekiti state, Erelu Adebisi Adeleye-Fayemi a renowned civil and gender rights advocate reiterated her call for the protection and empowerment of the girl child or woman by ensuring they are educated, certain harmful cultural practice eradicated because rather than enhance development, those harmful cultural practices negatively affect not just the woman but the society at large. In her view, every woman who is denied a seat at the table, every girl who is denied education, every woman under the burden of domestic violence takes the country down the ladder of underdevelopment.

    Timi Koripami-Agary (PhD), a retired permanent Secretary and activist often called Mama Amnesty for her very effective role in the amnesty programme in the Niger Delta was the Mother of the Day at the conference. As a very renowned mediator on Labour, gender and conflict issues she maintains that development cannot happen like magic. She  insists that the country must be conscious of the value of women and equity to development. It would be delusional to assume that development can come without peace and gender justice rooted on the justice system that guarantees equity for all.

    The conversation as is being advocated by the Nkata group should be embraced by Nigerians from all regions because of the interdependence of all the regions. Bringing the conference to Abuja and the coalition of Nigerians from almost all tribes in the country was a good way to prepare the people for the coming year. There is no alternative to the national conversation that Nkata Ndi Inyom Igbo Foundation has initiated. This is the first part of what happened at the Abuja Conference.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Beyond charity: What Nigeria’s Christmas food distribution stampedes reveal

    Beyond charity: What Nigeria’s Christmas food distribution stampedes reveal

    The joyous period of Christmas celebrations in Nigeria often bears a dark undertone that reflects deeper societal issues. The recurring tragedy of stampedes during food sharing events in Ibadan, Abuja and Ihiala, Anambra State during the yuletide season has become a haunting reminder of the complex interplay between poverty, organizational inadequacies, and cultural practices that continue to claim innocent lives.

    Typical of every Christmas season, various organizations, politicians, religious bodies, and wealthy individuals organize food distribution events as acts of charity. These events, while well-intentioned, turn tragic when massive crowds gather in hopes of receiving food items and other essential commodities. The desperation to collect these items leads to chaos, pushing and shoving that escalates into deadly stampedes.

    The fundamental driver behind these tragic incidents is the crushing poverty that affects millions of Nigerians. With over 40% of the population living below the poverty line, the prospect of free food and other condiments becomes an irresistible draw, compelling people to risk their lives in the process. The stampedes are symptomatic of a deeper malaise – the daily struggle for survival that many Nigerians face.

    As basic necessities have become luxury items, the announcement of free food distribution creates a perfect storm of desperation. People arrive hours before the scheduled time, often traveling long distances, forming large crowds that become increasingly difficult to manage. The fear of missing out on these rare opportunities for sustenance drives individuals to push forward aggressively, creating dangerous situations that quickly spiral out of control.

    These distribution events consistently exhibit a lack of proper planning and crowd control measures. Most times, organizers often underestimate the turnout or fail to implement adequate safety protocols. Proper venue selection with multiple entry and exit points, implementation of ticket systems, deployment of trained security personnel, clear communication systems, and emergency response preparations are either ignored or inadequately executed.

    Furthermore, the absence of a centralized database of vulnerable individuals makes it difficult to organize systematic distribution. This leads to a chaotic first-come-first-served approach that inevitably breeds disorder. Many organizers also fail to coordinate with local authorities and emergency services, creating a dangerous vacuum in crisis response capabilities.

    Read Also: Imo community decry alleged extortion, harassment of youths by security personnel

    The tendency to disregard orderly lines persists even among the elite, who often observe queue culture abroad but abandon such discipline within Nigeria. When educated and influential individuals repeatedly disregard decorum, it normalizes this behavior throughout society. Such a cultural phenomenon becomes particularly deadly during food distribution events where large crowds gather.

    The absence of respect for queuing systems reflects a broader societal issue where immediate individual gain often trumps collective welfare. This behavior is exacerbated during food distribution events where the fear of supplies running out drives people to abandon any semblance of order. The resulting chaos creates perfect conditions for stampedes to occur.

    Addressing these tragic incidents requires a multi-faceted approach that tackles both immediate and underlying causes. In the short term, stricter regulations must be imposed on organizations conducting food distribution events. These should include: Mandatory safety protocols that must be followed before receiving permission to organize such events. Professional crowd control personnel should be required at all distribution points. Distribution methods should be modernized through the use of voucher systems or appointment schedules to prevent overwhelming crowds from forming.

    Long-term solutions must address the root cause of poverty through sustainable economic policies and social welfare programs. The government needs to strengthen social safety nets and implement poverty alleviation programs that reduce the desperation that drives people to risk their lives for basic necessities.

    Developing a stronger queue culture requires sustained effort in public education and awareness. Schools, religious institutions, and community organizations must play active roles in promoting orderly behavior and respect for queuing systems. Public spaces should be designed to encourage orderly lines, and authorities should consistently enforce queue discipline in all public services.

    The sad loss of lives during yuletide food distribution events represents a tragic failure of society to protect its most vulnerable members. These incidents serve as stark reminders of the work that needs to be done in addressing poverty, improving organizational capacity, and transforming cultural attitudes toward public order.

    As Nigeria continues to develop, it must prioritize the safety and dignity of its citizens, especially during charitable events meant to bring joy and relief. The true spirit of the yuletide season – sharing and caring for others – should not be marred by preventable deaths. It’s time for all stakeholders to come together and implement lasting solutions that will ensure such tragic stampedes become a thing of the past.

    Only through concerted effort in addressing poverty, enforcing proper organization, and fostering a culture of order can Nigeria hope to prevent future loss of life during what should be a season of joy and celebration. The human cost of these stampedes is too high to ignore, and the time for meaningful change is now.

  • Honour for General ‘Jack’ at 90

    Honour for General ‘Jack’ at 90

    His creator has blessed him with long life, contentment and peace of mind. These three gifts befit the nonagenarian as he reflects daily on his personal life, which cannot be divorced from the history of a country he worked hard to keep together in a period of grave challenges.

    Yakubu ‘Jack’ Gowon, son of a churchman from the Middle Belt, a full-fledged General, and war-time Head of State, stands before the mirror of history. What is discernable from the reflection is a humble soul, a gallant officer, a reconciliator, a political scholar, a tolerant leader, a prayer warrior, a symbol of unity, an elder statesman, a mentor and role model, a child of God and a man of peace.

    He is not in the class of Mr. Know-it-all: the self-appointed janitor-general, a pull-him-down tactician, a trouble maker, a warmonger, a subjective critic, a do-or-die politician, a controversial public letter writer, a fighter, a corrupt soldier, and an arrogant leader.

    Gowon is in a class of highly revered leaders who put country first in all matters and stand tall among true patriots.

    It is gratifying that President Bola Tinubu has, on behalf of Nigerians, renamed the University of Abuja as Yakubu Gowon University, almost 50 years after the former Head of State was ousted from power in a bloodless coup. It should be a thing of joy for him, his family and associates that he was honoured in his lifetime.

    To this epitome of service and patriotism, the love for the country surpassed having a fat bank account, a vast piece of land acquired while in power, a business empire built from ill-gotten wealth, or even the often flaunted international networks. What is paramount to him is a good name – which is better than a treasure of gold and diamond and a fat Swiss bank account. Today, this rare gem of a leader must be savouring the nostalgia about diligent service to humanity, the legacy of national unity, cohesion and harmony, the personal and unbroken example already set, and the perception of his role in building and reshaping Nigeria.

    Gowon has always conducted himself with decorum. He remains an authentic patriot and a shining example. He earns respect as a citizen of the world. Unfortunately, many youths, particularly those of the ‘Gen Z’ generation are not conversant with his contributions to national greatness because, at a time, history was removed from the curriculum.

    The former Head of State has seen life’s bright and dark sides. While he was the number one citizen, he did not personalise power. He promoted team spirit. Shoved aside by professional kith and kin, he kept mute but without malice and bitterness to anyone.

    He was not trained for political leadership. Neither was he prepared for it when the responsibility was thrust on his shoulders. But the leaders of his region from the pre-independence era, having anticipated a problematic future for Nigeria when legitimate authorities were being displaced in some African countries, strategically encouraged their youths to take to soldiering. Gowon was the first manifestation of their foresight.

    Trained in the best military institutions in the world, including Sandhurst, he embraced professionalism. When the 1966 failed coup of the five Majors, led by Chukwuemeka Nzeogwu, brought a political novice, Major-General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, to power, there was confusion. Barely six months after, he was killed in a retaliatory coup that aggravated the situation. At the centre of the succession crisis were Brig.-Gen. Babafemi Ogundipe, the Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters and Ironsi’s deputy; Lt.-Col. Gowon, the Chief of Army Staff, and military governor of Eastern State, Lt.-Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu.

    Ethnicity, religiosity and indiscipline suddenly crept into the Nigerian Army, with a sergeant of Northern origin disobeying Ogundipe at the Ikeja Army Cantonment. Gowon was preferred. The ‘deputy head of state’ resurfaced later in London as Nigeria’s High Commissioner.

    But Odumegwu-Ojukwu kicked, insisting on a hierarchical order of seniority. Gowon became the Head of State and barely settled down when his leadership skill was put to the test by an avoidable civil war foisted on the country by a clash of egos.

    Even, under that circumstance, he demonstrated wisdom as he ran to the elders from across the regions for support. He attracted experienced leaders, including Obafemi Awolowo, who he had set free from prison; Anthony Enahoro, Shehu Shagari, Gusau, Dikko, Ali Monguno, Aminu Kano and Joseph Takar, into his cabinet.

    He created the 12-state structure to break the territory of Ojukwu, who, despite entreaties, plunged Igbo land into a war. It was a hell of time for the bachelor-Head of State whose tender heart was broken by the bombings, shootings, heavy casualties on both sides, reports of starvation and  propaganda by the Biafran machinery. It took his deputy, elderly Admiral Adewale Wey, who was the Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters, to build psychological support until he got married to the delectable nurse, Victoria.

    Gowon was less inflexible and more condescending so that he could ‘Go On With One Nigeria’. He may have uncritically treated the Ojukwu challenge as a quarrel between two professional soldiers. At Aburi in Ghana, he made concessions that baffled the federal commissioners and senior civil servants. It was also a surprise to the delegation from the East because such sacrifices were least expected. But the Head of State was conciliatory to avert war and disintegration. During the tedious negotiations, he was honest and straightforward. In his book: ‘Gowon: The Biography of A Soldier-Statesman,’ Isawa Elaigwu, a Professor of Political Science, said the approach was wrongly perceived by the Biafran warlord “as a demonstration of Gowon’s slowness of mind as opposed to his (Ojukwu’s) Oxford intelligence. The combination of humility, accommodation and courage were perceived as weakness”.

    Both sides fought the war vigorously. It was agonising for soldiers who had to face their colleagues in battle. After three years, it was evident that Ojukwu was on a wild goose chase. On the pretext of seeking new solutions to the conflict, he abandoned the forces and hurriedly left the country.

    To Gowon’s credit, having listened to the advice of his Federal Finance Commissioner, Awolowo, the war economy was managed without borrowing.

    Also to his credit, Gowon declared ‘no victor, no vanquished’ after receiving the Biafran surrender. Immediately, he unfolded the ‘Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction’ programmes which he implemented with utmost fidelity.

    The post-war programme marked the beginning of a serious infrastructure battle. In those days, Nigeria had money; the challenge was what to spend it on.

    Then, Gowon turned attention to the challenge of integration. His cabinet and indeed, his policies reflected the national outlook of which he was the symbol. He established the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) which brought the youth together and closed the divisive gaps of ethnicity and religion. The scheme fostered inter-tribal marriages and unity.

    Soon, ambitious elements in the Army started to grumble about the all-civilian composition of the Federal Executive Council (FEC). In utter sensitivity to the hues, Gowon appointed two soldiers – Murtala Mohammed and Olusegun Obasanjo – as Federal Commissioners for Communications and Works. Like a soldier that he is, the Head of State postponed the handover date from 1973 to 1976.

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    As the plot to remove him through a coup thickened, Gowon got wind of the moves. He declined to avert it. On his way to Kampala in Uganda for a meeting of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), he admonished his coupist -cousin, Joe Garba, who was then the Commander of the Brigade of Guards, to make it bloodless. The announcement of a change of government met him in Uganda. There were unfinished assignments: the 1973 census debacle, public criticisms over allegations of corruption against governors and ministers and the implementation of development plans.

    Gowon embraced his fate with philosophical calmness. There was no bitterness. Six months later, his successor, Murtala, was killed and his deputy, Obasanjo, became the Head of State. Before the masterminds of the abortive coup were taken to the military board of enquiry, Gowon was tried on the pages of a newspaper by the Federal Government and found guilty. If the coup that ended Murtala’s life had met Gowon in Nigeria, perhaps, he would have been roped in, and taken to the tribunal for trial and shot. All the privileges due to him as ex-leader were suspended.

    The next point of call was Warwick University, where he enrolled to study Political Science. Due to his status as a former African leader, the terrain would have sapped his adjustive resources. But age, more or less, was on the side of the amiable General who later bagged his Bachelor’s, Master’s and doctoral degrees. If he had studied Political Science before becoming the Commander-in-Chief, perhaps, his approach to many issues of governance would have been different.

    Life is full of ups and downs. He spent nine years in power. He spent nine years in exile. With courage and trust in his Creator, Gowon triumphed over the troubles. Yet, perceived as a soldier-political scientist who may be reluctant to permanently part with power, the idea came up in some quarters in the Third Republic that Gowon should return as a civilian leader. It paled into daydreaming.

    His pastime now is praying for Nigeria, reminding people about the noble sacrifices and heroic labours of past leaders who sacrificed for the country to survive. He also seeks to correct as a father of the nation.

    Gowon’s approach to life and national issues, now in his old age, is worthy of commendation and emulation. The honour of getting his name etched on the premier university in Abuja, the federal seat of power, is well deserved. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has struck the bull’s eye with this honour to a great national leader of Gowon’s stature.

  • NCC: A tale of regulatory failure

    NCC: A tale of regulatory failure

    In Africa’s largest economy, sometimes making a simple phone call successfully could become a herculean exercise requiring patience and enduring frustration. Nigeria’s telecommunications sector, despite its potential and importance to the nation’s economy and amidst its increasing subscription rate, continues to deteriorate under what appears to be poor and ineffective regulatory oversight, leaving millions of subscribers at the mercy of underperforming service providers.

    The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), established to protect consumer interests and ensure quality service delivery, appears to have abdicated its regulatory responsibilities. While collecting billions in licensing fees and fines, the commission has failed to address the fundamental issues plaguing the sector, transforming from being a watchdog into a mere spectator of the industry’s decline without much of a whimper despite the glaring shenanigans displayed by these telco firms.

    For the average Nigerian, the gory and ugly experiences of using mobile services have become a daily ordeal. Network congestion, particularly during peak hours, renders smooth communication whether it be voice or voice over internet protocol communication nearly impossible in major cities. More subscribers often find themselves redialing multiple times to complete a single call, while those fortunate enough to connect must contend with poor audio quality and abrupt disconnections.

    In commercial hubs such as Lagos, Onitsha, Kano and others, subscribers have reportedly complained about such occurrences due to dropped calls and unreliable networks. This has led to subscribers purchasing multiple SIMs of different networks, still such measures yet fail to guarantee the subscriber the desire for reliable communication. This, I have witnessed firsthand.

    The situation with internet services is equally dire. On a number of occasions, the internet services provided could be described as the ‘Speed of Yesterday’. While telecommunications companies proudly advertise 4G LTE services, the reality for most users is far from the promised high-speed connectivity. Data speeds frequently crawl at 2G levels or 3G levels, making simple tasks like sending emails or accessing social media platforms a grueling exercise.

    Obviously, one cannot totally quantify the huge impact such situations have on Nigeria’s growing digital economy. To describe such as bad is an understatement. Start-ups, online businesses, and remote workers face significant challenges due to the unreliability of such internet connections, with such regression threatening not only Nigeria’s position as Africa’s leading tech hub but also largely undermining our potential to scale up to the opportunities offered by the digital economy creating the jobs and attracting the investments necessary to leapfrog our economy from where it is now to where we really want it to be.

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    The NCC’s approach to these issues has been remarkably passive, its posture similar to regulatory negligence. Despite having the statutory power to impose sanctions and enforce quality standards, the commission’s actions have been limited to issuing occasional warnings and conducting ineffective monitoring exercises.

    The regulatory body’s quality of service (QoS) parameters, which should serve as benchmarks for acceptable service levels, have become merely passive suggestions rather than enforced standards. Telecommunications service providers routinely breach these parameters without facing meaningful consequences, effectively turning the entire regulatory framework into a paper tiger.

    As noted earlier, the economic impact of poor telecommunications services extends far beyond individual inconvenience. The Nigerian economy repeatedly loses billions of naira annually due to failed transactions, missed business opportunities, and reduced productivity. Small and medium-sized enterprises, which form the backbone of the economy, are particularly vulnerable to these telecommunications failures.

    Moreover, the poor quality of service has implications for national security. Emergency services delivery is obviously likely to be affected when networks like ours fail, and the inability to maintain stable communications affects both personal safety and law enforcement efforts.

    While the NCC maintains a Consumer Affairs Bureau, its effectiveness in addressing subscriber complaints remains questionable. The bureau’s complaint resolution mechanism is cumbersome, and many consumers report that their grievances remain unresolved for months and even years.

    The commission’s consumer protection guidelines, while comprehensive on paper, lack practical enforcement. Telecommunications companies have continued to engage in practices that place their subscribers at a disadvantage, from unsolicited services to arbitrary charges, with minimal intervention from the regulator.

    The transformation of Nigeria’s telecommunications sector requires immediate and decisive action. The NCC must transition from its current passive stance to active regulation, implementing and enforcing stricter quality of service standards. This should include:

    • Regular, transparent monitoring of network performance with published results

    • Substantial penalties for breaches of service standards

    • Mandatory infrastructure investment requirements for service providers

    • Implementation of consumer compensation schemes for service failures

    • Regular independent audits of network infrastructure and service quality.

    The time has come for a complete overhaul of Nigeria’s telecommunications regulatory framework. The NCC must either step up to its responsibilities or make way for a more effective regulatory body. The Nigerian people deserve better than to be held hostage by poor telecommunications services while regulators watch from the sidelines.

    In a world where digital connectivity increasingly determines economic success, Nigeria cannot afford to continue with its current trajectory of telecommunications decline. The cost of regulatory failure is too high, and the patience of Nigerian consumers has worn beyond too thin. The message to the NCC and service providers must be clear: Improve!

  • The Kemi Badenoch challenge

    The Kemi Badenoch challenge

    Her narrative of Nigeria, the country of her birth, is essentially a monotonous, one-track and static tale deliberately designed to further endear her to those who already have a jaundiced, perverse and derogatory perception of the capabilities of the black race and its claims to civilization and a shared equality of dignity with other races particular of the Caucasian variety. Mrs Kemi Badenoch has been especially voluble since her meterioc rise in British politics as leader of the Conservative Party and the opposition as regards the dysfunction, corruption, poverty and decadence that characterize contemporary Nigeria. It is difficult to fault her assertions that most Nigerian politicians are in public life for purposes of selfish aggrandizement than for the pursuit of the common good; that an institution like the Nigeria Police Force, for example, parades a good number of personnel who fall far short of the requisite professional and ethical standards or that essential facilities for a dignified life in a modern polity are inexcusably unavailable to the vast majority of the people.

    That is the reality of the Nigeria Kemi grew up in as a child in the 1980s and from which she has escaped courtesy of her British citizenship by birth and is responsible for her decision to tenaciously cling on to her adopted country and aggressively seek to cut all physical, emotional and psychological ties with the land from which her parents and their ancestors sprang. The opportunities offered her by Britain not only to acquire qualitative education but to also ascend to the elite rungs of that country’s politics may seem to validate Kemi’s strident and unrestrained denunciations of Nigeria’s failings. It is doubtful if her obvious ability and brilliance would have been given such fertile soil to flourish in this country.

    But there is also the danger that her negative narrative of Nigeria will help reinforce the prejudices of many of the far right white elements she seeks to court who may see her as another opportunistic black person from a failed country incapable of developing itself who has come to take advantage of a country built by the labour of others. It is impossible for Kemi to denigrate Nigeria in the way she is going about it without also devaluing her essence as a black person.

    Many Nigerians have identified with and supported Kemi’s vehement criticisms of the country for essentially partisan reasons – their grievances against the outcome of the last presidential election and the resultant current political status quo in the country. Thus, the opposition has chosen to read her scathing comments as directed against President Bola Tinubu and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Vice President Kashim Shettima’s take that she is free to drop her Nigerian name, Kemi, if she detests the country so much further spurred many in the opposition to rally to her defense.

    Yet, the incidents that she cites to illustrate her negative depiction of Nigeria dates back to the late 1980s suggesting that the situation predates an administration that has been in office for less than two years since May 2023. Kemi’s criticisms, which cannot be dismissed as entirely baseless, thus constitute an indictment of the Nigerian political class as a whole across party demarcations as well as successive administrations in post-independence Nigeria.

    I certainly do not agree with those who argue that patriotic love for country should restrain any citizen from publicly and unreservedly condemning Nigeria’s all too obvious failings. But the enterprise of such criticisms must be predicated on intellectual honesty and factual balance. Kemi’s lived experience of the Nigeria she paints in putrid colours to the world is of the Lagos of the 1980s and possibly early 1990s. Can it be empirically valid that Lagos, as an example, has remained static and unchanged since then? Has there been no improvement in infrastructural facilities since then? What about the light rail or Bus Rapid Transit system which now define the city’s landscape but was absent at the time Kemi references?

    Before 1999, daylight Bank robberies were near daily occurrences in Lagos and armed robbers lay siege to estates and communities at night. Traffic and street lights were few and far between on Lagos roads; children carried chairs and benches to and from school daily while adults and children could be seen with all kinds of containers in search of water across the state. What about the mountains of refuse that defaced the state from Ikoyi to Ikorodu and Ikeja to Badagry?

    Can Kemi and her supporters honestly say that there have been no positive developmental attainments from the situation nearly three and a half decades ago that informed the Conservative Party leader’s experience of Nigeria and now even if we admit that much more progress ought to have been made? In the same vein, is Mrs Badenoch right in depicting Britain as a model of perfection devoid of the kind of flaws such as pervasive corruption that taint Nigeria? The answer is an emphatic no.

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    Listen, for instance, to Carol Vorderman, the Welsh journalist, social critic and tv celebrity on the menace of corruption in the UK. Her words, “Yesterday, there was the Public Accounts Committee put out, and nobody’s reported it in mainstream media, that in the two years preceding Johnson becoming Prime Minister, there was an approximation of five and a half billion pounds of fraud and waste on government departments. In the following two years when Sunak was chancellor, that quadrupled to 21 billion pounds of fraud and it’s not being investigated. And this report said,  not that mainstream media reported any of it at all, that of the 7.9 billion pounds that went into COVID testing, 6 billion pounds of that was given to the companies recommended by Tory MPs and ministers and peers. It goes on and on and it’s not being reported. I could go on for hours about the corruption”.

    So much then for Mrs Badenock’s unceasing attempt to contrast an angelic Britain with an irredeemably demonic Nigeria. The reality may be far more complex than that and this is not in any way to suggest that the existence of corruption in Britain justifies its prevalence in Nigeria. But every community of flawed mortals has challenges with which it grapples not excluding the advanced western countries that she idolizes so uncritically. Indeed, the Conservative Party leader’s outlook may subconsciously be a function of the chronic inferiority complex arising from centuries of Nigeria and Africa’s encounter with slavery and colonial imperialism, which is a key factor in the continent’s protracted underdevelopment.

    Yet, her analysis sees no linkage between about five centuries of slavery, colonial exploitation and neocolonialism and the wealth of the West in contrast to the poverty in Nigeria that she contemptuosly refers to. Of course, this is not a line of argument worth pursuing too far as it gives the impression of seeking to find excuses for Africa’s indefensible  dismal post colonial developmental performance. Nigerians have ruled Nigeria for six and a half decades since 1960 and must bear the responsibility for whatever they have made of their country. On that, Mrs Banedock cannot be faulted.

    But then the disturbing poverty of historical consciousness in the Conservative Party leader’s analysis is evident in her response to Vice President Kashim Shettima’s jibe about her retaining a Nigerian Kemi identity of a country she so passionately detests. In her words, “I find it interesting that everybody defines me as being Nigerian. I identity less with the country than with the specific ethnicity (Yoruba). That’s what I really am. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram where the Islamism is, those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped with those people”. In the first place, she appears oblivious of the diverse multiethnic, multicultural and multi religious composition of the North. There are substantial numbers of Yoruba who have lived in the North from pre colonial times just as the Hausa-Fulani communities in many of the Southwest states date back to over two centuries ago.

    Many states in the Northcentral and far North have considerable Christian populations just as Islam is deeply rooted in Yoruba land. Since precolonial times, there have been trade, marital, cultural and sometimes conflictual relationships between different primordial states and communities in the areas that today make up southern and northern Nigeria. And as Sam Omatseye pointed out in his column on Monday, the negative experiences she often narrates about Nigeria occured in Lagos in the Yoruba Southwest where she lived. When she talks about the north being “our ethnic enemies”, she is perhaps unaware of the protracted intra-Yoruba wars that lasted for over a hundred years before the colonial subjugation.

    But then, in the final analysis, Mrs Badenoch is entitled to her worldview and the extreme conservative ideology she has opted to identify with. There is little that anybody can do about that. However, there is much that can be done about the undeniable dysfunction and poverty in Nigeria she describes and the corruption, ineptness and lack of vision of the political class responsible for this. Part of the missing link in her analysis and those of her supporters is that, despite its own shortcomings and the complex context in which it operates, the Tinubu administration is taking far reaching steps to address the root causes of the country’s debilitating challenges fundamentally.

    The removal of the fuel subsidy that has saved humongous amounts of funds that has made it possible for most states to pay the new mininum wage of N70,000 with a number of states even exceeding this amount. The coming on stream of domestic crude oil refining through the new Dangote and rehabilitated Port Harcourt refineries, processes that had started under the preceding Buhari administration, and the envisaged ultimate mitigating impact on fuel prices. The merger of the parallel exchange rate markets and the elimination of the opportunities it provided for privileged and connected individuals to make instantaneous stupendous wealth without industry through arbitrage. The fiscal liberation of the local government councils from the financial asphyxiation of the states to promote the prospects of grassroots development.

    The empowerment of  states to generate and distribute electricity within their jurisdictions – an opportunity that a number of states are now taking advantage of with huge potential impact on the economy. The proposed thoroughgoing tax reforms which experts claim have revolutionary rejuvenating potentials for the Nigerian economy. These are a few of the key policy thrusts of the administration and they are beginning to bear tentative fruits. The country’s foreign reserves currently stands at about $42 billion, a considerable improvement. And the country recorded balance of trade surpluses of N6 trillion, N6.5 trillion and N6 trillion respectively over the last three quarters indicating steadily growing domestic productivity.

    The fierce opposition in many quarters to the reforms despite the cautious and restrained approach of the administration shows just how difficult engineering change in a complex polity like Nigeria can be. But the challenge of critiques such as those posed by Kemi Badenoch is that there is no option but to deepen and sustain the reforms until the country is placed on an irreversible trajectory of growth, development and prosperity. This long term goal must be calibrated with urgent and effective short term measures to tame current astronomical inflationary spirals, drastically bring down food and transportation costs in particular and address the biting poverty that breeds citizen cynicism and generates support for extremist perspectives of the Kemi Badenoch variety. There must also be a more concerted effort to tackle the corrosive corruption at the root of high levels of inequality and deepens the high rate of poverty in a richly endowed country where the vast majority of the people have no business being poor.

  • Slapping club officials

    Slapping club officials

    The domestic league is gradually becoming a jungle where anything is possible. New methods of brigandage are introduced across the country with the criminals choosing where to strike – this new system ensures that the target suffers the punishments, leaving the clubs safe from heavy sanctions.

    On Sunday in Lagos, a disgruntled fan took the laws into his hands by creating an unpleasant setting which led to the physical assault on Remo Stars Coach Sulaimon Kamil. As the coach walked away from the pitch, his unknown assailant spotting a black shirt walked up to the unexpecting Kamil and slapped him from behind.

    The blinding backhand slap jolted Kamil, who struck back at the beast on impulse. Kamil’s punch made his attacker groggy, as he staggered to the turf. He got up quickly, groping, while his crowd of supporters who had come with him watched what had befallen their leader in awe. Mission unaccomplished. I wished Kamil had waited to finish off his attacker by ensuring his arrest by security operatives.

    The sanctions against bestial tendencies by these unscrupulous fans on their clubs would only make a lot of sense when the attackers are nabbed and made to face the wrath of the law. No person’s blood is worth being spilled at match venues before relevant changes can be reflected in the domestic league. Weekly matches are marred by violence, with the culprits (hoodlums, urchins, etc) made to look like spirits due to inadequate security.

    The irony in the statement credited to the NPFL rests with the demand on Ikorodu United FC of Lagos’ management to produce and prosecute the culprit who slapped the Remo Stars assistant coach. The NPFL is simply asking Ikorodu United’s officials to clap with one hand. Of course, the idiot has a right to support the Lagos side; just as the club may not have sent him on that shameful assignment. What stands out clearly is that this man isn’t a stranger to the Lagos side. I don’t expect the unknown fan to watch matches inside the Onikan Stadium, Lagos’ premises again this season. If he does, he would be on his own.

    Ikorodu City was charged for breach of Rules B13.52, B13.18 and C9.

    In a summary jurisdiction notice, the NPFL charged Ikorodu City for failure to provide adequate security, which resulted in unauthorised persons gaining access to restricted areas and assaulting Remo Stars Coach Kamil in breach of Rule B13.52 of the Frameworks and Rules.

    Ikorodu City was also charged for failure to ensure proper conduct of their team and supporters in breach of Rule C9.

    The club was fined a total of N3,000,000, ordered to identify and prosecute the fan who assaulted Coach Kamil and play the next two consecutive home games without admitting fans to the stands.

    The sanction read: “an order to identify and prosecute the individual(s) involved in the assault on Remo Stars Coach, Mr. Sulaimon Kamil. A report detailing the progress of this action must be submitted to the NPFL within seven (7) working days of the date of this notice”.

    “In accordance with Rule C26, you are required, within 48 hours of the date of this notice, to either submit to the summary jurisdiction and the sanctions contained herein; or elect to be dealt with by a disciplinary panel”, the NPFL ruled.

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    Much as this writer appreciates the swiftness in which the NPFL’s hammer falls on defaulters, it is also pertinent to plead with the organisers to avail us with copies of the body’s rulebook. It isn’t enough to list the section in which clubs defaulted, it helps readers and followers of the game understand the dictates of the offences committed.

    This incident is not an isolated one, as the NPFL board imposed sanctions on Plateau United and Bendel Insurance in November for security lapses and violent incidents during recent home games on Matchday 11.

    Plateau United faced penalties for failing to ensure adequate security, which led to attacks on visiting team members and match officials. The club was fined N4 million and faced deduction of three points and three goals. They were also ordered to pay compensation to the injured match official and Rangers player Daniel Onyia.

    Indeed, Bendel Insurance was charged with rule breaches following their Matchday 11 game against Kano Pillars. The club faced a 3-point and 3-goal deduction and a total fine of N3.75 million for security failures and misconduct.

    The last of the three home games at Samuel Ogbemudia Stadium in Benin City, which the NPFL directed should be played behind closed doors by Bendel Insurance, holds this weekend against Lobi Stars of Makurdi. If Bendel Insurance beats Lobi this weekend, for instance, it would be said the sanction helped them steady their game. After all, how much do they rake into their coffers from the gates when the fans watched their games before the NPFL’s hammer struck?

    I have always advocated here that the best form of security starts by ensuring that competent referees are assigned, such red-lettered matches are handled by the best set of referees and match commissioners alongside several independent assessors. And it is good to celebrate here the massive improvement in officiating by Nigerian referees

    Why haven’t the league body contacted the Commissioners of Police in the States where the games are played for them to watch over the different stadia to maintain public peace. Of course, where the police or/and security operatives are present in the stadium, beasts who have flouted the law are immediately arrested and handed over to them for prosecution. It isn’t enough for the body to make pronouncements or ask the criminals or offending clubs to pay fines and treat injured referees.

    These injured referees and fans should be made to be part of the criminals’ prosecution in court, where they can narrate their close shaves with death, and the pains and mental torture they went through. Their accounts may further embolden the judges to strike out any pleas from the criminals’ lawyers of them being first offenders. The court proceedings should be covered massively by the media. The news stories from the courts should be published in all the newspapers and in the electronic media. Shouldn’t the IMC members insist that venues hosting the domestic league games should have closed-circuit devices to fish out such miscreants?

    For any venture to attract good funding, it should be packaged to look attractive. But with the spate of violence at venues, nobody will do sports business with the league until hoodlums are chased away from the stadia. The carnage at the stadium may dissuade spectators from watching games. Nobody will bring his family to the stadium only to scamper out of the place as violence breaks out.

    I don’t subscribe to the view that we should introduce soldiers at match venues. They are no battlefronts. Stewards and those associated with keeping the stadium peaceful should be made to do their jobs. Negligent ones should be axed. Many jobless Nigerians will be happy to land this kind of job.

  • Onyema Ugochukwu at 80: before their very eyes

    Onyema Ugochukwu at 80: before their very eyes

    Although published to commemorate the landmark 80th birthday in November this year of journalism icon, first class economist, accomplished administrator, polished politician and revered elder statesman, Chief Onyeama Ugochukwu, this collection of tributes actually contains reflections on the life and times of the subject at different critical epochs of his existential trajectory. Running into 319 pages and organized around eight sections, the book titled ‘Testaments and Testimonials: Celebrating Onyeama Ugochukwu at 80’, bears the trademark of exhaustive research and meticulous craftsmanship characteristic of its editor, Dr Tunde Olusunle’s style and flair. The 89 chapters that make up the book reflect diverse perspectives and insights into the character and values of a truly unique personality at the various arenas of life on which he has operated in both the private and public realms.

    There is no doubt that the central and defining essence of Chief Ugochukwu’s eight decades of existence on planet earth has been his journalism career which served as the launching pad to his latter attainments at higher levels of public service through politics, governance and statesmanship. The sheer array of stellar journalists across generational boundaries who pay glowing tributes to one of their very best in this collection is a function of the high esteem in which the former Editor of the Business Times, West Africa magazine in London and the then hegemonic Daily Times is held in the profession.

    Some of the brightest and best minds in journalism attest to his high intellect, impeccable ethical standards, exemplary industry, urbane cosmopolitanism and sheer charisma that defined his journalistic practice. Yet, rather than fuel an attitude of superior aloofness or dismissive arrogance, Ugochukwu combined these qualities with a simplicity and disarming modesty that inspired and encouraged others and refraining from intimidating or diminishing his associates.

    Some of the outstanding journalists and/or scholars who tell remarkable tales of their varying encounters with Ugochukwu in the book include Akogun Tola Adeniyi, John Araka, Lizzy Ikem, Lade Bonuola, Eniola Bello, Ayodele Akinkuotu, Lanre Idowu, Chidi Amuta, Olu Obafemi, Solomon Odemingwe, Segun Adeniyi, Femi Adeshina, Dan Agbese, Al-Bishak, Omar Farouk Ibrahim, G.G Darah, Angela Agoawike, Gboyega Okegbola, Emeka Nwosu, Tunde Rahman, Hakeem Bello, Martins Oloja, Dare Babarinsa, Idang Alibi, Felix Adenaike, Oluwole Olatimehin, and Gbenga Adeniyi to name a few. These are names that have carved enviable niches for themselves in different spheres of journalism or scholarship, are of divergent temperaments and outlooks but are agreed on the integrity and humaneness of the man in whose honour they write.

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    Dr Yemi Ogunbiyi, accomplished scholar and outstanding Managing Director of the Daily Times recounts graphically Ugochukwu’s critical contributions first as Editor of the Daily Times and later General Manager of the Times Publication Division, to the much lauded landmark revitalization and resurgence of the newspaper conglomerate’s titles under his leadership. One of the legends of Nigerian journalism, Mr Lade Bonuola, describes Ugochukwu as an exemplar noting that

    “No one feels old inside him. The body may wrinkle and it may begin to fold. It may be weak and the steps may be slow, aided by a walking stick; even then, everyone feels as he has always felt, ever young. Onyema is an example of an old young man: Young in the soul and fresh in the body. It is emblematic of a contented man and a loving soul who is ever holding himself in readiness for service. He is a friend to all, an enemy to none. Onyema Ugochukwu is on the last step of the staircase to enter the eighth floor of a chequered life. He did not use the elevator. He climbed and experienced every rung of the ladder!”.

    Paying the kind of tribute to journalism that Chief Obafemi Awolowo famously expounds on law in his autobiography, Bonuola submits that “All-rounded education which journalism provides as a newsroom is a school from where you don’t ever graduate! It impels you into constant reading, reading everything in print, as iconic Lateef Jakande was wont to say. In these days of technological wonders, whatever digital platform also has as its menu must be lapped up as well. Knowledge that is inherent in journalism, being currents driven by a market place of ideas, exposes the journalist to all manner of people. It thus gives one an insight into the nature and character of man, his fellow human beings if he is perceptive and alert. Journalism itself offers a stepping stone into another variant of public service: politics at the level of governorship and governance. Ugochukwu’s trajectory, therefore, begins with being an economist, then a journalist and an administrator in his eventful journey through life”.

    The story has often been told of how Chief Ugochukwu moved from being Editor of the Business Times in Lagos to become the first African to edit the West Africa magazine in London. But Mr Bonuola reveals some of the background dynamics that informed that development. According to him, “It was when he came to the Business Times that our paths crossed. We were to meet again during the planning and the debut of The Guardian in 1982-1983. He actually received a letter of appointment as associate editor to run the Economy and Business section of The Guardian. The appointment coincided with another offer he got at OPEC. When this was leaked to the management of the Daily Times, the management not wanting to lose him pulled a fast one on him. If what he wanted was to live overseas he could as well go to London to take up the editorship of West Africa Magazine in which the Daily Times had interest. When he returned to Nigeria upon the completion of his tour of duty in London, it was to assume office as the General manager, Publications, at the Daily Times. During his tenure the Daily Times recorded the stunning highest surplus in the annals of the company”.

    Politicians like Professor Tunde Adeniran, Senator Ben Obi, Chief Olusegun Runsewe, Chief Timi Alaibe and Eyo E. Nyong among others have fulsome praise for Ugochukwu’s graciousness, selflessness and lack of desperation as a politician. He ran an elevated campaign to be governor of Abia State on the platform of the PDP but moved on without bitterness when the Court of Appeal overturned the ruling of the Elections Petition Tribunal that he was the actual winner of the 2007 governorship election in the state. Other contributors reflect on his invaluable contributions to the electoral victory of President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 as head of the campaign media team of a candidate that had a mostly rancorous relationship with the press.

    He played critical roles in managing the administration’s media relations after Obasanjo’s victory while also taking initiatives to overhaul national values as head of the National Orientation Agency (NOA) in the administration. As pioneer Chairman of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NNDC), he laid a firm foundation for the agency including drawing up an enduring master plan for the revolutionary transformation of the region. The kind of industrial scale corruption that later became a defining feature of the NDDC never reared its head under Ugochukwu’s leadership.

    This collection reveals that Chief Ugochukwu’s reputation is not just a matter of image laundering or public relations manipulations. For, contributions by close family members and leaders of his community demonstrate that his public conduct is predicated on values of care, compassion, integrity and fidelity in his private life. Describing Ugochukwu as ‘a quiet teacher’, a close relation of his wife, Dr (Mrs) Joyce Ugochukwu, Olamire Grant, writes

    “There are a few people that have a character worthy of emulating and, without any doubt, you are one of them. It was always a period of personal study of your personality for me whenever we were in close proximity. And I must say I took a lot away with me. You are a great example of an upright and humble man. And your ability to carry everyone along, as much as possible, is extraordinary.

    Happy 80th birthday uncle, with plenty of love, respect and admiration”.

    And his daughter, Dr (Mrs) Uzo Ugochukwu-Flake testifies that “Some of my favourite early memories of my father includes my brother, Chukwuemeka, and I sitting next to him as we would go through countries and capitals by spinning a globe and landing a target. Countries to which he had been, and coauntries to which he would eventually go. He instilled a love for knowledge in me, and inspired me to think beyond our shores. My father’s love of reading was also notable from a young age. It was not uncommon for him to disappear for hours, lost in a book. He fostered a love of reading and I have so many memories of going through random books in and the level of support I have received from him: getting through school, becoming a medical doctor, and finding my way to have a wonderful family. He may not have agreed with every decision but I knew he was always on my side and offered guidance in a caring manner.

    I have had many opportunities in my life that most never have, but through all this, one of my greatest privileges has been having Onyema Ugochukwu as my father and I am eternally grateful to God for blessing me with this remarkable, kind gentleman”.

    On behalf of the Ugboaja family, Ihuoma Tina writes that “You took over the mantle of total leadership and fatherhood when our father passed on and made sure we never missed him and stood up whenever the need arose. You believed in us even when we doubted ourselves, and your encouragement has helped us become better, either in our academic pursuits or in achieving excellence in our careers. Your wisdom and guidance have been invaluable throughout our lives. Your advice has helped us navigate life’s challenges and make important decisions. (When the young ones were desperate to get junior cadre jobs, you insisted that they must get higher and better qualifications so they can have better placements and be more productive and respected)”. As Nigeria grapples with an overly materialistic outlook that glamorizes wealth without industry and power without character, this book acquires added importance because it makes a vivid case for a life predicated on life-affirming values as the basis for a flourishing, thriving and wholesome society.

  • Identity, heritage, and complexity: Unpacking the Badenoch-Shettima discourse

    Identity, heritage, and complexity: Unpacking the Badenoch-Shettima discourse

    The recent verbal exchange between Kemi Badenoch, the Nigerian-born leader of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom, and Kashim Shettima, Nigeria’s Vice President, has seemingly thrust into the global spotlight a profound and delicate discussion about national identity, ethnic heritage, and the intricate dynamics of postcolonial belonging.

    From Badenoch’s standpoint, the context of her statement saw her refer to herself as Yoruba rather than Nigerian. Such a statement has largely reverberated far beyond mere personal preference; it represents a complex narrative of historical tensions, cultural distinctions, and a personal reckoning with a multifaceted national identity.

    Badenoch’s critique fundamentally centers on the stark cultural and ideological differences she perceives between the Yoruba people and Northern Nigeria, with similar examples found throughout the country. While many may judge her statement as provocative, those who are true to themselves would rather view it as indicative of the long-standing ethnic and religious divisions that have historically characterized Nigerian sociopolitical landscapes and our failure at nation-building.

    However, her characterization of Northern Nigeria as a “haven for Islamism and Boko Haram” is inappropriate and should not be uttered by someone who may one day govern the United Kingdom. It is akin to calling Texans “Rednecks” or describing Germany as a haven for Nazis. It is important to remind Badenoch that no region has suffered more at the hands of Boko Haram and Banditry than the North she labels as its haven. In doing so, she does great disservice to the people of that region who have died or suffered immeasurably from the terrorist organization’s activities.

    Thus, the response by Vice President Kashim Shettima epitomizes the defense of our national pride. By challenging Badenoch to “change her name” if she doesn’t want association with Nigeria, Shettima represents a perspective that prioritizes national unity over ethnic distinctions.

    His retort reflects a broader Nigerian sentiment that seeks to transcend ethnic boundaries and promote a unified national identity. However, Badenoch’s stance suggests that such unity remains more aspirational than real.

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    Badenoch’s assertion that the Yoruba were “ethnic enemies” of Northern Nigerians reveals the deep-rooted historical tensions that continue to simmer beneath Nigeria’s national facade.

    Her comments challenge simplistic notions of national identity, suggesting that belonging is more nuanced than a mere administrative categorization. This serves as a warning to our leaders and those who insist on Nigeria remaining a united entity. If we must be one nation, one people, then we must sit down and tell ourselves the basic truth and create a template that will assure all Nigerians, irrespective of where we come from, that we are better off as a united nation than as splintered entities—an argument many Nigerians will not readily buy into, given our present circumstances.

    While Badenoch declares her commitment to “protect” and her willingness to “die protecting this country” (referring to the United Kingdom), she frames her identity not as a rejection but as a principled stance rooted in her understanding of her ancestral warrior ethos.

    Such a perspective suggests that true loyalty transcends geographical boundaries and is instead anchored in cultural values, historical narratives, and personal convictions.

    This is where a majority of past Nigerian leaders missed it! Whilst they demanded unalloyed loyalty from the Nigerian citizen, they paid lip service to the issues that confronted many a Nigerian from buying into such. Take for example, my Igbo brothers will readily scream marginalisation, my brothers within the Niger Delta have long cried about the exploitation of their resources without any visible infrastructural presence, while these calls have been long drawn, government after government have all failed to properly address such clamours.  Even now, Presidenr Bola Ahmed Tinubu, whom many felt would readily address the political lopsided nature of the nation has told the nation he much prefers to face the economic challenges before tinkering with the former.

    The Badenoch-Shettima discourse illuminates several critical contemporary issues, such as the limitations of postcolonial national identities, the persistent challenge of ethnic reconciliation, the complex ways individuals navigate multiple cultural affiliations, and the ongoing dialogue about belonging in an increasingly globalized world.

    While Badenoch’s statements might seem controversial, aside from her derision of Northern Nigeria, the rest of her comments appear to represent a legitimate exploration of identity in a complex, multifaceted world. Her critique, though sharp, is not without merit and reflects genuine concerns about regional dynamics in Nigeria.

    Likewise, Vice President Shettima’s defense of national unity is equally valid, representing an alternative perspective that seeks to bridge ethnic divides. The dialogue between them is not a simple conflict but a nuanced conversation about belonging, heritage, and national identity.

    Ultimately, the Badenoch-Shettima exchange offers a profound insight into the intricate tapestry of modern identity politics, challenging us to look beyond simplistic narratives and appreciate the complexity of human experience.

  • Taxation and politics of distribution

    Taxation and politics of distribution

    Taxation has always thrown up intrigues about the suitability of the rate adopted and the ability of the payers, notwithstanding the type of system the country or society practised.

    From time immemorial, taxation has been woven around the experiences and history of nations, connecting them with the prevailing system of government.

    Its enduring feature is certainty. The reason and method of payment are known and agreed upon by the authority and members of a given community or state. It was a time-tested tradition; it was law.

    However, taxation in primitive societies was characterised by arbitrariness. It must be paid, whether it was convenient or not. Also, the law of taxation in those days never took into consideration the modern principle of fairness. To the monarch, chief or emperor, the ability of the individuals to pay was a non-issue. Payment was non-negotiable.

    Under such a traditional political system, evasion was common because the payment of tax was perceived as an avoidable burden and a cruel rip-off. Taxation, in some instances, also sparked rebellion and resistance because it was associated with fraud due to the deficiencies in its remittances.

    Tax, under any system, was collected by force or intimidation. There was no strict formula for determining the levy by monarchs, whose collectors or tax masters were ruthless, unsparing and deaf to complaints.

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    The traditional rulers relied on the tributes, tolls and levies as their sources of income and sustenance of community’s treasury. There was multiplicity of separate levies, irregular imposition and arbitrary assessment, which could not be questioned by the ordinary folks. Complaints were viewed as treachery and a mark of disloyalty punishable by imprisonment.

    Taxation was a prime duty and a unifying factor. It was also a measure of the health of the primordial economy. There was a basis for funding community projects – building of township fence, palace and prison, community hall, and levying of war. Maintenance of soldiers, which was critical to regime protection, was sustained by tax.

    In the empires of yore, when agriculture was the mainstay of the rural economy, the kings insisted on the payment of “Isakole” (tribute) from the people of his community and environments. It could be agricultural yields or domestic animals. The period of payment was during the harvest. The inability to pay, either due to dwindling fortune or crop failure, was mot condoned. It was equivalent to refusal, violation of the royal order and an affront to the community. It was a grievous offence that attracted a stiff penalty.

    Tax offenders were publicly shamed and punished, like going to the king’s farm to till the ground for a season. The property of defaulters might be seized and they had to be ransomed later through hard labour.

    In some towns, offenders were publicly flogged. Those who could not pay were labelled as unproductive. Even marriage, which was a validation of adulthood, was often tied to the payment of tax. Only few parents would allow their daughters to be married to lazy and idle men who could not pay tax, which meant that they were not responsible and could not be trusted to properly raise families.

    Since tax was the king’s main source of revenue, defaulting vassal communities risked wars, which in those days were disastrous. In the course of the onslaught, the unfortunate communities paid more. Their able-bodied men, wives and children were taken as slaves and they became labourers in captivity, until they worked for their freedom in a hard way. Not all the victims were lucky. Some of them never returned home. They were either married or sold off to other distant towns and villages as slaves.

    As colonial interlopers invaded Africa, the British, for example, came with the idea of paying tax, using coins and currencies, which replaced cowries, articles of trade and farm produce.

    The motive never contrasted with the objective of pre-colonial taxation system. The need to generate revenue for the running of the government at all levels and provide and maintain public infrastructure became more compelling as the colonial masters expanded the bureaucratic functions of the colonies.

    British taxation in the colonies was burdensome and exploitative. Defaulters were fined, publicly shamed and imprisoned. The condition of payment was stressful. That was the situation in Ibadan where Chief Adebisi Idikan, a rich farmer and trader, approached the Resident to stop troubling all male adults, promising to be paying their annual taxes.

    The Divisional Officer and Resident marvelled at the singular decision to shoulder the huge responsibility. The rare act of philanthropy brought relief and restored normalcy to the sour relationship between Ibadan people and the colonial authority.

    In Abeokuta, taxation was the source of a quarrel between Egba women, led by Mrs. Funmilayo Ransom-Kuti, and the Alake, Oba Ladapo Ademola II. As the aggrieved women protested daily, tension engulfed Ake, the seat of Egba Confederation. The crisis was so widespread that the monarch had to embark on voluntary exile for two years.

    After independence, many Nigerians were still reluctant to imbibe the culture of taxation. People continued to evade tax, believing that it was a burden deliberately imposed by the government. Entreaties that the money was used to provide social infrastructure fell on deaf ears. Many people went into hiding in their farms, in ceilings, under their beds, stores and kitchens whenever the tax collectors came calling. Again, the negative feeling towards tax was fuelled by the corruption associated with its collection and remittance.

    In the mid-1950s, the old Western Regional government increased taxes to get more money for funding free education. The opposition went to town with a curious propaganda that worked. During the federal elections that followed, the opposition used the issue against the ruling party. The voters were swayed, and the ruling party lost many seats in the central parliament.

    As from 1970s, the government devised a method of “stop and search” to enforce compliance in some old provinces and states. At the sight of revenue officials, defaulters scampered into the bush. Some sneakily ran off the vehicles conveying them; others agitatedly disembarked from their bicycles and motorcycles.

    However, as the civil service expanded, government devised the Pay As You Earn (PAYE) system. Through this method, taxes were deducted from the salaries of civil servants and remitted to the government. But, in the private sector, many companies continued to default as they do in the contributory pension scheme.

    Up to now, most Nigerians do not pay taxes, for many reasons. These range from the inability of the government to properly track taxable individuals and corporate bodies as well as the evasion of tax payment by many wealthy citizens. This borders on corruption: using unscrupulous government officials in the tax offices to issue doctored tax certificates, among other dubious practices.

    Some have argued that Nigeria  accommodates many private jet owners and other “billionaires” who evade tax because of their closeness to some “powerful” government officials that aid the unpatriotic indulgence.

    Tax assessment is a herculean task. In the metropolis where many companies operate without signboards. Many are unregistered. Thus, they are not legal entities with valid addresses.

    What is very striking now is that despite the transparency of the modern tax governance, the politics of distribution has led to suspicion between two groups of stakeholders – those pushing for distribution based on derivation and those pressing for sharing on equal basis.

     There is a general agreement that public revenue should be raised for known and agreed purposes. However, the emphasis is not on how the tax is generated; the bone of contention is how the lump sum is distributed among the states. Some states contribute so much and get so little; some contribute sparsely and get the big portion. There is institutional reward for lack of productivity.

    No doubt, the capacity for generating the Value Added Tax (VAT) is skewed or lopsided. This may be due to the fact that states are not equally endowed or lack equal capacity to contribute to the pool.

    The complexity of the situation is underscored by the fact that the seemingly disadvantaged populous sub-national units press, not for equity, but for equality in the sharing of proceeds. The populous advantageous units are blackmailed. Both bloc zones of the North and South are represented, but not equally, in the parliament where the law is to be made. There is peculiar bullying through the deployment of numerical strength.

    In a supposedly federal country where some regions relish federal character, catchment area and quota system, there is the need to promote a debate on the sharing of tax proceeds.

    As the entire process is enveloped in controversy, the question is: what is the way forward? The answers and options are: further consultations, constructive dialogue, negotiation, concessions, sacrifice, compromise, consensus building, flexibility, acceptance of reality and sustenance of the national interest.

    A just tax system is not the one that soothes one section and burdens another but one that ensures that all parties get what they deserve based on what they work for.

  • Feeding bottle coaches

    Feeding bottle coaches

    Sometimes, I wonder if Nigerian coaches love themselves. It hurts too when most of them assume that being former Nigerian internationals, it is their birthright only to handle the country’s national teams across the age grades. It also doesn’t matter if they failed in their last national team assignments. When they aren’t in charge of any team, they storm the media daily with paralysed analysis of what ought to be done to make the teams they once handled play with flair and score goals with aplomb. Nobody dared to make any suggestion to them about how poorly their team played. What they did was to shout back at you: ”Are you a coach?”

    A coach who didn’t know the rules of the competition in which he was fielding a squad for Nigeria, which led to the country’s ouster, suddenly thinks that the interim coach of the Super Eagles, Austin Eguavoen, should bow out of the senior team job. He hinged his misconception on a warped thought that Eguaveon may be doing two jobs; first as the NFF Technical Director and then as the interim coach of the Super Eagles.

    It showed clearly that this coach didn’t learn anything from some of the reasons he was eased off the job in 2011. If he did, he would have asked informed minds to educate him on what he wrongly perceived as double employment for Eguavoen. NFF’s accounting systems would fish out illicit dealings, if any. I had thought that this grumbling coach would have commended Eguavoen for picking the best two coaches, Fidelis Ilechukwu of Enugu Rangers and Daniel Ogunmodede of Remo Stars FC of Ikenne in the domestic league as his assistants, unlike others who recruited foreigners as their assistants.

    Those grumbling coaches told us then that they were paying such foreigners from their wages, rendering the Nigerian coaches otiose. Indeed!

    Eguavoen and the two Nigerian coaches with him need support from other Nigerian coaches and recommendation of good players they have seen, not the pull-him-down talk by this all-knowing coach.

    This coach was fired on October 28, 2011 for failing to take the Nigerian team to the 2012 African Nations Cup in Gabon & Equatorial Guinea. Interestingly, the internet doesn’t forget, as this coach later apologised to Nigerians over his technical misnomer in not knowing that with scores at 2-1 in Nigeria’s favour, all he needed to do was direct his players to shield the Guineans from scoring an equaliser. He didn’t. Rather, he stood up to urge his players to score more goals. The Guineans knew the rules and went on to score the equaliser, tying the final result at 2-2.

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    Rather than interrogate the circumstances surrounding the secondment of Eguavoen from his position as Technical Director of the NFF, this coach abused our sensibilities by asking Eguavoen to quit the job. Eguavoen, by virtue of his appointment as the Technical Director of the NFF, fills the gap in the Super Eagles when a lacuna exists. We don’t have to be seers to know that the NFF is cash-strapped, hence their decision to draft Eguavoen to handle the Eagles with an interim position. Of course, he would only be paid allowances and match winning bonuses whilst with the team. Eguavoen should ignore this cheap talk of resignation, since his employers took the decision which he has accepted as a patriot.

    So, I shudder to ask why anyone thinks that I dislike Nigerian coaches simply because I speak truth to them? Otherwise, why is it that some former internationals, especially from the 1994 Super Eagles, are always around to replace their former teammates who are incumbent Super Eagles coaches? I ask, where is the espirit d’ corps as former teammates fighting the same course of reinventing our football based on their experiences and learning in Europe as ex-internationals?

    Nigerian coaches should be told pointedly that they haven’t done enough to equip themselves for the daunting task of deciding the future of the beautiful game in Nigeria. Having excelled at her debut appearance at the senior World Cup in 1994, alongside the remarkable contributions of our players in all the leagues in Europe and in the Diaspora in the last 30 years, the country has no business parading squads which look like stools for misery in international competitions.

    Countries’ growth in football is measured by the number and quality of home-grown lads. For us, it is the reverse. We chase those discovered and nurtured overseas. Unfortunately, nurseries and academies whose activities are not streamlined by the federation are the ones exposing our local kids through shylock agents to Europe, the Americas, and the Diaspora. What a shame!

    There isn’t any problem with being agents but such agents should be able to identify good talents and expose them to bigger clubs. However, as the NFF are stylishly shopping for a new manager, he mustn’t be seen to perform the role of an agent while functioning as the manager of the Super Eagles. The ripple effect of this kind of unholy arrangement is that any discovery loses his position on spurious grounds if he is playing in positions where the manager has an interest. This conflict of interest on the part of the manager is one of the reasons there is friction between the big stars who dare to question the presence of the better players around the country.

    Unfortunately, the federation chieftains who are neck-deep in the sale of players’ rackets align with the mercantile managers. In no time, such a big player is tagged as undisciplined and a bad influence in the dressing room and camp. What our federation men don’t understand is that our players are exposed to quality coaches whose work ethics help to shape their careers in their different clubs. It is, therefore very easy for them to recognise a good manager during training sessions. It is the reason our players report to camp at their leisure, knowing that the feeding bottle managers in the Super Eagles need them more than they need him. Journeymen are sold to us as coaches with experience and good knowledge of African football. Their handlers tell us that these journeymen would be paying their assistants with their wages but that they would only be paid allowances and match bonuses.

    Each time we prosecute our football matches in the last two decades with mostly the ”foreign legion”, I wonder if our soccer administrators appreciate the damage they do to the ”beautiful” game. Our administrators see soccer development from the prism of participating in competitions outside the country. No programmes to catch the talents young, train and retrain the coaches for a workable template. For them, success is winning trophies, even if the players come from the moon. No surprise at the dearth of competitions here.

    We have relied so much on the ”foreign legion,” that it doesn’t matter if kids from Europe populate our age-grade teams. We don’t have to win age-grade competitions. We should de-emphasise winning, even though it is the ultimate. We should insist on getting kids who can return to the grassroots to serve as icons for others to emulate. Otherwise, we may get the ”foreign legion” as sports administrators to drive home the point.