The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • NFF: Medicare for everyone

    NFF: Medicare for everyone

    Watching European football always leaves you with a lot of lasting impressions. The ambience around the stadium is inviting. You immediately want to belong as the clock ticks towards the commencement of the game. The enchanting atmosphere inside and outside the stadium soon gets you to align with whichever side you have chosen to support – that is if you aren’t dressed in the country’s or club’s colours, making your choice apparent.

    Back to the settings in our different living rooms and choice spots where matches are shown, the contrasting styles of viewership among those watching the games are diametrically opposite except that the choice spots are volatile largely because  bets are placed on the outcome of key matches. In fact, it is worse to sit and watch European club football.

    But last Sunday, I discovered that I was alone watching the Netherlands’ game against Hungary at the Johan Cruyff Arena in Amsterdam, with three Liverpool FC of England’s players, Cody Gakpo, Ryan Gravenberch, Virgil van Dijk on the Dutch side and one of them, Dominik Szoboszlai on the Hungarian side. Interestingly, the two nations’ captains Dominik Szoboszlai and Virgil van Dijk play for Liverpool.

    The game started with the Hungarians missing two easy goal scoring chances, especially the one missed by Szoboszlai, until the eighth minute when the game had to be interrupted due to what was termed a medical emergency at the sidelines close to the technical area. Note that before the game was suspended,  the Dutch had taken a corner kick in which the ensuing melee in the Hungarians’ penalty box necessitated a review to find out if the ball actually touched the hand of one of the Hungarian players. This review was Kept In View (KIP), with attention focused on the person under medical emergency.

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    I missed the English with their theatrics in handling the same setting. They would have shown us the waiting ambulance revving (the standby in the event of unseen occurrences), live videos of the hospital where the patient be taken to and how the hospital’s personnel were waiting to ensure that the chain in the medical emergency train was iron cast. In this case, the Dutch kept theirs simple, choosing to hoist a medical canopy to shield the patient away from public view to some extent while both countries’ medical crews supporting those in the stadium for such medical emergencies to revive the patient.

    Happily, we were spared the drama and precision in taking the patient from the place to the hospital because the patient was revived within 13 minutes and taken away on his feet from the technical area for further treatment. The rapturous clapping of hands inside the stadium was electrifying just as it showed that the Medicare of everyone watching games was sacrosanct. The game was held for 13 minutes and what excited me was the line of communication among the players seeking to know if the patient stood any chance of being resuscitated.

    Several times, I saw Holland’s captain, Virgil van Dijk walk towards the closet where the patient was getting cherry information about the patient which he conveyed to them. The least of the 22 players walking around the playing field to loosen up their muscles had their minds on the continuation of the match with the individual still distressed.

    When the referees, however, sounded his whistle for the game to continue, the focus went straight to the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) machine for an interpretation of the goalmouth melee incident before the game was stopped. There wasn’t protest from the Hungarians as they stood hands akimbo to watch the obvious as revealed by the VAR. This writer looked towards the Hungarian coach whose countenance showed that he accepted the decision.

    What was clear before the penalty kick was taken was the power of country over club when there was the need to choose between them in match situations. Just before Gakpo shot the ball beyond the Hungarian goalkeeper’s reach, the captain walked towards him to whisper where Gakpo would whip the ball into. Of course, Gakpo saw his Liverpool mate passing instructions to his goalkeeper and sent the ball in the opposite direction.

    I waited to see how the indications of the 13 minutes spent on the medical emergency case and the normal time wasted in the course of the game. The reserve referee raised the changing board which was 0:13 which was played out before raising the board for two minutes extra time. I marvelled at what I was watching and my mind raced to the domestic game in Nigeria and how we would have handled the same situations flawlessly like the Dutch did.

    Back home Nigeria, the domestic game runs without the VAR machine which effectively won’t match what the VAR did in resolving the hand ball from a corner kick taken by the Dutch in the eighth minute during the European Nations Cup game between Holland and Hungary in Amsterdam. And like I have told those who cared to listen that the VAR machine would continue to be a mirage for the beautiful game until FIFA makes it a mandatory prerequisite for hosting any international game.

    Except for such strict instructions from FIFA would Nigeria deem it appropriate to install the VAR machine?

    The seamless manner in which the Dutch FA handled the medical emergency case underscored the need to interrogate how the NFF and indeed those in charge of organising ours would treat medical emergency cases. Deep inside me, I prayed fervently that such medical emergencies should not happen here. My fear rose from the indolent manner in which we handle such critical functions in Nigeria.

    Nigerian doctors can match their counterparts anywhere in the world, but the attitude of those in the medical chain could inhibit a seamless act beginning with the absence of power and if the ambulance’s driver would be at alert. No disrespect to the drivers

    Perhaps, the question to the NPFL is, are the medicare for everyone inside the stadium across the country are? Are there plans such that patients can be easily be driven from the stadium to hospital and treated based on the contractual terms? It would be foolhardy for patients to be taken to the hospital and be subjected to the harrowing of waiting inside the ambulance until clearance from the owners of the hospital is received before the distressed person is treated. No one would blame the owners of such a business enterprise if such contractual partner is a habitual debtor.

    Can the NFF and indeed the NPFL tell us how many Nigerian clubs with brand new ambulances fitted with the state-of-the-art facilities to handle emergencies before excavating patients to the hospital? How many stadia in Nigeria have fully equipped medical rooms to serve as the first place of contact to stabilise distressed patients? Can NFF and NPFL tell us where patients with medical emergencies can be taken to without any delays arising from debts owed such hospitals?

    There is, therefore, the need to align our football leagues calendar with the rest of the world for August to July so that we can have a football season that will be devoid of any rancour and will be a source of pride to its sponsors as well as its followers. There is a need for a well laid out and functional football structure in the country that will engender active involvement of private and public partnership.

  • Thoughts and non thoughts of OBJ

    Thoughts and non thoughts of OBJ

    So pungent, incisive, convincing and irrefutable have been the several reactions to former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s recent address at Yale University in the United States in which he not only excoriated the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration but, characteristically, held his own leadership record up as the ideal to follow, that there is no need to reiterate the well known arguments here. Sermonizing endlessly on the ills plaguing Nigeria and magisterially pronouncing solutions to them has been the routine pastime of the former military head of state and then elected President for two terms despite the fact that he did not avail himself of his latter day wisdom when he had the opportunity to steer the affairs of Nigeria and shape the destiny of the nation.

    The truth of the matter is that the Owu Chief, perhaps more than any other past leader, cannot escape culpability for the state of Nigeria today – her continued underdevelopment and poverty despite an abundance of natural, mineral and relatively qualitative Human Resources. Had he seized the opportunities placed on his laps seemingly on a golden platter to steer Nigeria’s ship of State particularly between 1999 and 2007 to deepen the country’s federal practice, diversify the economy, lay the foundation for the modernization and expansion of key infrastructure, revamp the country’s security architecture, institutionalize electoral integrity through the conduct of credible polls and pay more than lip service to the fight against corruption, the trajectory of the country’s socioeconomic and political development would be far different from what it is today.

    In his book, ‘Not My Will’, a personal memoir of his years in power as military Head of State between 1976 and 1979, Obasanjo, with characteristic lack of charity, derided the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo asserting that what the legendary politician and statesman had sought in futility all his life, which was to be elected President of Nigeria, he (Obasanjo) had attained at a relatively young age. Yet, he did not address his mind to the critical issue of whether or not he had maximally utilize this opportunity to pursue and promote the best interest of Nigeria and her accelerated developmental transformation. His military regime’s political transition programme ushered in a civilian dispensation in 1979 that was one of the most venal, corrupt and inept leading to the collapse of the Second Republic and the return of military rule within four years. Given another opportunity to redeem himself as elected President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007, Obasanjo demonstrated that he had learnt nothing from his past foray in power.

    In his address at an event to honour the memory of the great novelist and intellectual, Chinua Achebe, at Yale University, Obasanjo’s unsparing criticism descended heavily on the incumbent Tinubu administration in the same way that he had subjected every government to since his exit from power in 2007. It little occurred to him, as many analysts have pointed out, that the naturally reticent Achebe was forced to trenchantly criticize bad and lawless governance under the Obasanjo presidency and even rejected the national honour bestowed on him by the Ota farmer as a gesture of symbolic protest.

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    Some have attributed the former President’s relentless criticisms of successive administrations after him to a desire to be the focus of attention as well as the urge to portray his administration as the best in this dispensation if not in the post-independence history of Nigeria. Unfortunately, any such pretensions fly in the face of indisputable facts and cannot be supported by objective, serious minded analysis. It is my view that the former President’s serial critiques of Nigeria’s political economy under successive administrations and habitual indulgence in self-glorification stem from an innate lack of capacity to transcend superficiality in analysis as evidenced by the ephemerality of most of his books in which he makes magisterial pronouncements that have minimal impact on the polity because they are hardly deeply reasoned and well thought out. This is in sharp contradistinction to the immortal thoughts and works of Awolowo that still remain pertinent and relevant to Nigeria’s quest for a viable socioeconomic and political order decades after they were written.

    For instance, Obasanjo loves to flaunt his self-proclaimed patriotism and incomparable love for Nigeria. Yet, from his conduct when he had the opportunity to preside over the country’s affairs, there was no indication that he had reflected deeply on what patriotism really means beyond mere cliches and empty sentimentality. For instance, when a 20-man delegation of the League of Northern Democrats led by a former Governor of Kano State, Ibrahim Shekarau, visited him in Abeokuta recently, the former President reiterated once again his fabled love for Nigeria. In his words, “You said I am a believer in the greatness of this country. Yes, I am. I am also an incurable optimist in this country. I am totally committed to the goodness of this country. But I believe if we look back and we want to be sincere with ourselves, we can see some of the mistakes of the past which we must not fall into again”.

    But it is no less a person than Chinua Achebe who gives us an insight into the shallowness of Obasanjo’s understanding of patriotism and love for country. On page 15 of his slim but powerful classic, ‘The Trouble with Nigeria’, Achebe writes, “In 1978 or 79 General Obasanjo paid an official visit to the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Of the academic community assembled in the Niger Room of the Continuing Education Centre and which rose respectfully to its feet on his entry, General Obasanjo made a totally unexpected demand. He asked them to recite the national pledge! A few ambiguous mumbles followed, and then stony silence. “You see,” said the General bristling with hostility, “You do not even know the National Pledge”. No doubt he saw in this failure an indictable absence of patriotism among a group he had always held with great suspicion”.

    Achebe then goes on to dilate lucidly on patriotism. His words, “Who is a patriot? He is a person who loves his country. He is not a person who says he loves his country. He is not even a person who shouts or swears or recites or sings his love for his country. He is one who cares deeply about the happiness and well-being of his country and all its people. Patriotism is an emotion of love directed by a critical intelligence. A true patriot will always demand the highest standards of his country and accept nothing but the best for and from his people. He will be outspoken in condemnation of their shortcomings without giving way to superiority, despair or cynicism. That is my idea of a patriot”. It is thus obvious that Obasanjo’s address at Yale and his several scurrilous denunciations of previous administrations both of the PDP and APC fall far short of Achebe’s thoughtful and exacting standards of patriotism.

    In the same address to the League of Northern Democrats, Obasanjo spoke on the vexed issue of Igbo presidency which is yet to be a reality in the country. According to him, “I think all of us in Nigeria have to rethink…It bleeds my heart when people say because the Igbo had carried out a secession and so an Igbo man cannot be the President of Nigeria. I say what nonsense? There is no section of Nigeria that has not planned secession? What is “Araba” in the North? The North planned to break up Nigeria…What is treasonable felony? So, who among us can say I am better than the other? None!”.

    In the first place, it is untrue that there is no part of the country that has not planned a secession. There were certainly tensions in the relationship between various parts of the country leading to threats and heated exchanges at various times which is natural in a complex, plural polity like ours. But it is only the Igbo of the Southeast that had actually carried out the threat of secession, an attempt that was militarily crushed after three years of bloody conflagration. Even then, I am unaware as Obasanjo posits that anybody worth taking seriously has ever suggested that an Igbo man cannot be President of Nigeria because of the abortive secession attempt. Indeed, as I have previously said in this column, within nine years of the end of the civil war, an Igbo man, Dr Alex Ekwueme, had become the Vice President of Nigeria. There is every possibility that within the dynamics of democratic politics an Igbo man would have since become President of Nigeria but for the truncation of democracy by military intervention in 1983.

    In the last presidential election, Mr Peter Obi, directed his campaign mainly at his fellow Igbo as well as Christians of the North and South and his support base was restricted to that limited constituency which cannot deliver a presidential victory in a vast country like Nigeria. A candidate who engaged in church tourism campaigns and openly called on Christians to “take back your country” understandably did not win a single state in the core Muslim North which constitutes at least one half of the electorate. In any case, if Obasanjo is so passionate about Igbo presidency, why did he emerge from nowhere to snatch the PDP presidential ticket from Dr Ekwueme in 1998 with the support of retired northern Generals even when Ekwueme, one of the founding fathers of the PDP, was on course to winning the ticket?

    Reporting Obasanjo’s address to the visiting League of Northern Democrats, The Punch newspaper wrote, “The former President blamed regionalism as practiced before obtaining independence in October 1960 as the foundation of the country’s prolonged lack of cohesion, adding that “the truth is that at independence, Nigeria emerged with three leaders and so it is a situation of three countries in one ever since”. Again, it does not appear that this submission is a reflection of rigorous thought.

    For one, it is simplistic to base an analysis of post-independence Nigerian politics on the three major ethnic groups when ethnic minorities have increasingly asserted their influence within the polity. Again, it is as misleading to blame the regional structure of the first republic for the collapse of democracy in 1966 just as it is to proffer a return to regionalism as the solution to current challenges. Rather than regionalism per se being the problem with the First Republic, it was the attempt by the ruling NPC/NCNC coalition at the centre to forcibly seize control of the Western Region from the Action Group (AG) and impose an unpopular Ladoke Akintola of the NNDP on the region through the brazen massive rigging of the 1965 Western Regional elections that ignited the flames of anarchy in the region which then had national implications bringing down the democratic edifice on everybody.

    Obasanjo lectured his northern visitors to the effect that “Yes, you have identified your group as the League of Northern Democrats, but how I wish you had called your group National League of Democrats, because where you come from should not be a problem. Where I was born should not be the enemy of my ‘Nigerianess’. I will be increasing by being a Nigerian rather than being a member of the Republic of Oodua”. This is hardly realistic. When asked to respond to allegations that he was a tribalist during his campaign for the presidency in 1979, Chief Awolowo submitted that he could not be a good Yoruba man without first and foremost being a good and responsible indigene of Ikenne and that he could not claim to be a good and patriotic Nigerian without first being a good and responsible Yoruba man. This sounds eminently sensible, practical and honest to me. The point, as the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, was said to have told the great Zik is not to deny our differences but to understand them.

  • ‘Navigating uncertainty: Trump’s global legacy and Nigeria’s strategic challenges’

    ‘Navigating uncertainty: Trump’s global legacy and Nigeria’s strategic challenges’

    Donald Trump’s second emergence and continued influence in American politics represents one of the most significant political developments of the 21st century, with ripple effects that extend far beyond U.S. borders. His unconventional approach to politics and policy has reshaped international relations and carries particular implications for the globe  including developing nations like Nigeria.

    Trump’s initial rise to power in 2016 marked the acceleration of a global populist wave that has influenced political movements worldwide. His “America First” doctrine, characterized by skepticism toward traditional international alliances, preference for bilateral over multilateral agreements, and protectionist economic policies, has inspired similar movements across continents. This shift has fundamentally altered the post-World War II international order that emphasized globalization and multilateral cooperation.

    The Trump approach to governance – prioritizing nationalist interests over global consensus – has emboldened leaders worldwide to adopt more assertive nationalist positions. This trend has particular relevance for Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria, which must navigate an increasingly complex international environment while managing its own internal challenges.

    Trump’s first stint as president introduced significant volatility into global trade relations through tariff wars, renegotiation of trade agreements, and skepticism toward free trade principles. For resource-rich countries like Nigeria, this shift has several implications:

    1. Commodity Markets: Trump’s policies and rhetoric can significantly impact global commodity prices, affecting Nigeria’s oil-dependent economy. The uncertainty surrounding U.S. trade policies can lead to market volatility, complicating economic planning for petroleum-exporting nations.

    2. Investment Flows The “America First” doctrine has influenced global investment patterns. Increased protectionism in developed economies could either redirect investment toward emerging markets like Nigeria or lead to a general retreat of international capital to perceived safer havens.

    3. Trade Relations: The emphasis on bilateral rather than multilateral trade agreements could affect Nigeria’s trade positioning, potentially requiring more direct negotiation with major economic powers rather than working through international frameworks.

    On immigration, Trump’s strict stance on immigration has implications for countries with significant diaspora populations in the United States, including Nigeria. The Nigerian diaspora in the U.S. contributes significantly to Nigeria’s economy through remittances and knowledge transfer. Any policies affecting immigration or visa regulations can have direct economic and social impacts on Nigerian communities both in the U.S. and at home.

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    The Trump administration’s inclusion of Nigeria in travel restrictions highlighted the potential vulnerability of international mobility to political shifts in Washington. This has implications for:

    – Educational opportunities for Nigerian students

    – Business travel and investment flows

    – Family reunification

    – Professional development opportunities

    Again, Trump’s approach to international security cooperation has emphasized greater burden-sharing among allies and a more transactional approach to international relationships. For Nigeria, this has implications for:

    1. Counter-terrorism Cooperation: Nigeria’s fight against Boko Haram and other security challenges requires international support. Changes in U.S. foreign policy priorities can affect the level and nature of security assistance available.

    2. Military Aid: The emphasis on allies paying their “fair share” could affect military cooperation and assistance programs, potentially requiring Nigeria to shoulder more costs or seek alternative partnerships.

    3. Regional Security: Any reduction in U.S. engagement in West Africa could create opportunities for other global powers to expand their influence in the region.

    Likewise, Trump’s skepticism toward climate change agreements and environmental regulations has implications for global climate action. For Nigeria, this matters because:

    – The country is vulnerable to climate change impacts

    – Environmental degradation affects agricultural productivity

    – Climate finance and technology transfer depend on international cooperation

    – Energy sector development strategies must consider global climate policies

    As Nigeria navigates this evolving international landscape, several strategic considerations emerge:

     Diversification of International Partnerships

    The uncertainty surrounding U.S. policy directions suggests the wisdom of maintaining diverse international partnerships. Nigeria’s relationships with China, Europe, and regional powers become increasingly important as hedges against policy shifts in Washington.

    The volatility associated with Trump’s approach to international relations underscores the importance of building economic resilience through:

    – Diversification away from oil dependency

    – Strengthening domestic manufacturing

    – Developing internal markets

    – Improving institutional capacity

    Nigeria’s role as a regional leader in West Africa becomes more critical in an international environment where traditional powers may be less engaged. This presents both challenges and opportunities for Nigerian leadership in:

    – Regional economic integration

    – Security cooperation

    – Diplomatic initiatives

    In conclusion, Trump’s emergence and continued influence in American politics represents more than just a temporary deviation from traditional U.S. policy approaches. It signals lasting changes in how the world’s most powerful nation engages with the international community. For Nigeria, this requires careful navigation of an increasingly complex global environment while building greater resilience and self-reliance.

    The implications extend beyond immediate policy impacts to fundamental questions about the future of international cooperation, economic development, and global governance. Nigeria’s success in this new environment will depend on its ability to adapt to changing circumstances while maintaining focus on its core development objectives.

    As the global community continues to grapple with these changes, Nigeria’s size, resources, and regional importance position it to potentially benefit from the evolving international order – provided it can maintain domestic stability and implement effective strategic responses to these global shifts.

  • Obasanjo and his ‘failing state’ theory

    Obasanjo and his ‘failing state’ theory

    A leopard cannot change its spots.

    This age-long apothegm utterly beggars the cacophonous vituperations of former President Olusegun Obasanjo about other Nigerians, especially the nation’s leaders – past or present – except himself.

    For a personality that ought to stay peacefully in the glasshouse of respected statesmen, Obasanjo has been throwing stones all his life at fellow citizens as a fancied self-entertainment.

    The former President thinks he laid a foundation of exemplary leadership as a military and civilian leader. He is inclined to blaming every administration and other leaders for not measuring up. But, an x-ray of his leadership style reveals otherwise.

    The all-knowing General, civil war commander, former military Head of State, ex-President of Nigeria, Ekerin Egba, Ebora and Balogun Owu, and seasoned letter writer, is yet to overcome the shock of last year’s presidential election.

    His anointed candidate, Peter Obi, could not fly during the poll. Therefore, anything done by the winner and President, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is a precursor to a “failing state,” which exists only in the imagination of the self-appointed monitor of Nigeria.

    Delivering a keynote address at the Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, United States, the former leader, combative as ever, blamed the one-and-a-half-year-old Tinubu’s presidency for the nation’s cumulative woes.

    In the lecture, titled: ‘Leadership failure and state capture in Nigeria,’ OBJ, as fondly called by some people, said the country’s pervasive corruption, mediocrity, immorality, misconduct, mismanagement, injustice, incompetence and all forms of iniquity confirmed Nigeria’s failing state status under the President.

    The General deliberately closed his eyes to the courageous steps and bold reforms of the Tinubu administration. He cleverly manufactured fables and tissues of lies to dent the image of a government tackling the mess created by the previous leadership.

    Obasanjo posed as a scholar and pontificated on good governance. He uncritically confused “state fragility” with “state failure,” creating panic.

    At issue is governance legitimacy, which is dictated by the people’s perception of the government’s capacity for role fulfillment and the unhindered exercise of sovereignty and authority over the nation’s territories.

    A failed state implies the extreme weakness of the political or economic system and the colossal loss of control by the government. A state does not fail suddenly. There is a spectrum of fragility. There are abnormal circumstances that may ultimately culminate in failure, including wars, comprehensive weaknesses of the military and bureaucracy, as well as the prolonged, unmitigated collapse of social order throughout the country. States can move from fragility to failure if there is no remedy; if the government and the people are helpless, and if disintegration is inevitable.

    However, at a time Tinubu is recording more successes in steering Nigeria away from “state fragility,” what Obasanjo could see through his self-fabricated lenses is only “state failure”.

    The General stirred the hornet’s nest through his highly inflammable statement. Assessing the nation’s electoral system by his yardstick, he also called for the removal of the current leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to restore integrity and sanity. Would he want Professor Maurice Iwu, the former INEC chairman who conducted the most controversial election that resulted in the longest electoral litigation, to return?

    The former president, as some observers would say, is entitled to his personal opinion, even if his view is laced with bile.

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    If previous governments, including the ones Obasanjo headed, had laid good examples, the country would have been much better.

    But what are the legacies of OBJ, Africa’s statesman and self-acclaimed democrat who some observers have also described as a symbol of imaginary purity?

    Obasanjo presided over a very ‘secure country where the chief legal officer, Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige, was murdered. Throughout the life of the administration, there was no clue. The killers remain at large.

    He conducted the best presidential election which produced President Umaru Yar’Adua, who confessed that the poll that brought him to power was severely flawed.

    At the tail end of Obasanjo’s administration, allegations of a third-term agenda filled the air, and the report of the Constitutional Conference was sacrificed on the altar of deceit.

    Under his leadership, the hand of the centrist Federal Government was heavy on the sub-national units, as underscored by the seizure of allocations to states and councils.

    Is the administration not also remembered for turning the anti-graft bodies into a veritable weapon for witch-hunting, intimidation, and oppression of perceived foes?

    What about the Odi bloodletting? What about Zaki Biam? Did his government not receive condemnation of the international community?

    Too numerous acts of political aggression were peculiar to his regime. No one was insulated from his venom. His life outside power has not been dull. But his pastime is a subjective assessment, most times, of the state of the nation.

    Confronted with the awful memory of electoral horrors, Obasanjo’s do-or-die statement confounded most Nigerians. Yet, in 2019, he feared what his administration did to the opposition. Ahead of the poll, the Ota farmer regressed into a curious defence mechanism, alerting the international community to an imminent rigging that should attract punishment by powerful Western countries.

    Also living up to expectations as a crafty actor, Obasanjo alleged that a former Vice President was buying Permanent Voter’s Cards (PVCs) from prospective voters at N10,000 per voter. The Doctor of Theology said the vice president could not be a man of God, urging the General Overseer who inducted him as a priest to terminate his priesthood.

    In another outburst, Obasanjo, in a letter, said Muhammadu Buhari should not run for presidency. He inspired the formation of a political party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), which could not attract a huge following. Later, he turned his back on the youths by abandoning his push for a generational shift. He has been dreaming of what he called a third force in the nation’s polity; whatever that means.

    Highly inconsistent, the man who opposed Atiku Abubakar in 2003, 2007, 2011, and 2015 suddenly woke up from slumber in 2019 and became Atikulated.

    Less than a month before the 2019 presidential election, Obasanjo resumed his old tricks of maligning, intimidating, and blackmailing candidates, reminiscent of what he did to Atiku in 2007 as the flag bearer of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and ex-President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015.

    In 2007, Obasanjo left the stage with a perception that has continued to hunt him in public life. As president, he was the lord of manor whose word was law. Power drew the wool over his eyes. As the PDP leader, he was the party. In eight years, the PDP as the ruling party had four national chairmen. That leadership instability in the party was, to a large extent, his making. He cleverly pushed away the pioneer chairman, the late Chief Solomon Lar. Later, he subjected his successor, Chief Barnabas Gemade, to the same ordeal, making him curse the party. Also, Chief Audu Ogbeh, who succeeded Gemade, had a bitter experience. When former Anambra State Governor Chris Ngige was abducted under the former president, he did not haunt the perpetrators of such a heinous constitutional breach.

    Under his watch, a gale of impeachment hit the polity. The victims were former Governors Joshua Dariye (Plateau State), Senator Rashidi Ladoja (Oyo), Ayodele Fayose (Ekiti), and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha (Bayelsa). The impeachment did not follow the laid-down procedures. The court later reinstated Dariye and Ladoja.

    In Rivers State’s PDP, Obasanjo objected to Rotimi Amaechi’s choice as the candidate the party’s delegates should choose, saying the selection had a k-leg. Senator Ifeanyi Araraume suffered the same fate in Imo State. The party lost to the Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA) candidate, Ikedi Ohakim.

    Obasanjo successfully plotted the removal of former Senate President Chuba Okadigbo, who succeeded his ousted anointed candidate, Evan Enwerem.

    When former Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, defected from the PDP to the Labour Party (LP) to contest the governorship election in Ondo State, Obasanjo threatened him with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). He said: O su s’aga (he defecated on the stool). But the people of Ondo ignored the former president.

    In 2004, President Obasanjo withheld allocations to the local governments in Lagos State, following the creation of an additional 37 local council development areas (LCDAs).

    Earlier in 2003, he orchestrated an electoral earthquake in the Southwest. Governors Adeniyi Adebayo (Ekiti), Lam Adesina (Oyo), Olusegun Osoba (Ogun), and Adebayo Adefarati (Ondo) were the casualties. Only Tinubu of Lagos State survived the electoral terrorism. There was panic when INEC initially indicated on its website that the PDP had won Lagos.

    Although Obasanjo secured a second term, it is instructive to note that at the Supreme Court, where the final verdict was given on the 2003 presidential poll,  the judges were split. Some jurists were not convinced that he defeated his challenger, Muhammadu Buhari of the defunct All Peoples Party (APP), at the poll.

    In 2006/2007, Obasanjo foisted on the ruling party a personal succession agenda. Presidential aspirants, including Dr. Peter Odili, Donald Duke, Ahmed Makarfi, and Adamu Abdullahi, were edged out of the selection process. His anointed candidate, the late Umar Musa Yar’Adua, was imposed on the party.

    In 2007, Iwu’s INEC operated from Obasanjo’s armpit. Losers were declared as winners during the governorship polls; PDP candidates were the beneficiaries. The mandates were later restored in the court. Affected states included Anambra, Edo, Ondo, Osun, and Ekiti. That rigging is responsible for the scattered off-season governorship polls in the country today.

    Although Obasanjo has become an emergency advocate of judicial independence, he demonstrated a lack of respect for court orders. Emergency holidays were even declared to frustrate the move by courts to deliver their judgments on sensitive cases. Court orders were disregarded.

    The history of Nigeria is incomplete without a mention of Obasanjo. He was the General Officer Commanding (GOC) the Third Marine Commando when his juniors, including Lt.-Gen. Alani Akinrinade (retd.) and Brig. Godwin Alabi-Isama brought the rebels to their knees. In his book, ‘Military Leadership in Nigeria,’ General James Oluleye said: “[Yet] Obasanjo claimed he won the civil war by solo effort.”

    He craved political relevance as a military officer. The agitation for political power resulted in the pressure on former military Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, to make him Minister of Works and the late Gen. Murtala Ramat Mohammed the Minister of Communications.

    In 1979, Obasanjo made history again. He handed over to civilians. He became a moral voice of sorts.

    Twenty years after leaving power, he bounced back as a civilian president in 1999. However, many observers believe that he had lost the steam by 2007 when he handed over power to Yar’Adua.

    Outside power, he embraces the pastime of attacking other leaders, some of who had made greater contributions to national development than him. Today, some of these leaders are celebrated by Nigerians more than him.

    Obasanjo had mocked Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the first Premier of defunct Western Region, for not becoming the president of Nigeria. In his book: ‘Not My Will,’ he described the late Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe as a leader who fell from his pre-eminent national position and carried on with life in his old age as a tribal chieftaincy holder, the Owelle of Onitsha.

    Obasanjo also described the late President Shehu Shagari as colourless; Aminu Kano as a placard-carrying protester, and Waziri Ibrahim as a rich but unserious contender. Buhari and Idiagbon, to OBJ, were autocratic rulers and Ibrahim Babangida a fool.

    Ahead of the return to civil rule in 1999, he once asked what has ‘Jack’ (General Yakubu Gowon) left behind in Aso Villa that he wanted to go and take. To OBJ, Moshood Abiola was not the messiah Nigeria needed. The option of an interim government, instead of the June 12 election de-annulment, was regrettable but understandable, according to Obasanjo.

    Out of over 200 million Nigerians, nobody else is clean, honest, and knowledgeable enough. Only OBJ is.

  • Towards a successful governorship poll in Ondo

    Towards a successful governorship poll in Ondo

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has recorded significant improvements in the conduct of off-season governorship elections. However, some actors may want to dispute the remarkable progress because the poll outcomes did not favour their political parties and candidates.

    In today’s poll across the 18 local government areas of Ondo State, the expectation is that the umpire would build on the feats of conducting substantially credible, free, and fair elections. This is non-negotiable, more so when a political party has kicked against the retention of the Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Oluwatoyin Babalola, based on the flimsy excuse that she was born and bred in Akure, the state capital, where his parents still live.

    An election is always a tough battle in Ondo State, right from the First Republic. That is why the umpire should conduct the assignment properly with a profound sensitivity to the historical antecedents of the state. Those in politics now in Ondo were children of yesteryears and youths who witnessed the horrors of the earlier dispensations. In the dreadful days of the wild, wild West, the old Ondo Province was a major contributor to arson, killings, maiming and destruction of property, following the 1965 rigging of the Western regional elections. Eighteen years later, the state also boiled during the Ajasin/Omoboriowo rift. The Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) office on Oba Adesida Road in Akure was up in flames. A state lawmaker, Tunde Agunbiade, was beheaded. A leader of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in Akure, Agbayewa, and a House of Representatives member and publisher, Olaiya Fagbamigbe, were set ablaze.

    However, since 1999, the state appeared to have bidden farewell to the electoral hullabaloo. Even when allegations of a stolen mandate filled the air in 2007, the gladiators waited on the court for the ventilation of their grievances, adjudication and justice. The mandate was retrieved lawfully from Governor Olusegun Agagu to Olusegun Mimiko without bloodshed.

    Since 2012, there have been improvements in the conduct of governorship elections in the Sunshine State. Mimiko, who had defected from the Labour Party (LP) to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), defeated the late Rotimi Akeredolu of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), who eventually succeeded him after defeating Eyitayo Jegede (SAN) of the PDP. Also, Akeredolu defeated Jegede for the second time in 2018. During these contests, there was no cause for alarm.

    No party has maintained dominance in Ondo politics in this Fourth Republic. In 1999, the battle was between Adebayo Adefarati of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and Agagu of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). At the poll, it was 51 per cent for AD and 49 per cent for PDP.

    During the political earthquake that swept the AD governors, Agagu succeeded Adefarati. But his second-term bid also collapsed. The state reverted to LP and later to the PDP under Mimiko. Much later, the ‘progressives’ bounced back under Akeredolu, who was succeeded by Lucky Aiyedatiwa last year.

    Read Also: Ondo 2024: How the political parties stand

    Ondo has somehow institutionalised zoning. Akeredolu came from the North Senatorial District. Thus, the two major parties picked their candidates from the South Senatorial District in the spirit of equity, fairness and justice, and with the understanding that power would rotate to Ondo Central later.

    It is noteworthy that the campaigns were orderly and peaceful. The two main candidates – Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and former Deputy Governor Agboola Ajayi of the PDP – have conducted their campaigns with decorum and elevated issues over personalities. The two candidates are politically related, having operated under their former leader, Akeredolu. They are also from the same senatorial district, which means head or tail, Ondo South is the winner.

    The candidates, their party leaders, followers and voters should bear in mind the peace accord. The INEC is just the supervisor of the governorship contest. A successful poll is possible when the stakeholders cooperate with the electoral agency. Indeed, an election is the joint responsibility of the umpire, the government, security agencies, the candidates, political parties, party agents at polling booths, and the electorate. If any of the stakeholders flounder in their duties and obligations, substantial compliance with extantlaws and electoral rules and regulations may not be attainable.

    The political parties must educate and enlighten their followers up to the polling day. Parties should impress upon their members and followers on the need to shun unruly behaviours and report any anomaly to security agencies instead of taking the laws into their own hands.

    Party leaders have been mobilising during the campaigns across the local governments. There is no need to hire agents for vote-buying and selling. They should do away with desperation. Vote-buying is vote theft. It is an offence that is punishable as it erodes the credibility of the exercise.

    It is the duty of security agencies to police the votes and prevent disruption and violence. Vigilance is key. They should maintain utmost neutrality and impartiality in discharging their electoral duty. They are not expected to aid or abet unscrupulous politicians with habitual rigging behaviour. Only policemen who understand the geography, sociology and terrain of Ondo State should be saddled with electoral duties.

    The electorate is obligated to cast their ballot without let and hindrance. They should shun the temptation to vote in anticipation of a financial reward. Voting according to one’s conscience and understanding of the game is a rare form of personal dignity. These are hard times, no doubt. However, discipline should not be a casualty of the boring social condition. Vote-buying will become a thing of the past when the targets resist and report to security agencies on electoral duty.

    Voters should also endeavour to cooperate with polling staff in the various booths and units. An election is a festival of choice, change and affirmation of the political leadership. Voters should shun intimidation and vote wisely.

    There is now a trend whereby some people invade social media with fake news about unannounced election results. It is a dangerous trend in a contemporary election cycle. Social media, fundamentally, is not a native of Nigeria. Even though it was imported, it is useful. Government should muster the strength to regulate social media as it is being done in many parts of the world, and the regulation should be devoid of partisan agenda on the part of those at the helm of affairs.

    The bulk of the responsibilities is on INEC. The mistakes of the past that cast shadows on elections in some areas should be avoided. Polling agents should arrive promptly at their designated booths or units. Lateness by electoral officials can spark anxiety and uproar. There is a need for correct polling materials to be conveyed to the appropriate voting units at the right time.

    An election in riverine areas requires a special type of supervision. Coastal areas are far and rough. Transportation and other logistics should be thorough. Drunkards should not be allowed to drive the boats for conveying electoral materials and officials; neither should the canoes be rickety.

    The data-capturing machines should not disappoint. If there is a hitch, there should be the understanding that it is temporary. Voters should be patient. There should be no voter at the polling booth who should be disallowed from voting, except for violating the law. In highly populous voting areas, INEC needs to extend the voting hours to accommodate the voters.

    Proper collation of results at the collation centres is crucial. Disparity or discrepancies between the figures recorded at booths and those at the collation centres could erode trust and create credibility problems.

    Bringing to book erring INEC workers found culpable in any electoral atrocity may also be the baseline for electoral sanity. The electoral commission should not relent in pressing for the setting up of a special electoral offences tribunal for the speedy prosecution of election riggers who try to derail democracy and dent the image of the country’s electoral system.

    Today’s exercise should portray Ondo voters as enlightened adults who can perform their civic duty without rancour. The election outcome should reflect the reality on the ground and be accepted by the parties in the spirit of sportsmanship. An election can only produce one winner; losers have the opportunity to return in the next election season. This is the beauty of democracy.

  • Ifeanyi Ubah:1971-2024 (2)

    Ifeanyi Ubah:1971-2024 (2)

    Asides business and politics, Ubah stood tall as a philanthropist who sought to touch lives and left an indelible mark in that aspect.

    Through various initiatives and schemes, Ubah through his foundation also implemented numerous community development projects, particularly in education, entrepreneurship and healthcare. His scholarship programs, programs for the physically challenged and medical outreach initiatives did also benefit many underprivileged individuals in his constituency and beyond.

    Thousands of Nigerians, beyond tribe,  tongue and religion, young and old were beneficiaries of his large heart, his philantrophy resonated majorly with the downtrodden while he chose to lift them to a more befitting status. Ubah not only handed fish, he also showed many how to fish, churning out numerous millionaires in such a gesture, a lot more also received funds to study within the country and even outside.

    His philanthropic efforts during crisis periods, including the COVID-19 pandemic, where he provided relief materials and support to communities, highlight his commitment to corporate social responsibility and community welfare.

    One other trait of the late Ubah was his rugged belief in the philosophy of  “Aku Lue Uno” or Think Home Philosophy which seeks to connect one’s  home with the wealth from the businesses established outside. This not only helped create jobs but it attracted development and signature projects such as the games and industrial village which placed his hometown Nnewi and neigbouring Ozubulu on the global map as it was to boast of facilities such as two international standard like  stadia which would have multiple training pitches,  an industrial park and technology hub,  a sports academy, hospital,  conference centre amongst many other facilities that would boost its choice as a place for sporting events, tourism, investments and business in turn creating a boost for the local and state economy.

    Ubah despite his limited form of education was a man brimming with ideas, once, I listened to him while he talked about his ideas to transform the Anambra business/economic sector with the use of data, and I must say that I was wowed and i much believe that his burning desire to govern the state would have been beneficial to the state. Ubah indeed was a visionary; one who could see the future  from that time and connect the dots  seamlessly. 

    Asides the earlier mentioned projects, another testament to Ubah’s visionary leadership remains how he was able to initiate and deploy singlehandedly a sophisticated surveillance center to help counter crime in his home town of Nnewi.  The center featured an array of over 100 television monitors, each displaying live feeds from different sections of the Nnewi metropolis. Such an initiative had helped reduce the crime rate in Nnewi and its environs by allowing for the immediate review of  surveillance footage, whilst identifying the perpetrators as well as coordinate effective responses. Now, at a time when the same Anambra state is at the mercy of kidnappers  robbers, cultists and unknown gun men, Ubah was walking the talk on security!

    Of a truth, the impact of his passing has resonated deeply across Nigeria, particularly in his home state of Anambra, where countless lives were touched by his generosity. In Nnewi, his hometown, the grief has been especially profound. The traditional ruler, Igwe Kenneth Orizu, declared a formal three-day mourning period, yet the community’s sorrow has extended well beyond this official observance. Even now, four months after his untimely and painful demise, a palpable sense of loss continues to hang over the town, reflected in the somber faces and subdued atmosphere of its residents. His untimely departure at just 52 years of age did leave  an indelible void not only in the community but also amongst family, friends, associates,staff and loyalists

    As Nigeria continues to evolve, Ubah’s legacy will likely be remembered for its multifaceted nature – combining business success, political influence, sports development, and community service. His journey provides valuable lessons about the intersection of business and politics in Nigeria, and the potential for indigenous entrepreneurs to make significant impacts across various sectors.

    Ifeanyi Patrick Ubah’s legacy is characterized by its diversity and complexity. From revolutionizing aspects of Nigeria’s oil and gas sector to contributing to sports development and political leadership, his impact spans multiple domains of Nigerian society. While his journey includes both achievements and controversies, his ability to maintain relevance and influence across different sectors sets him apart as a significant figure in contemporary Nigerian history.

    Read Also: Ifeanyi Ubah’s death left us in confusion -Anambra APC chieftain

    His story continues to evolve, but his contributions to business development, sports, politics, and community service have already left lasting impressions that will influence future generations of Nigerian entrepreneurs and political leaders. As Nigeria faces ongoing challenges in economic development and political evolution, the lessons from Ubah’s journey – both successes and setbacks – provide valuable insights for understanding the complexities of business and political leadership in modern Nigeria.

    Fare thee well EbubeChukwuUzo na Odejimjim, you fought a good fight and with tears amidst the cheers I salute your legacy and pray that it shines through the ages as a light to the path for this generation and future generations of Nigerians.

  • PBAT, governance and the poverty question

    PBAT, governance and the poverty question

    When the group of eminent Nigerian statesmen and leaders known as ‘The Patriots’ visited President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the Aso Rock Villa in Abuja recently, the Chief Emeka Anyaoku-led association urged the President to pursue as a matter of urgency the drawing up of a new constitution for the country predicated on a fundamental restructuring of the polity. In response, the President did not disagree with his August visitors but said the immediate priority of his administration was to see through its far-reaching economic reforms to elevate the country to a new pedestal of productivity and prosperity.

    Speaking this week as the Chairman at the launch of a new biography of renowned academic, diplomat, and administrator, Professor Jide Osuntokun, Chief Anyaoku, a former General Secretary of the Commonwealth, reiterated the view that the extant 1999 Constitution is at the root of Nigeria’s protracted multidimensional crises. Unless there was a fundamental change from the constitution and a return to the regional constitution of the first republic, which he considered more in tune with federal practice and the country’s complex cultural realities, Chief Anyaoku was of the view that not even angels presiding over Nigeria would succeed in extricating her from the current existential predicament.

    Of course, this point of view ignores the fact that the much romanticized 1963 Constitution could not prevent the massive corruption, political intolerance, rabid ethnicity, divisive regionalism, blatant election rigging, and brazen disregard for democratic norms that resulted not just in the collapse of the first republic in January 1966 but ultimately led the country down the slope of destructive civil war between 1967 and 1970.

    The ills we complain about in Nigeria today under the current Constitution were thus already prevalent in the first republic even if they have naturally expanded in scope and intensity in post-first republic Nigeria including this dispensation since 1999. It would thus appear that the more fundamental challenge we confront is that of a perverse and dysfunctional political culture which will sabotage and undermine any constitution no matter how elegantly and meticulously crafted. Just as the change from the parliamentary to the presidential constitution in 1979 did not eliminate the negative behavioral traits of political actors that continue to taint Nigeria’s politics and jeopardize her development, the adoption of a new constitution is no magic wand to usher in the Eldorado that idealists dream of.

    In any case, while it is easy to advocate the abrogation of the 1999 Constitution, there is no reasonable consensus on what type of legal framework and attendant political structure should replace it. That is partly why this column agrees with the Tinubu administration’s decision to prioritize its ongoing restructuring of the economy to create the material basis for a more stable and equitable political order rather than squander valuable time and resources on constitutional engineering adventurism with indeterminate and unpredictable outcomes.

    Central to the administration’s economic reform agenda are the twin policies of removal of fuel subsidy as well as the merger of hitherto existing parallel exchange rate markets, both of which had facilitated the criminal enrichment of a privileged few to the detriment of the public good. Unfortunately, these policies have occasioned existential hardships for millions of Nigerians arising largely from inflationary spirals affecting essential food items, essential drugs and healthcare as well as fuel, transportation, electricity and other costs among others.

    Read Also: Police reject N174m bribe from alleged notorious fraudster

    Writing on the current hardships attendant on these reforms, a popular media scholar and columnist recently quoted at length President Tinubu’s arguments in opposition to fuel subsidy removal in 2012 when he was the country’s foremost opposition leader. He averred that nothing had changed fundamentally to warrant the President now implementing the same policy on assuming the country’s apex leadership position. But the Nigeria of 12 years ago is not that of today. As of 2012, the country was earning far much more from oil revenues while also exporting amounts of crude oil far in excess of today’s crude oil productivity levels. Unfortunately, such revenue bounty was not leveraged on to make the country’s comatose refineries functional, rehabilitate and expand critical infrastructure, promote economic restructuring and diversification or enhance self-reliance in diverse sectors.

    During the campaigns for the 2023 presidential elections, there had been a consensus across partisan political lines that the fuel subsidy in particular must go. The presidential candidates of the major political parties all committed themselves to the removal of the subsidy. This decision was informed among others by the reality of substantial revenue shortfalls, soaring indebtedness, unsustainable debt-servicing to revenue ratios and dearth of funds for the provision of critical infrastructure without which there could be no meaningful economic recovery of future development.

    Many economic analysts contend that the administration’s courage in making hard policy choices that successive administrations had refrained from is already yielding positive dividends. These include the attraction of foreign investments worth over $30 billion in less than two years, near-tripling of the revenue earnings of the various tiers of government, achieving a favorable trade balance of N6.5 trillion in the second quarter of 2024, growing the country’s foreign reserves to over $40 billion, reducing debt-servicing to revenue ratio from over 90% to about 60%, doubling the minimum wage from N30,000 to between N70,000 and N85,000, increasing the nation’s daily crude production by one million barrels to 1.8 million barrels per day and the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) collecting total revenues of N5.97 trillion from January to November 12, 2024 surpassing its 2024 target of N5.07 trillion. All of these are indicative of an economy gradually emerging from distress with positive signs for the future despite current excruciating hardships.

    However, without losing focus of its long-term economic growth objectives, the PBAT administration must also treat as an emergency the high poverty levels that have become a threat to social harmony and national stability. It is obvious that the removal of fuel subsidy has negatively impacted more sectors than was envisaged by many before the implementation of the policy. One of the sectors most seriously affected with painful consequences for millions of Nigerians is agriculture. Prices of food staples such as yam, rice, maize, beans, eggs, poultry, fish, vegetables, pepper, tomatoes and groundnut oil among others have soared beyond reach.

    While experts predict bountiful harvest in the near future given current policy initiatives, it is believed that more concerted efforts can be taken to crash food prices in the short term. The food crisis can be utilized as an opportunity to mobilize and organize idle youths back to the land across the country to engage in massive food production. A few months ago, the Southwest Governors Forum announced with fanfare that states in the region would work in concert to boost agricultural productivity and food availability. Unfortunately, not much more has been heard of this effort despite the abundant fertile land available for farming that was the mainstay of the region’s economy in the first republic.

    Incidentally, the First Lady, Senator (Mrs) Oluremi Tinubu is showing an example for others to follow through various programmes of her Renewed Hope Initiative to promote and support farming among women and youths. Again, the impact of the waiving of duties on the importation of some essential food items is yet to be felt and the appropriate authorities must investigate why this is so with a view to expediting action on achieving concrete results in this area. Urgently boosting agricultural productivity and food availability to drastically bring down prices both through local farming and imports is key to decisively tackling the larger challenge of poverty.Considerably reduced food prices which more people can buy will minimize the need to resort to palliatives distribution which with few exceptions reach only a negligible number of people.

    Again, given the demonstrated impact of fuel prices across the economy, the NNPCL cannot continue to offer excuses on why domestic refineries under its control remain dormant while the Dangote Refinery, on which so much hope was invested, is having minimal impact on fuel prices despite coming on stream. It is critical to find out why the initiative of paying for crude supply in Naira and the stoppage of all importation of refined petroleum as announced by the NNPCL is not being felt both in terms of fuel prices and pressure on the exchange rate. Perhaps the NNPCL and the petroleum industry as a whole is in need of the kind of forensic auditing carried out at the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), an exercise that has eliminated opacity, enhanced transparency and minimized opportunities for corrupt enrichment at the apex bank.

    When talking about poverty alleviation and the hardships in the country, the focus tends to be mostly on the federal government and the President in particular. While accruals to the states from the Federation Account have more than doubled since the removal of fuel subsidy, most of the sub-national units of government are not making the desired impact in terms of meaningfully alleviating the poverty of their people. True, some have argued that the rate of inflation and devaluation of the Naira have eroded much of the value of the Naira revenues to the states. Yet, the National Economic Council (NEC) which is a critical economic policy making body to which all governors belong can do much more in terms of peer review of the governors and ensuring improved service delivery to their people in consonance with the quantum of revenue available to them.

    Despite the empowerment of states to generate and distribute electricity within their domains for instance, why are efforts not being exerted in this direction by more states apart from Lagos given the key role of electricity supply in mitigating poverty levels? One of the positive developments under the PBAT administration is the resurgence of a body like the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) under the leadership of Mr Tunji Bello to curb price fixing, price gouging and practices injurious to fair competition. The unethical antics of unscrupulous middlemen also contribute to the unrealistically high prices of many commodities.

  • The beasts are back

    The beasts are back

    I’m not a sneer, neither am I an alarmist. I strive to speak the truth to our sports administrators to be proactive in their decision-making, not reactive. Whereas many were celebrating the fact that the 2024/2025  season’s domestic league matches have produced 19 away victories after 11 weeks, some other administrators were pretending as if there are mechanisms in place to trap urchins when they go gaga.

    The cliché that the police are our friends is legendary, yet the relationship between the league and the police is far and wide apart as the dentition of Centurion. No fault of the police, I dare say. Accounts of what happened in the Tin City of Jos, and Benin City suggest that the beasts had a field day beating the referees to a pulp and causing mayhem with the other unarmed fans running for their dear lives.

    And this has been the pattern of assaults at match venues of the domestic league over the years, with no arrests made whilst the urchins walk around both cities with broad chests celebrating their actions with boastful talks to repeat the dastardly acts again, under the same setting. Pity!

    The irony of the league organiser’s punishment that the clubs should play without their home fans watching, is that those who participated in the battering of the referees last weekend would be the ones administering the directive to keep those who ran for their lives from the stadium. Yes, those who pummeled the referees groggily are ardent supporters and friends of those club officials.

    More important is the fact that the two clubs belong to the State governments (Plateau and Edo) wherein their governors are supposed to be the chief security officers of the state. The States’ Football Federations chieftains need to do more to ensure that there is a synergy between them, the police, and the clubs’ officials to provide adequate security for the visiting teams and referees before, during and after games without needless incidents. After all, during international football matches referees, home and visiting teams are driven into the stadium premises escorted by enough security operatives. No fan dares to break such security architecture. NPFL men need to adopt this method of ushering the match officials and visiting teams in and out of the stadium and let us see how effective it goes.

    Again, if our match venues had CCTV cameras, it would have been easier to spot where the thugs who ran onto the pitch came from. My head on the guillotine, the oafs would have been seen running from the portions in the stadium’s seating arrangements for the home fans. Would it shock you, dear reader, if I reveal here based on accounts of those in both stadia last week Saturday, that the clubs didn’t invite enough police operatives to keep vigil? Otherwise, the police would have made some arrests.

    Therefore, the league organisers should banish teams whose fans beat up referees thereby bringing the game to disrepute, to far-flung locations, than this slap-on-the-wrist treatment of playing behind closed doors without their fans. Playing in locations far away from their home bases would incur more running costs from hotel accommodation and other logistics for each game. It would simply mean that every game would be treated as an away obligation with no returns from the gates. A case of double jeopardy.

    Asking Plateau Utd to forfeit 3 points and 3 goals from their accrued points and goals for assaulting a match

    official and also to pay a fine of N1million each for failing to provide adequate and effective security as well as for throwing objects towards the field of play, totalling N2 million, is routine. It isn’t tasking them enough.

    The Jos-based outfit will pay another fine of N500,000, being compensation of N250,000 each for the assaulted match official (Zakari Aminu) & Rangers player, Daniel Onyia. They will also underwrite the cost of repairing the damaged team bus of Rangers and other verifiable losses/damage incurred during the incident. It would have been adequate if what they spent was up to N10 million.

    Read Also: Eguavoen excuses Nwabali from Eagles camp

    By the same token, the punishment meted on Bendel Insurance ought to have been weightier than what they got to truly serve as a deterrent to others. If the figures were very high, their state governors would have demanded an explanation. I would suggest that the NPFL management write the governors, informing them about the misconduct of both teams’ fans last Saturday in Jos and Benin City.

    “3 points & 3 goals shall be deducted from Bendel Insurance’s accrued points & goals for the assault on the match officials. The club will pay another N1 million fine for misconduct capable of bringing the game to disrepute.

    “Bendel Insurance will further pay a fine of N750,000, being compensation of N250,000 each to the assaulted match officials (Adeniyi Adewale, Anuoluwapo Balogun & Sodiq Sonibare),” the statement said.

    A statement from the General Manager of Enugu Rangers International, Barrister Amobi Ezeaku to the fans described the attack by Plateau United FC of Jos’ fans as unwarranted.

    One of the Enugu Rangers’ officials who witnessed the attack informed reporters that: “As the players’ and official’s buses made to leave the stadium, there were loud bangs on the bodies of the buses as the drivers made a quick dash towards the exit gate.

    “On its way to where the team was lodged after making a turn at the Farringada Round-about, the fans that laid an ambush in front of the stadium, pelted the players’ bus with large stones with one of them catching the young midfielder on the face and beside the left eye.

    “The bus had to make an emergency stop at the Alherri area near St. Murumba College, Jos, where the team medical personnel administered treatment on the injured player,” an official told The Nation’s reporter.

    He said: ”We wish to inform you of the unfortunate incident that occurred during our match against Plateau United in Jos. The attack on our team is unwarranted and we are taking all necessary steps to ensure that Justice is done,” he said.

    ”Under this administration, the symbol of our great club must never be disrespected and we will go to any length to preserve its honour and legacy. Our commitment to upholding the values and pride of Rangers is unwavering,” he said.

    Reading the two accounts of what they passed through explains why Plateau ought to have been banished and not asked to play without their fans. The punishment makes the two offences seem similar. Certainly not as the Jos fans attacked the Enugu Rangers’ contingent far away from the stadium.

    The unanswered questions: Are the beasts who maim referees spirits? When will these thugs be caught and made to face the wrath of the law? Is it until these urchins kill referees before we put in place a mechanism to truly arrest these enemies of the beautiful game – football which unites nations? You tell me!

  • Ifeanyi Ubah: 1971-2024 (1)

    Ifeanyi Ubah: 1971-2024 (1)

    From a humble background, this son of a school principal rose from a point of relative obscurity to becoming one of Nigeria’s most prominent business and political figures. His story is an example of the “zero to hero” narrative of entrepreneurial grit and political stardom – not a dream or fairytale, but the grim reality that one can rise to the heights of success without the advantages of birth or fortune.

    Ifeanyi Ubah’s rise to prominence was marked by both remarkable achievements and controversies, painting a portrait of a modern Nigerian businessman-turned-politician whose accomplishments in the private and public sectors stand as a monumental testament.

    Born on September 3, 1971, in Nnewi, Anambra State, Ubah’s early life was characterized by modest beginnings. As the son of a school principal, he surprised many by choosing to delve into the auto parts trade, popularly known as the “Spare Parts” business, rather than follow in his father’s footsteps, pursue a university education, and become a civil servant or join the booming private sector. Ifeanyi Ubah seemed determined to forge his own path, despite entreaties from his family and peers.

    Bound for Lagos, Ubah’s early exposure to commerce would later prove instrumental in shaping his business acumen, perhaps more than the confines of academia could have. On establishing himself, he ventured into the spare parts business, using his energy and savvy to expand beyond his initial starting point. From these humble beginnings, he diversified into other sectors, including oil and gas. His company, Capital Oil and Gas, not only established itself as a well-known brand, but also became the flagship of his business interests and one of Nigeria’s major players in the downstream oil and gas sector.

    Read Also: Caging NPFL’s monsters

    Under Ubah’s leadership, Capital Oil grew to become one of Nigeria’s largest indigenous oil and gas companies playing in the downstream sector. The company’s strategic location at the Apapa Wharf in Lagos and its massive storage facilities positioned it as a key player in Nigeria’s petroleum products distribution network. The facility’s storage capacity of over 190 million liters made it one of the largest privately owned depots in Africa.

    However, this period also saw its share of challenges. The company faced scrutiny over fuel subsidy payments and had various run-ins with financial institutions over debt issues. Despite these challenges, Ubah managed to maintain and even expand his business interests.

    Demonstrating his business versatility, Ubah further expanded beyond oil and gas, venturing into various sectors including real estate development, international trade, manufacturing, sports management (through the acquisition of Ifeanyi Ubah Football Club), and media (with Authority Newspaper, AUTHORITY FM, and plans to launch Authority Television before his demise).

    His football club, FC Ifeanyi Ubah, put Anambra State back on the National Football League scene, using his contacts to bring professional football to his home state and help develop young talent in Nigerian sports, including winning the prestigious FA Cup in 2016 and representing the state in continental club competitions.

    His newspaper, radio and television station, under the brand  name, Authority, offered the young Ubah the opportunity to afford the SouthEast and the Igbo nation an opportunity to enhance its narratives in the public sphere, challenging the long held dominance of  the Lagos/Ibadan press, something a responsibility a number of top Igbos icons have shied away from save for the likes of Orji Uzor Kalu and the late Emmanuel Iwuayanwu. Not only that it produced a new crop of journalists who would go on to become household names on print and radio.

    Ubah’s foray into politics at both state and national levels did not begin with his decision to run for governor of Anambra State under the Labour Party platform in 2013. He had earlier begun his political involvement by delivering Nnewi North LGA to Chris Ngige’s Action Congress, which was the local government of the then National Leader of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and former Biafran secessionist leader Dim Ikemba Odumegwu Ojukwu, in the 2010 election. This was a significant feat for a political newcomer like Ubah at the time. Ubah then went on to seek the office of governor on three occasions, proving his ability to combine his mastery in business with the art of politics. Although he remained unsuccessful until his demise, his relevance as a top political player could not be dismissed. The Labour Party’s  two victories in the then Anambra State Local Government elections of 2013, where he repeatedly demystifed Governor Obi, forcing the latter to impose a sole administrator in Nnewi showed that Ubah was no longer a lightweight while his shock defeat of political titans like Senator Andy Uba and Nicholas Ukachukwu with an unknown political platform, Young People’s Party, YPP in 2019 earned him widespread acclaim.  Repeating such a performance in the 2023 polls solidified his status as a formidable political force, as well as put an end to the assumption that his victory in 2019 was a merely a flash in the pan.  

  • Osun APC, Aregbesola and reconciliation

    Osun APC, Aregbesola and reconciliation

    He was the apple of Asiwaju’s eyes, once upon a time. Many political actors in the Southwest and beyond perceived him as a sort of deputy leader, a likely heir. This was indisputable. He was a member of the kitchen cabinet in Bourdillon: a confidant, trusted ally, and dependable loyalist.

    It was said that even the leader, vouching for his undiluted loyalty, once declared that if Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola stormed his room with a knife, cutlass, or gun, he would not panic because of the trust and confidence he reposed in him.

    Also, the indomitable disciple, who has understandably attracted envy and jealousy from other committed followers due to his closeness to the leader, once said if he was with his wife in the other room and the Jagaban Borgu summoned him, he would instantly abandon her to answer his call.

    Such was the bond of unity, amity, and political fraternity between President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his beloved associate that the leader decided to sponsor him to become governor of Osun State after serving under his leadership in Lagos State as Works and Infrastructure Commissioner for almost eight years.

    If Aregbesola had not been a governor, he may not have become Interior Minister under former President Muhammadu Buhari. His base was Lagos, where he honed his political skills, made name, and became famous before returning home to serve his people.

     Ironically, Osun politics threw a wedge between the benefactor and godson.

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    The foundation of friendship was erected on the similarity of ideas, shared vision, and passion for service by the political colossus and his devotee, whom he had groomed for political leadership. Aregbesola is a great mobiliser and organiser who has served the progressive cause in the Southwest states of Lagos and Osun under the leadership and guidance of Tinubu.

    At his ‘Aregbe Till Daybreak’ in Osogbo, the state capital, Aregbesola declared: “I am as large in Osun as I am large in Lagos.” It was an understatement. He was the political leader of the most populated sub-zone in Lagos West, Alimoso, fondly referred to in those days as the Tinubu country. Although he failed to get its Social Democratic Party (SDP) ticket for the House of Representatives in the Third Republic, the engineer bounced back as axis leader when Tinubu, former governor of Lagos, appointed him a commissioner.

    In Lagos politics, Aregbesola welded enormous and intimidating influence, determining the fate of many young politicians who later rose to stardom. He was the door to the leader, his chief adviser and political enforcer, a status that other devotees like Dr. Muiz Banire (SAN) and Cardinal James Odunmbaku once intermittently shared with him in the moment of cardinal decision-making on political work at the grassroots, when Prince Abiodun Ogunleye and Otunba Dele Ajomale were party chairmen. Aregbesola was also one of the liaison officers between the state government and the civil society, another constituency of his boss.

    More significantly, Aregbesola is closely associated with one of the big caucuses, the Mandate Movement, which is locked in partisan conflict and hot competition for intra-party power and influence with the Justice Forum in the state chapter of the ruling party from the days of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), through the Action Congress (AC) and the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), to the All Progressives Congress (APC). The Justice Forum is an association of old political warhorses who have rendered invaluable services to the state and the country in challenging times. Tinubu is the acknowledged patron of the two caucuses.

    Tinubu embarked on his liberation mission in the Southwest as a progressive leader without rival and the last man standing, following the political earthquake that swept the AD governors of Oyo, Ondo, Osun, Ogun, and Ekiti in 2003.

    It was a hectic battle, particularly in Ekiti and Osun where Kayode Fayemi and Aregbesola were symbols of the struggle. In Osun, when Aregbesola was initially resisted by party men who described him as a Lagos politician, Tinubu’s towering influence and clout paved the way for reabsorbing him into his state’s mainstream politics. Throughout his eight years in power, he never let the party down, although the grave economic crisis of those times frustrated prompt and timely fulfilment of statutory financial obligations to workers

    But, since 2018 when Aregbesola completed his two-term tenure, Osun APC has been in trouble. The bone of contention was intra-party squabble and disagreement over succession. While Tinubu rooted for Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola, the Chief of Staff under Aregbesola, it appeared that Aregbesola had a different idea or agenda.

    However, as the ruling party could not put its house in order, the PDP spotted an opportunity to confront the rival platform. Consequently, ACN could only win narrowly in 2018. The last-minute mobilisation involved people like Iyiola Omisore, Olu Agunloye, and  Fayemi. The victory was achieved through a strenuous battle.

    Despite its victory, the party remained divided. It became difficult to mend the cracks. Reconciliation became futile. Although Tinubu asked former Governor Bisi Akande to reconcile the warring camps ahead of the 2022 governorship poll, the efforts were futile. Things started falling apart and the centre could not hold. The split structure lost its strength and APC could not retain power in Osun. Outside power, chieftains were left in the cold, aptly locked in antagonism and bitterness.

    The beneficiary of the division was Governor Ademola ‘Dancer’ Adeleke, who has not matched the performance, and therefore, cannot enjoy the ratings of his more experienced predecessors – Oyetola, Aregbesola, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Akande and Isiaka Adeleke, his elder brother.

    From a post-primary crisis, through the poorly managed election that drew the curtains on APC’s tenancy in Osun Government House, to the post-election blame game and acrimony, the party became distressed and completely polarised. Therefore, Osun APC has waged more wars against itself than the PDP, making a virile opposition in Osun almost impossible.

    The hide-and-seek game gave way to open hostilities that were carried to social media. In a moment of anger, words are like eggs. Once they fall, they scatter. Ordinarily, Yoruba would say there is no remedy.

    To observers, Aregbesola later made the mistake of distancing himself from his leader to the extent that when Tinubu was going round the country to realise his presidential ambition, he was not beside his leader. Nigerians noticed the gap and the glaring shortfall in role fulfillment. Also, during the election, Aregbesola was not around to mobilise for him. Therefore, Tinubu became president without his input. Many Nigerians who were taken aback sensed a parting of ways.

    Old politicians who remembered the previous dispensations warned about the consequences of likely regression to past pitfalls. They recalled the unresolved discord among the pathfinders – the Awo/SLA tango, the Ajasin/Omoboriowo rift, Bola Ige/Sunday Afolabi quarrel, the D’irovan episode, the split in Afenifere, and the Tinubu/Dawodu feud, which had affected the cohesion of the regional progressive bloc. None of these crises was resolved. For example, when Awo and Ayo Rosiji, former Action Group (AG) national secretary, later met after the civil war, four years after the collapse of the First Republic and eight years after the 1962 AG split in Jos, the two leaders could not reconcile. A historian, Dr. Nina Mba, who was Rosiji’s biographer, said that afterwards, there was “no real renewal of contact”.

    Osun APC warriors turned a deaf ear to the lessons of history. They broke into factions and old colleagues became sworn enemies. The chain of events in Osun finally culminated in the suspension of the former governor. It was a turning point in the illustrious political career of the charismatic politician and former minister. If the flexing of muscles between Irerioluwa  (supporters of Oyetola) and Oranmiyan forces (followers of Aregbesola) persists, Aregbesola may even be expelled from the chapter.

    The turn of events should be worrisome to discerning party elders whose duty is to reconcile the factions and bring the two divides to the table of brotherhood. Reconciliation is an unfinished business in the Osun progressive family. Speed is required as the state would start warming up for electioneering next year.

    There is no permanent friend or foe. The key issue in politics is interests, which must align. The two warring camps should settle their differences and combine their strengths ahead of the next governorship poll in the state. President should not be distracted by any war of attrition in any state of the Southwest, which is his primary base.

    Tinubu’s antecedents attest to his open heart and capacity for bridge-building. Many followers fell out with him, but the President welcomed them back to his court. They were reintegrated into the party structures. It is the fallout of his tolerance and sense of accommodation. It is the height of a forgiving spirit.

    The Osun gladiators should emulate these attributes of conciliatory leadership. It is time to forget the acrimonious past and embrace a peaceful future for the progressives to regain the State of the Living Spring.