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Category: Saturday

  • Rwandan Kagame and the foibles of African democracy

    Rwandan Kagame and the foibles of African democracy

    Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame has won a record fourth term election with an alleged 99% of the votes of the nine million registered voters in his country. He does seem to get progressively more votes since the year 2003 when he won with 95%, in 2010, he won with 93% and won with 98% in 2017.  Even though there seems to be an opaque account of the voting statistics, he has won the election and is ready to lead the country for another term.

    However, global political analysts and the opposition parties claim that what they have in Rwanda is a pseudo democracy where there seems to be no viable opposition. Democracy as practiced in other more established jurisdictions means more than elections and lone victories. It is about healthy and competitive democratic process that gives every candidate the freedom to vote and be voted for.

    President Kagame is a child of circumstance having grown up in exile in Uganda after the parents fled with him to a Ugandan refugee camp when he was barely out of diapers at the age of two. The historical issues that pushed him into rebellion in exile are well documented. He had served earlier as Vice president and defense Minister but has led since 2000.

    As leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), he had set forth on a reunification journey after the 1994 genocidal war that claimed about 800,000 lives of Rwandans of both the Hutu and Tutsi tribes. His government had made efforts for unification by insisting that all Rwandans identify as Rwandans rather than the divisive ethnically charged ethnic tags.

    Truth be told, the President has largely been successful in reuniting the people, improving gender inclusiveness and eschewing the divisiveness that has claimed lives along ethnic lines. The Rwanda economy has attracted admiration globally. It is relatively stableand the people united. The functionality of their system is admired across the world. Education, healthcare, housing and other socially relevant amenities are provided for all the people. The hospitality industry is growing and Rwanda seems to be attracting more foreign direct investments than most other countries in Africa given a system that seems well monitored, barely corrupt and with improved ease of doing business. Technology is thriving and young entrepreneurs and intellectuals in the diaspora all feel free to return to their country to help rebuild the nation.

    While many criticize his stranglehold on a freer democratic space, given that he is alleged to have muscled down opposition and ruled with an iron hand, many applaud his efforts at building a united Rwanda where young people are given a chance to bring their industry to nation-building. The average age of his cabinet is said to be 40 years. Women make up 50% of his cabinet, Rwanda has the global highest number of women in parliament at 61.5%, women make up 50% of Supreme Court judges. Many credit his relative success to the gender inclusive policies he has maintained.

    His popularity is not in doubt in his country but while the economic and social sides are progressing, there is mixed feelings about his understanding of democracy and its credentials. He quickly counters that the circumstances of a Rwanda post genocide is like no other system and must carve out its own strategies for success and development. Many argue that he must not violate the tenets of democracy hiding under the special circumstances in his nation.

    The beauty of democracy is freedom, justice and social inclusion. These issues call for strict adherence to the tenets of democracy. The freedom of choice is at the root of democracy and as such, the idea that there are allegations of the repression of opposition cuts at the heart of the concerns of his critics. Opposition in and out of the country alleges that there have been no a level playing field since he came to power. Multiple tenures that he is alleged to have usurped at the expense of the opposition seems a signature of most African leaders past and present.

    To have had merely two weak opposition parties like the Democratic Green Party and the Independent Phillipe Mpayimana who all together could not even muster 1% of the votes in the recent election appears comical. The very vocal opposition female candidate, Diane Rwigara was barred from taking part in the elections despite all her efforts to be given a chance. She had told the media that the allegations that her paper works were incomplete were spurious.  There are other allegations of some opposition members being hounded out of the country.

    What is democracy without freedom, without viable opposition, no true freedom of speech or transparent justice system? A Prof. Reyntjens claims that; “The problem in Rwanda is with political governance, there is no level playing-field, there is no space for opposition, there is no freedom of speech, [which] risks undoing the achievements of good technocratic governance. Although Rwanda fell short of its middle-income country target by 2020, Prof Reyntjens says “this is a well-run country”.

    The Roundtable Conversation spoke to Dr Sam Amadi, a lawyer and the Executive Director of Center  for Public Policy & Research on his views about President Kagame an his brand of democracy. He said that democracy is more robust and multi-dimensional than the Rwandan experience presents.  Democracy presupposes the availability of choice and freedom. Free and fair elections are vital in validating electoral victory he insists.

    In his view, President Kagame has tried in creating economic freedoms, social cohesion but the lack of democratic rights of every single citizen seems to stain the banner of the Rwandan democratic experience.  He believes that authoritarian rule in no way equates economic freedom. He cited the Chinese model where there is economic freedom but we all understand the political system there.

    In Rwanda, Kagame may be popular given his role in reuniting the people but his democratic credentials do not necessarily align with the functional democratic precepts across the developed democracies. He has managed to lay a good foundation for a national re-orientation and value that has built confidence and trust in the people. The social psychology of the people might be better than a palce like Nigeria because there is no ethnic discrimination but the election process must be better.

    The important thing in every democracy is the freedom that the people enjoy. He believes that there are three fundamentals for a viable democracy, the freedom to choose the leaders, the ability of people to organize their events and the state must protect fundamental economic and political freedoms of the people. The human development dimensions are not one sided. The Rwandese people might have other freedoms or other high levels of satisfactions with social developments but democracy must be in a free space.

    He believes that the President can develop the economy but he must optimize plans for its sustenance. He recalled the disintegration of USSR in the past where the leaders were able to mobilize resources for development but could not sustain the country. The Rwandan people might be enjoying some attachment to their country because of the existing national re-orientation and national pride given the recent history but they must have functional democracy.

    The human development dimensions in Rwanda is possibly very high because there are some basic social freedoms that might not exist in other jurisdictions but that does not necessarily imply that the brand of democracy of a Kagame is sustainable in the long run. He hopes to see a Rwanda where the core democratic principles in all its many facets can thrive. The freedom to exercise basic human rights is important for the sustenance of democracy.

    There is economic development but no democracy in the real sense. Elections must be seen to be free, fair, inclusive  and credible. The Rwandan experience must be credited for their embrace of national unity more than Nigeria for instance but it does not define democracy. Other dimensions of human development must go beyond economic development. Rwanda is high on rule of law, there is no overt discrimination and the economy is stable but the totality of this can be replaced with a pseudo democracy. There must be competitive elections that would be seen to lay the groundswell for sustainable democracy.

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    The Roundtable Conversation is concerned that the African model of democracy where some leaders tend to sit tight cannot develop the continent. It is intriguing to hear President Kagame attempt to justify his long hold on power by telling the West to mind their business because the African story is not their story. The interesting thing is that democracy as he seems to benefit from has rules so it would appear like speaking from both sides of the mouth to pretend to practice democracy when it is expedient and try to carve out a Rwandan model where he is almost monarchical.

    The young Africans in the Rwandan cabinet must be shown the values of freedom of choice through practice. We understand the journey of the Rwandan people but there must be no messianic syndrome as we had seen in some other countries.  The growth and development process of any country is often dependent of leadership.  The President might have done well in social and economic terms but without true political freedom for everyone, the future might not be as progressive as one might assume.

    Rwanda is proudly known as the nation of a thousand hills, this implies that they are on a pedestal if not for the East and Central African nations, then for the rest of Africa. They must then be like the biblical light on the hill top that other countries might just see as a beacon.  We propose that President Kagame begin the process of dismantling messianic complex that is pushing him into assuming that he is the only one that loves Rwanda enough to take it to the axiomatic Promised Land. Democracy thrives on basic freedoms and he can bring the verve he brought to unifying the country to enthroning real competitive elections.  

  • July’s feast of birthdays

    July’s feast of birthdays

    The guitars have been humming, sirens screaming, drums beating and horns screeching most fittingly as three of Nigeria‘s most accomplished icons of intellect, professionalism, nationalism, and integrity celebrated their birthdays this month. Unhappy is the country, it is often said that it has no heroes. Sadly, too many of our potential heroes have been the victims of our destructive adversarial politics, fierce ethnic contestations, combustible religious intolerance or envious pull-him-or-her down syndrome.

    No less tragic is the pervasive moral putrefaction symbolized particularly by the industrial scale corruption that has hobbled Nigeria’s potentials and ensured that some of the most venerated parsonages in our land are those who have amassed wealth through the most dubious and outrightly criminal means. They are the most frequent recipients of all kinds of chieftaincy titles, traditional honors, national bestowals, spiritual recognition by religious bodies and even honorary academic degrees.

    Against the background of this devastating ethical wasteland that contemporary Nigeria has become, it is refreshing and gratifying that three of our most eminent citizens – Professor Wole Soyinka, Chief Olusegun Osoba and Professor Olatunji Dare – have been justly celebrated and serenaded as they marked their respective landmark birthdays this month. Although each has reached advanced ages in their continuing life odysseys, they have kept aloft their untainted banners of moral rectitude, uncompromising fidelity to principle, and unwavering commitment to truth and Justice in the best interest of Nigeria. Their lives represent shining lights on the hill showing us the path to tread and the fabled salt preservative that helps prevent societal decay.

    Africa’s first literature Nobelist, Professor Wole Soyinka, clocked 90 on July 13 and the joyful ululations within and beyond Nigeria drowned out the juvenile rantings of social media rodents trying their frenetic best to diminish a towering intellectual and moral giant whose shoe sandals they are unfit to tie. That our own WS has lived up to 90 is indeed a marvel, a miracle to put it in religious phraseology, given the immense risks he has put himself in for the sake of Nigeria. Soyinka’s life trajectory has been intimately and intricately interwoven with the ups and downs of Nigeria’s history. His political instincts, sensitivity, and consciousness were honed when, as a child, he observed his mother and other Egba women leaders organize and successfully rebel against both traditional and colonial authoritarianism.

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    It is certainly no accident that his play, ‘A Dance of the Forests’ was one of the major cultural activities staged to commemorate Nigeria’s independence in 1960. Right through the turbulence of the First Republic, particularly ‘Operation Wetie’ that rocked the Western Region following the massively rigged elections of 1965, the military coups and counter-coups, the descent to civil war, the various military dictatorships, the corrupt civilian administrations, the unjust annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, the vicious Sani Abacha dictatorship and much more, Soyinka’s voice has been irrepressible speaking out and fighting for Justice. Details of his several interventions including his long incarceration by the Yakubu Gowon regime, his forced exile under Abacha, etc have been documented in his several classic memoirs and recounted in various analyses this week to mark his joining the elite nonagenarian club. They need not detain us here.

    “I love my country I no go lie

    Na inside am I go live and die

    I know my country I no go lie

    Na im and me go yap till I die”

    That was the chorus to one of the songs in Soyinka’s ‘Unlimited Liability Company’, the musical album he produced to protest the gross malfeasance and venality of the political class particularly the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the Second Republic. His is no doubt an engrossing love affair with the land of his birth; an affection that motivates his regular drawing on his immense verbal and mental arsenal to flagellate its erring leaders who continue to under-develop an otherwise abundantly endowed country.

    There are in my view two broad themes that constitute the core of Soyinka’s political thought in his novels, drama, poetry, memoirs, and essays. The first is his fascination with power, its uses and abuses. One of the dictatorial characters in his drama, ‘A Play of Giants’, Gunema, for instance, muses, “I inhabit, I think, the nebulous geography of power. That is why, always, I am searching to taste it. You understand, really taste it on my tongue. To seize it a la boca, roll and roll it in the mouth and let it trickle inwards like an infusion. Once, only once, I think I succeed”.

    And secondly, is his preoccupation with justice which he describes as ‘the first condition of humanity’ ‘The man dies in all’ he immortally intoned in his prison memoir ‘who keeps silent in the face of tyranny’. That we enjoy 25 years of unbroken democracy today since 1999, despite its persistent faults and failings, is largely a result of the struggles and sacrifices of the likes of our beloved Kongi. Those who expect the politically astute WS to respond and relate to governments in a democratic dispensation the way he did under military dictatorships are entitled to their mischief. Kongi towers above them all. Beyond Nigeria, Soyinka is a global citizen who has continuously staked his life for the causes of justice, equity, and truth across contemporary time and space.

    To commemorate his 85th birthday, eminent journalist, former governor of Ogun State, pro-democracy activist, and respected statesman, Chief Olusegun Osoba, launched a new book titled ‘My Life in the Public Eye’. This is a follow-up to his engrossing life narrative titled ‘Battlelines: Adventures in Journalism and Politics’ published in 2018. Aremo Osoba is unquestionably one of the most enterprising and accomplished reporters ever in the annals of Nigerian journalism. It is thus not surprising that in his earlier book, he wrote, “Reporting is my life. For me, to be called a reporter is the greatest accolade. Reporting is the soul of journalism. To report is to be the eyes and ears, the nose and voice of a news organization. It is to bear witness. Newspapering has been good to me. It has offered me a passport and a visa to see the world”.

    But then Aremo Osoba also brought his administrative and managerial Midas touch as well as his urbane bearing and dignified carriage to bear on newspaper administration. During his tenures at the leadership helm of the Herald in Kwara State, the Sketch in Oyo State, and the Daily Times conglomerate at various times, these newspapers flourished professionally and commercially and enjoyed high respectability. Given these accomplishments, it was not surprising that Aremo was an outstanding governor of Ogun State who left indelible imprints in the developmental history of the state. There is no doubt that current governors across the country have so much to learn from Aremo Osoba’s style as governor.

    Apart from frugality, prudence, and transparency in the utilization of public resources, Chief Osoba did not indulge in the construction of money-guzzling prestige projects such as flyovers of dubious utilitarian value in the state capital or major towns. In ‘Battlelines’, he submitted thus, “We ensured we had value for money through a well-defined Tender, Contract Award, and the Monitoring process. All pre-registered contractors working with us had track records of successive project execution. I did not leave behind any abandoned or uncompleted projects. We ensured that contractors were mobilized to the site by paying between 50% and 70% of the approved contract sum to avoid delays and renegotiation of contract by contractors”.

    He continued, “In the execution of rural development projects – mostly rural roads, electrification, and water projects- we used direct labour and procurement of materials from manufacturers and approved distributors. The prudence in this procedure can be seen in the case of Ijebu North East Local Government where the permanent Secretary, rural development, Engineer Wale Bajomo, led his team to extend electricity to 17 towns spanning about 20km apart with five British-made transformers for a total cost of about N80m”. I certainly look forward to obtaining, reading, and learning from Aremo Osoba’s latest literary offering.

    On Wednesday, 17 July, members of the media and academic community held a symposium in Lagos to mark the 80th birthday of renowned journalism teacher, media administrator, iconic columnist, inimitable satirist, and public intellectual, Professor Olatunji Dare. Modest and self-effacing despite his towering accomplishments, Professor Dare’s simple and unassuming exterior even when he has so much to be loud and showy about masks a steely inner resolve in his fierce commitment to principles he holds dear. Once asked why he had turned down offers of appointments to render public service on a number of occasions, the prof’s simple response was that there could be no better way to offer public service than contributing to public discourse through his columns.

    In a collection of essays to commemorate Professor Dare’s 70th birthday, Professor Wale Adebanwi, had written with characteristic incisive brilliance, “Three passions, simple, but strong, can be said, in Russellian phrasing, to have driven Olatunji Dare’s public life: the pursuit of Justice and equity, a passion for liberty and democracy, and a craving for tolerance, temperance and excellence”. Renowned poet and literary scholar, Professor Niyi Osundare, submitted in his contribution to that volume that “In Olatunji Dare’s writing we encounter a productive marriage of the gravitas of content and the felicity of style.”

    It was a great honor for me to contribute a chapter to the volume and conclude that “One of the longest-running columnists in Nigeria spanning a period of over four decades, Dare’s writing is unique for the fluidity of his prose, the lucidity of his thought, the broadness of his mind, the elegance of his language and his fairness and objectivity even when expressing the most vigorous views. Above all, he stands out as an icon of integrity and incorruptibility in a media terrain that is all too often immersed in the corruption and decay of the larger society. Nothing demonstrated this better than the consistency and vigour with which he utilized his professional skills to oppose the annulment by the military of the June 12, 1993, presidential election and the readiness with which he resigned his prestigious job at The Guardian in defense of principle at immense personal cost”.

    In an essay written in 1996 at the height of the brutal military dictatorship in Nigeria, Professor Dare opined, “As I see it, the press can play no better role at this time than to speak truth to power – to tell those who are forever seeking to build new worlds that life is not a preparation for a living but it is to be lived as fully as possible, from one moment to the next; to point out that when thought is rendered socially hazardous, people spend more time worrying about the hazards than they do in cultivating their thoughts, that in such a state of affairs, society is the loser”. Those words ring no less true today.

    This column wishes all three distinguished senior citizens happy and fulfilled birthdays as well as good health and divine grace for continued service to humanity in the years ahead.

  • Football can be cruel

    Football can be cruel

    Football can be cruel sometimes depending on the timing and number of misses the losing sides pass through, especially in the closing stages of matches. Fans of England’s senior soccer team, the Three Lions would in the years to come, continue to remember the missed chance arising from gangling England’s striker Palmer’s last-minute header which was saved by one of the Spanish players to send the Englishmen to their second back-to-back European Nations Cup final, having lost to the Italians on home soil at Wembley in 2021.

    Had Palmer’s header rested inside the net, the celebration would have been riotous all over the world, especially, inside the stadium and it could have changed the character and enthusiasm of the game, with the Englishmen more energised to end a seeming jinx with trophies which entered its 58th year – the last time English team at the senior side won a trophy.

    Had Palmer’s effort tied the game 2-2 at regulation time, the Spaniards would have blamed their tough luck. Most such late-scoring teams end up winning the game and the trophy, depending on how the game eventually ended. Indeed, the conceding side would need more than effort to kick themselves back into the game, if they eventually do.  Palmer would have become one of the greatest Englishmen in world football had he tied the game at 2-2, having already drawn the English side 1-1 as a second-half substitute with a grass-cutting low shot to leave the Spanish goalkeeper sprawling on the turf.

    As they say in global football parlance, football is like a biscuit, nobody knows where it would crack. No doubt, the Spaniards were the best playing side at the concluded European Cup competition held in Germany, winning all seven games on their way towards lifting the trophy. Sunday night’s victory was Spain’s fourth in the competition. But the beauty of Spain’s 2-1 win over England was it was not only achieved by a crop of enterprising, hungry for glory and highly disciplined players, but also in the execution of their manager, Luis de la Fuente’s pre-match plans which differ with each game. Of course, no two matches are the same.

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    Many average soccer fans would be asking where Spain’s Euro 2024 Cup-winning coach Luis de la Fuente emerged from, raising the hope of many purists who argued that a country’s football is as good as how well such a country’s football is administered at the domestic level. Spain’s preference for the tiki-taka style permeates across all her national teams, male or female. So, who is this new name that the Spanish have introduced to world soccer?

    Did I hear you say, dear reader, Luis de la Fuente who? His credentials are intimidating just as he comes across as the quintessential grassroots coach who has discovered, nurtured and exposed some of the best players across all the positions in the beautiful game such as Ferran Torres U-19, U-23, Olmo U-17, U-19, U-23, Unai Simon (GK) U-23, U-19, Zubimendi U-19, Pedri  U-23, U-19, Pau Torres – U19- U23, Merino U-23 and Oyarzabal U-23, U-19.

    No prize for guessing right that he had too many young players in the squad which would manifest fully during the 2026 Senior World Cup.

    Barrister Godwin Dudu Orumen sums up the potential of the Spanish side going forward thus: ” The Spanish team was very young, talented and energetic. It was very businesslike and entertaining as well. The Manager was an unknown quantity in football but the visionary administration in Spain entrusted him with the responsibility of giving the country a new team, one that can compete against the best anywhere in the world.

    ”Winning EURO ’24,  I dare to say, is a rehearsal, precursor to their ambitions in World Cup 2026. They trusted this man Luis de la Fuente Castillo (born 21 June 1961) a Spanish football manager and former professional player who played as a left-back with their team as manager of the national team.”

    According to Dudu Orumen: ” Luis de la Fuente coached the Spain U-19 (2013-18), Spain U-21(2018-21), and Under- 23 (2021-22) before he was moved up to the senior team. While coaching the youth team, he won the U-19 European Championship in 2015 and the U-21 European Championship in 2019.

    He also coached the Olympic team to the silver medal in 2020 and took over the seniors in 2022 in which he won Euro Nations League 2023 and Euro Championships 2024..

    ”Luis de la Fuente started a production line that has proved very rewarding, lacing the team with some experienced players like Morata and Cavajal and of course the very precious Lamine Yamal and Nico Williams,” Dudu Orumen concluded.

    What comes out clearly in this Spain template is the focus and sincerity of purpose of the Spanish FA members to rewrite their country’s football history for the good of the game, their political will to re-jig the squad with truly young lads who are talented, hungry for glory and exhibited an uncommon determination to play the seven games as if their lives depend on each one’s result.

    The Spanish FA chieftains, unlike ours in Nigeria, headhunted Luis de la Fuente based on his achievements in previous assignments, not primordial sentiments leading to Spain’s record performance at the concluded Euro 2024  competition held in Germany. Indeed, Spain won all her seven matches by dominating most of the games with their crisp short passes which ensured that their opponents were left gasping for breath. Spain was certainly the best-playing side in their first game. And left nobody in that their pre-tournament ambition – lift the trophy by breaking all the existing competition. Spain players won the youngest star earned rightly by Yamal and the tournament’s best player clinched by Rodri, who plays for Manchester City. Spain contributed five players to the tournament’s Best 11 players’ team.

    For Spaniards, the future which includes qualifying to play at the 2026 World Cup is virtually secured. They wouldn’t rest on their oars. Rather, they would continue to introduce fresh boys into the team to create the right competitive fight for starting 11 shirts. Not so for the competition’s runners-up, the Three Lions of England, whose manager Gareth Southgate resigned honourably after being the most vilified coach of the tournament. Indeed, Southgate took the Three Lions out of the murky waters, by making them the competition’s favourites to win trophies in the last seven years.

    Several names litter the media as likely replacements for Southgate with most of the pundits not inclined to accept the talk of the next manager being English. They would rather have the best manager to replace Southgate, having seen where he left the Three Lions since he took charge almost eight years ago.

    Southgate took the bullets when the team’s outings were labourious. Yet, his critics failed to credit his tactical savvy when the players lifted their best to beat good teams such as the Dutch on penalties at the last Euros held in Germany. History would remember Southgate as the man who rescued the team from its soccer abyss to become one whose matches kept her nationals on their feet whenever they had a game – hopeful.

    Already the media is awash with reports Yamal’s agent has requested an immediate pay increase for the teenager from Barcelona as part of the fallouts of the EURO 2024 tournament as the best young player of the competition.

    The 17-year-old Spaniard became one of Europe’s most famous teenagers with his astonishing performances as Spain won Euro 2024. He scored a beautiful goal in the semi-finals against France and assisted four throughout the competition as he reigned supreme on the right flank.

    No tears for Harry Kane as another European soccer season begins with renewed hope with a trophy in his illustrious football career. Will he? The events of the new season would provide the answers. We wait.

  • Osoba at 85

    Osoba at 85

    AT 85, life goes on for Olusegun Osoba, the Aremo Awujale of Ijebu land, the Akinrogun of Egba land, veteran journalist, renowned administrator, astute politician, and two-time governor of Ogun State.
    Since the Third Republic, no other governor of the Gateway State has dwarfed his record, personality and honour as a community man, nationalist, patriot, experienced actor, and in Yoruba parlance, an Omoluabi – a thoroughbred.
    Osoba has been a household name in Nigeria even before he became a governor. He remains a foremost journalist, indeed a Senior Advocate of Journalism who, along with his colleagues – Felix Adenaike and the late Peter Ajayi – earned the sobriquet ‘The Three Musketeers’ from the indomitable Chief Obafemi Awolowo.
    His strength lies in his power of ideas, hard work, fidelity to labour and principle, perseverance, social networks, continuous learning, and divine grace. There is also an element of luck and the supernal intervention of destiny.
    Osoba was groomed by the doyen of journalism, the late Alhaji Babatunde Jose. The plain truth is that his potentials were not hidden. The eminent journalist was humble enough for his seniors to select him for grooming.
    As a politician, Osoba is a progressive to the core. Although he has friends and admirers across conservative and radical organisations, he has maintained his lane in the spectrum of political ideas as an advocate of change, and improvement in social welfare and progress.
    Like his other colleagues in this school of thought, he is also passionate about the country’s future. He has enlisted in the school of federalism, which he believes is suitable for a highly heterogeneous country like Nigeria to ensure peaceful co-existence among the diverse ethnic groups and to foster unity in diversity across the country.
    In the botched Third Republic, he was governor under an inexplicable diarchy, when the Evil Genius, Military President Ibrahim Babangida, converted Nigeria into a political laboratory for his experimentation. It was when Osoba returned as Ogun State’s chief executive in 1999 that he had the freedom to implement his development agenda with the scarce resources available to his administration.
    After getting out of power in 2003, Osoba and his colleagues – Lam Adesina (Oyo State), Adebayo Adefarati (Ondo), Adebisi Akande (Osun), Adeniyi Adebayo (Ekiti), and Bola Tinubu (Lagos) – were able to walk freely on the streets without the anti-graft bodies harassing them for misuse of public funds, unlike some of their counterparts in other geo-political zones who are still struggling to salvage their battered reputation, 21 years after leaving office.
    A man who has become an open book, Osoba will roll out the drums today for his birthday. The major highlight of the ceremony at the Eko Hotels and Suites on Victoria Island is the presentation of his new book, titled: Segun Osoba: My Life in Public Eye, which trails the previous semi-autobiography: Battlelines: Adventures on Journalism and Politics.
    Born in Osogbo, the Osun State capital, his name, Olusegun (God has conquered), was suggested to his parents by his maternal uncle, Apostle Ayodele Babalola, who he also spent his holidays with at his spiritual base in Efon-Alaaye. The name stuck. On all counts, particularly during his illustrious but sometimes turbulent journalism career, he triumphed; Olusegun conquered.
    The blessing of the Apostle was also at work when he escaped from Sani Abacha’s goons who, out of desperation, torched his Abeokuta house. He was lucky, unlike Chief Alfred Rewane, Mrs. Kudirat Abiola, Admiral Emanuel Olu Omotehinwa, Dr. Sola Omatshola, and Tosin Onagoruwa, who were assassinated by the Abacha killer squad.
    From his days at Methodist Boys’ High School in Lagos, his head teacher, Rev. Ade Osinulu, noted him for combining “disciplined rascality with seriousness in leadership”. That trait he manifested, even as a reporter.
    The turning point for Osoba was in 1964. Armed with his A Level Certificate, he joined the famous Daily Times where he was trained by Guy Walls, a Training Manager from Daily Mirror of London. He quickly learnt on the job, earning the commendation of his Editor, Peter ‘Pan’ Enahoro. Osoba was nominated for the International Press Institute (IPI) course at the University of Lagos (UNILAG) at Akoka. Later, he proceeded to the Commonwealth Press Union in the United Kingdom, Indiana State University at Bloomington in the United States, Nieman Fellowship Programme at Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and Thompson Foundation School for Journalism at Cardiff in England.
    Osoba operated in the madhouse, as the newsroom was then called. There could be a shouting match over stories and deadlines. Technology was in its infancy in those days. In his book, he said: “You cannot be in the newsroom and not be temperamental.”
    If any reporter boasts about getting scoops today, let him realise that it was Osoba’s pastime. He was a master of exclusives and he made his editors and newspapers proud. Osoba reported an expatriate, Patrick Chadwick, who slapped a Nigerian salesgirl, Adekunbi Adeite. It became a national issue. It provoked an industrial crisis at the United African Company (UAC), leading to Chadwick’s resignation and departure from Nigeria.
    In 1966, Osoba discovered the bodies of Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Finance Minister Festus Okotie-Eboh on a Friday on Abeokuta road, following their assassination by coup plotters.
    In February 1975, the military Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, was toppled and a curfew was imposed. The situation created an opportunity for Osoba to shine again. Out of fear, reporters had shunned work. But he braved the odds and went to his office. He left his rented room in Surulere, dressed up without taking his bath, and drove straight to Daily Times office on Kakawa Street in Lagos. He was the Deputy Editor of the daily edition. He and Managing Director Jose had to produce the newspapers in the absence of the Editor, Areoye Oyebola.

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    Osoba called Gen. Emmanuel Abisoye on the phone and the military officer gave the editor the “load-down” on the choice of Gen. Murtala Ramat Mohammed as the new Head of State, the retirement of the service chiefs and other senior military officers in the ranks of Major General and equivalents. Osoba and Jose made clever moves during the curfew, giving copies of the Daily Times to soldiers at roadblocks. The soldiers allowed them easy passage. Those exclusives by Osoba gave the Daily Times an edge over other newspapers. It was an unforgettable event that continued to ring bells in the mind of Jose.
    On August 1, 1975, Jose appointed Osoba the Daily Times Editor “in recognition of his undoubted dynamism and sound judgment in the finest tradition of journalism”.
    All hell was let loose. Mass Communication and English Language graduates from the universities kicked, challenging the wisdom of picking Osoba, who got a diploma or certificate of training attendance, as they put it. By the time the crisis was resolved, the two sides were casualties.
    Osoba’s next point of call was The Herald in Ilorin. There too, his power of sources became an invaluable advantage when he was the paper’s General Manager. He was always fated to be in the right places at the right time. While on a visit to the East Central State, he witnessed the arrest of Lt.-Col. Bukar Suka Dimka, the principal suspect in the assassination of former Head of State, Gen. Murtala Muhammed. Osoba was with Military Governor Atom Kpera in his office at Enugu when Police Commissioner Kafaru Tinubu called the governor to inform him that Dimka had been arrested by his men. Osoba saw the coup leader when he was brought to Gen. Kpera and he witnessed the preliminary interrogation by the governor. Osoba’s account of the arrest in The Herald was the best among all the newspapers the following day.
    Osoba loves the news. If a reporter is going to interview him, he should be prepared for some drilling. His first question to the reporter, usually, is: what is in the news today? Or, what is the latest news in town? In the course of the interview, he would not allow you to proceed unless you ask follow-up questions, where necessary. Then, he would, by way of training, tell or assist you to frame your questions, not to his own advantage but in keeping with the best tradition of journalism – objectivity, originality, and balance.
    His friends know that he is a journalist for life. Thus, at an event marking his 80th birthday at Eko Hotel and Suites on Victoria Island, Asiwaju Tinubu, now president of Nigeria, teased him, saying: “Anything you don’t want people to hear, don’t tell him (Osoba). He is a journalist.” Up to now, he is ever ready to support initiatives that will make the profession and practitioners to grow and wax stronger. To the Guild of Editors, Osoba, a fellow, is a father-figure.
    His last four years as a practitioner was at the Daily Times, which was ironic; he bounced back as the paper’s Managing Director. At the same time, he served as the President of the Newspapers Proprietorship Association of Nigeria (NPAN).
    Osoba endured persecution at the top government level, which he was used to. He overcame the hurdle. But by the time Babangida nominated him to the Constituent Assembly, it was evident that he was preparing for a new role in the polity.
    In 1991, he fulfilled his destiny. But his tenure as a Social Democratic Party (SDP) governor of Ogun State under the inexplicable diarchy was short-lived. He, like other governors of the botched Third Republic, was booted out. He later enlisted in the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) battle against the military over the annulment of the June 12, 1993 poll won by his Egba kinsman, the late Chief Moshood Abiola.
    However, God ordered his steps back to Oke Mosan State House in Abeokuta, six years later on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD). In 2003, Osoba and his colleagues – Jolly Nyame (Taraba State), Bukar Abba Ibrahim (Yobe) and Abubakar Audu (Kogi) – won the battle to contest for governor for the third time.
    The AD governors were the best in the country at that time. Yet, in their naivety, they were deluded into believing that they had a pact with President Olusegun Obasanjo on 2003 polls, whereby they would mobilise for him in the Southwest during the presidential election and he would not overrun them during the governorship poll. It was a miscalculation. The Awoist progressives and ideologues forgot the 1982 admonition of Awolowo in Yola that they should learn to dine with the devil with a long spoon.
    The case of Osoba was worse. He was the most experienced governor in the Southwest between 1999 and 2003, having been elected before in 1991. The appellations of “Segun Agba” and “Segun Kekere” were invented, underscoring a sort of friendship. It paled into an imaginary friendship without basis. On poll day, Osoba and Obasanjo were together playing either Ayo Olopon (mancala) or Ludo. Osoba did not know that he was playing with a political foe who dragged the rug off his feet.
    Then, a political earthquake swept through the Southwest. Only Lagos Governor Tinubu survived the political tsunami. Osoba lost office, but he did not lose his reputation.
    Outside power, the former governor has peace of mind, along with his delectable wife, Derin, who, from the multitude of girlfriends back then, became the ultimate winner of Osoba’s heart and mother of their promising children.
    The great politician has also been a consistent democrat and leader, held in esteem by his followers.
    Osoba has been a supporter of Awo in the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) days and stalwart of AD, ACN and APC. When he temporarily called it quits with APC over local political matters in Ogun State, he only identified with SDP and never defected to a conservative platform, until the day of reconciliation.
    Today, as a journalist, he is bothered by fake news. His admonition to practitioners is that the wheat should always be separated from the chaff. As a statesman, Osoba is committed to true federalism, which Tinubu is addressing through reforms and judicial intervention. His prayer is a new lease of life for all Nigerians.
    At 85, the Aremo is hale and hearty. His book that is being presented today will reveal more about yet unknown areas of his life and the disclosure will inspire those in public service, especially those who aspire to lead a life of integrity, creditably, and service to humanity.

  • Dangers of blind rage

    Dangers of blind rage

    Written clearly and legibly on their posters which have gone viral is a declaration that Nigerians will witness ten days of rage from August 1 to 10. Patterned after the ‘famous #EndSARS protests, the unknown persons behind these posters say that their protests will amount to #EndSars 2. It thus tasks the youths, it is recruiting for the planned protests, to ‘soro soke’ which was the rallying cry of the #EndSars demonstration.

    The demonstrators on that occasion spoke out loud and clear against the anti-police extremes and excesses which ultimately led to the scrapping of the Special Anti-robbery Squad and the curtailing of some of the arbitrary practices of the SARS. But instead of suspending their actions since the government had already consented to most of their demands the hawks among the #EndSarsprotesters pressurized their fellow demonstrators to continue with the action after which they went on to expand the scope of their demands which must be met.

    When the protesters, or those purporting to represent them, started to perpetrate violence nationwide, burning and looting business premises, attacking and destroying police stations and barracks, and destroying property and facilities worth over two Trillion million Naira in Lagos alone, the government had to move fast to halt the descent to anarchy. In Lagos State, which was the epicenter of the protests, soldiers were deployed by the federal government to ensure that the curfew imposed by the state was respected and obeyed.

    Gradually, peace was restored in those states worst hit by the protests, judicial panels of inquiry were set up to listen to the aggrieved protesters, and those who were able to prove their cases beyond reasonable doubt paid compensation. It is instructive that at the sitting of the tribunal in Lagos for nearly one year, for instance, those who vociferously along with support of sections of the international media, claimed that scores of protesters had been ‘massacred’ by Nigerian soldiers at the Lekki toll gate but were unable to produce the identities of such deceased persons in court.

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    So much is said now about those otherwise knowledgeable and highly experienced people who critically accepted the ‘Lekki massacre narrative’ without the critical appraisal they are otherwise capable of. It would appear that the latest surreptitious attempts to plan nationwide protests from August 1 to 10th against what they describe as ‘bad governance’ are motivated by events in Kenya. The problem is that bad or good governance are essentially value-laden phrases. In a democracy, the only way to legitimately bring about regime change is through the ballot box or removal of the head of government through carefully stipulated processes resulting in impeachment.

    It is true that in Kenya, the protests were motivated by high inflationary spirals, especially food costs. They were also riled by President Ruto sending to parliament a second bill for additional taxes through the Finance Bill 2024, which was seen as capable of worsening the living conditions of millions of citizens. But just like the #EndSars protests in Nigeria, the protesters in Kenya still continued with their demonstrations with some claiming that their intention is to get President Ruto out of office. But that is not the way regime change is brought about. In a democratic order, regimes can change either when an incumbent has lost an election or is impeached through stipulated constitutional processes.

    The only other way is through coup de tat with soldiers stepping in to assume the reins of power. But our experience with coups across Africa in the post-independence period is that sit tight military rulers are most often bitten by a power bug which makes them unwilling to vacate office for democratically elected governments. Furthermore, military officers who came to power through coups in public office have demonstrated all too often their lack of the administrative acumen, emotional intelligence, and even the moral scruples to govern with intelligence and integrity.

    One other fallout of military rule is that the only way to overthrow such governments is through a coup de tat except if by some luck, the military leader has cause to voluntarily quit office. There is no doubt that those in West Africa who have overthrown democratic governments with the citizenry dancing; singing and jubilating will regret their actions when the honeymoon is over.

    The Slogan on the posters being published on social media by faceless groups is to ‘end bad governance in 2024,’ and the organizers have promised that there will be ten days of rage in the country from August 1 to 10. Why would anybody seek to take any action based solely on rage? Rage can be described as blind wrath towards another person or groups of people. It is an uncouth, reflexive action against another motivated by anger, envy, or bitterness. Thus, what can be surmised from this poster of the Mindset both of the origination of the posters and those propagating them is that they are motivated solely by anger and hatred.

    Let us face it. There is much to be angry about in Nigeria and Kenya today. The degree of inequality in both countries is unacceptably high and leading writers from these two countries have written extensively about the ills that have resulted in the continued underdevelopment of these countries and the material alienation of most of their people. Writers like Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, JP Clark, Ngugi wa Thiongo among others have published extensively on the multidimensional crises that plague their countries respectively and continue to make her a dumping ground and laughing stock of the continent before the world.

    Ngugi is clearly the writer who has best portrayed the African crises and proposed far-reaching solutions to combat the continuing rampage of neocolonialism in Africa. In novels such as ‘Petals of Blood’, ‘A Grain of Wheat’, ‘Devil on the Cross’ and ‘Matigari’ among others he fiercely portrays the neocolonialism which, in the country after after country, has made African countries dependent on others to make her paltry donations to her ever outstretched begging bowls.

    In ‘ Devil on the Cross’ Ngugi, through his inimitable fiction, tears the neocolonialism that plagues his native Kenya and other countries, into merciless shreds and exposes the farce that Harambe (revolution), has become in Kenya, just as in other parts of the continent. He laments the cynical and conscienceless manipulation of the ruling rights, using ethnicity, religion, and other forms of primordialism to keep people divided, exploited, and abused.

    One of the revolutionary women in that explosive novel says “So it isn’t proper for me to gossip and spread rumours about anything to do with modern Harambe. Modern Harambe? H’m! I’ll shut up because it is said the people from the land of silence were once by silence. But if I we’mre asked for my advice. I’d tell the Nykinya dancers to sing: “can The Harambe of money/The Harambe of money/is for rich and their friends’.

    But can the protests in Kenya actualize the desired objectives? I don’t think so even if they have won some gains such as the suspension of the Final Bill, 2024, the cutting costs of the governor’s office through to the office of the First Lady. However, the deep-rooted structural change that is desired by the protesting youths cannot be actualized as a result of the ethno-cultural underlying severe strains that bubble up once in a while to cause political instability and social strife in the country.

    The protesters in Kenya must also learn pertinent lessons from the Nigerian #EndSars protests of 2020. What started as massive but peaceful protests ended up as a fiasco when the protests were hijacked by hoodlums and sundry crimes. The fault of the protesters was in not calling off their protests once their demands were acceded to by the administration. One of the reasons why the #EndSars became vulnerable to being infiltrated by outsiders was because they had no genuine, easily discernible leaders in charge of the protesters and protecting them from being penetrated and sabotaged. That is what happened as the new tranches of protesters went on an orgy of destruction for all making no distinction between public facilities and private property.

    The Sanwo-Olu administration later revealed that the facilities destroyed in the protesters’ orgy of protests amounted to nearly N2 trillion and these had to be replaced or new ones procured. At the end of it all, taxpayers’ money had to be utilized for this purpose. In some parts of the state, one can even still see charred remains of burnt buildings that are yet to be fixed.

    Can the state or any part of the country cope with another large-scale financial and infrastructure destruction during the protests? I don’t think so. If a place like Lagos is unable to facilitate the rebuilding of the number of infrastructure destroyed by the EndSars protesters then the people must be prepared to tell protesters that “They have the inherent right to protest but this is not the same thing as a right to attack rights of other members of the public who also have the human right not to participate in a strike called by their union.

    The forces behind the blind protesters of violence certainly do not mind actualizing their mission through what could lead to bloodshed and violence. Some of these minds, including those who are most vociferous in attacking the country, reportedly do not stay in Nigeria. They thus want to stoke revolution embers in Nigeria from the safety of countries where they and their families reside in peace and relative opulence.

    Nigeria has had 25 years of democratic governance without even an attempt to execute a coup as happened so many times in the past. The people of Nigeria through hard pains and suffering have tasted the jackboots of the military and know that, no matter how heroic, patriotic, and democracy-loving they pretend to be, soldiers will always be soldiers. While the military regime can only be replaced through a coup or palace coup, of course, there is a strong belief that popular resurrection can result in achieving positive change. But the problem is always that you can commence the overthrow of an elected government through coups, but you can never remember when the soldiers leave office. And don’t they say that invariably every revolution consumes its children?

    Both Kenya and Nigeria have autonomous electoral structures that are largely devoid of external presidential elections. PBAT Tinubu’s administration has not interfered in determining any electoral election matters since his assumption of duty. This is how it should be. Nigerians should now begin to walk the talk of having credible, electronic, transport, efficient, and transparent systems for its elections driven by the highest state-of-the-art technology.

    It is difficult to understand why the protesters in Kenya are insisting that President Ruto must leave office before they can relent in their demonstrations. He was elected barely two years ago in elections widely applauded as credible and transparent., Why then can’t they wait until he either loses at the next polls or wins against all odds? They face grave dangers in their bid to oust Ruto from power. Such a move will weaken the political prayer system in the country. It implies that rabid extremist forces will move in and the dominant political powers may have to resort to their ethnic redoubts for succor once again. The Tinubu administration may be quietly juggling various policies to strengthen the local government councils and enable them to maximize the benefits of their newly granted autonomy; revitalize state governments to make them more viable partners in the federal compact. And as potential protesters in Kenya and Nigeria gear up for their protests, they must be mindful of the ‘(days of rage) promised by some still anonymous elements of civil society. Rage always results in anger, uncontrollable wrath and so much avoidable destruction following in its wake. Either in Nigeria or Kenya, what we need is political awareness particularly on the part of the youth and a willingness to be mentored by more experienced politicians.

  • Coaches as game changers

    Coaches as game changers

    Coaching football isn’t any guess work. It is essentially about taking risks. Much of the risk-tasking rests on the quality and intellect of the players to quickly implement plans hatched in their different sessions back at home. Coaching is a trade for thinking managers, though the mantra of coaches being as good as their last games holds supreme. An imaginative technical crew strives to outshine its opponent through tactics that leave docile managers scratching their heads in anguish at dusk. Indeed, a team is as good as its bench.

    Interestingly, no two matches have the same styles. What counts are the extras that winning teams bring to bear on subsequent games based on their opponents’ previous outings, especially for cup series – knockout football. Snoring coaches bank on prayers without efforts to win beyond passing the ball among themselves whilst creating goal-scoring chances. It doesn’t matter how many such chances are fluffed.

    England’s manager, Gareth Southgate, his players, especially the goalkeeper, and other coaches pulled out on a stunt ( it wasn’t happening for the first time) before the penalty shootout between England and Switzerland last weekend. The goalkeeper carried one water bottle which had inscribed on it how and where each Swiss player involved in the penalty shootout would place the ball, beginning with Manuel Akanji. This ‘magic’ wasn’t a spur-of-the-moment package. It was something done as part of their preparations for the Swiss game. Of course,  using relevant information from English boys playing with the Swiss boys in their different European clubs. It was the difference between both countries at dusk in Germany. The information on the water bottle that the England goalkeeper carried showed that Akanji would kick the ball to the left side of the goalkeeper, which the Manchester City defender much to his consternation. So, what the goalkeeper did was to try some mind games by walking towards the ball that had been placed on the spot. But the experienced centre referee stopped the goalkeeper in his tracks, asking him to return to his goalpost for the kick to be properly taken.

    But the Swiss defender told the media in a post-match interview, that he didn’t see all the antics employed by the English goalkeeper. He fell into the distraction trap set by the goalkeeper. So, when Akanji shot his penalty kick to the goalkeeper’s left side, it didn’t come as a surprise to the English because something foretold before the game- a weird strategy you may say, but it worked.

    The English game may have been ugly to watch but the players fought for the coach who trusted them. Indeed, Southgate brought young boys into the Three Lions and they did well in changing the way the Three Lions played when they were introduced. Today, Oliie Watkins is the new swan song in England and he isn’t playing for the traditional teams. Watkin shone like a million stars last season for Aston Villa, making his inclusion into the Three Lions inevitable.

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    In Nigeria, a boy such as Ivan Toney who plays for Brentford would have been excluded from the Three Lions because of his hitherto gambling addiction. Southgate brought him to Germany and he provided the pass which resulted in the goal which rescued England. Not many soccer critics, especially in England, gave Southgate a chance to get the team into back-to-back European Cup finals. The most vilified coach in the competition went ahead to substitute Harry Kane in the quarter-final game against Switzerland, though it was imminent that the game was heading for a penalty shootout, which eventually happened. Toney scored his penalty like others did. But where this writer sat to watch England versus Switzerland, the prayer among the fans in the viewing was for England to win the penalty session, having fielded mostly black boys. The silence in the hall when Saka was about to take his penalty kick was palpable and the deep breath which broke into a tumultuous enveloped the hall, with many recounting the slur jibes at Saka when he lost a penalty in a previous shootout in 2021.

    What kind of Three Lions squad would Southgate present on Sunday night in Berlin? What does Southgate think about the Spaniards? One thing is clear, Southgate knows he has given his best in terms of the substitutions he made during matches and most importantly, having the guts to pull out one of England’s icons in the game, Kane in the last two matches. No brickbats against Southgate by the boys nor did we see Kane express any form of resentment as he walked off the field towards the bench, hugging Southgate. It was a delight to watch.

  • WS at 90: Celebrating a literary colossus

    WS at 90: Celebrating a literary colossus

    At 90, he very much remains one of the voices of conscience in Africa if not on a global platform. With an illustrious career in the literary world, one in which he has tackled complex themes such as politics, corruption, racism and the quest for freedom and justice with his works, leaving a lasting impact again not only in the field of literature but the humanities as a whole.

     Born on the 13th of July, 1934 in the rocky city of Abeokuta, present day Ogun State, as Akinwande Oluwole Babatunde Soyinka to Samuel and Grace Soyinka, who notably influenced Kongi’s vista of life, coupled with other aspects of the then prevailing sociocultural context which instilled in him a sense of social responsibility and a commitment to fight against all appearances of injustice. Understanding the influence of such a milieu on the character of Soyinka at best helps even the worst of his critics to grasp an understanding of his persona, his works and ideology inclusive. 

    Soyinka began his academic journey at St Peters Primary School Abeokuta, before joining the Abeokuta Grammar School for his post primary education.

    Fate was to see him berth at the University College of Ibadan for his tertiary education  before moving to the University of Leeds in the United Kingdom to further his studies. It was during this time that he began writing plays and poetry, drawing inspiration from his set of experiences in Nigeria and abroad such as that by In 1960, Soyinka’s play “A Dance of the Forests”  would win the prestigious Festival of Negro Arts Competition, marking the start of his illustrious career as a playwright.

    As Nigeria’s foremost literary aficionado, WS has gone on to write over 300 plays, books, poems and essays collectively, deploying the use of language, vivid imagery and strong rooted social commentary. Further more, Soyinka’s works have often provided themes in which the reader can draw a varied sense of experiences whether it be colonialism, culture and its evolution, love, injustice, and religion. Soyinka’s  profound commitment to social justice and artistic excellence establishes him as a leading voice in African literature. His Nobel Prize award in 1986, the first for any African remains an irrefragable testament  to his enduring influence and contribution to the literary world.

    Beyond literature’s realm, the gift of a person like Wole Soyinka extends to activism, one in which he has used as a platform to rankle against the numerous tin gods the nation and the African continent has been cursed with, he has also deployed such a platform to speak out against corruption, human rights abuses, and political injustices. Throughout his adult life , Soyinka has been a vocal critic of the Nigerian government and has faced persecution for his outspoken views. In 1967, he was arrested and imprisoned for his role of supporting the Eastern Region’s right to secede following the twin pogroms of July and September, 1967. Here,  we see a man of Yoruba stock risking his life and freedom for that of nearly 10 million Igbos. Today, when the “King without clothes generation” attempt to cast Soyinka as an ethnic champion because of his thoughts on the 2023 elections in which he did come out to categorically state that a particular candidate, Mr.Peter Obi did not and could not have won that election despite his “gbajue” claims to having won, I laugh and pity them, understanding the effects of the Nigerian State on their kind. Soyinka’s activism did not stop there, he has repeatedly taken on numerous dictators , including one who transmuted into a dictator in civilian garb; the letter writer and Heaven’s gateman. We obviously can still recall that while a number of academics and mouth freedom fighters either cozied up  or did nothing to the likes of General Sani Abacha  who wanted to muscle those opposed to his self succession plan, the likes of Soyinka coordinated a war of attrition against the administration from exile, disarming whatever goodwill the Abacha regime was seeking to earn from the international community. Despite the risks, Soyinka continues to advocate for social change and justice through his writings and public appearances.

    Soyinka’s impact on literature and society cannot be overstated. His works have inspired generations of writers and artists, both in Nigeria and around the world. His uncompromising commitment to truth and justice has earned him numerous accolades.

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    In addition to his literary achievements, Soyinka’s legacy also extends to his work as a teacher and mentor. His teaching streak has seen him traverse a number of universities in Nigeria, the United States, and the United Kingdom, passing on his knowledge and expertise to the next generation of writers.

    Another legacy of  Soyinka would be the formation of the Pyrate’s Confraternity, Nigeria’s  first indigenous university confraternity before it’s pull out from the university environment owing to the violence the formation of rival confraternities had brought upon such environments resulting in the loss of lives and destruction of property. While many have sought to blame Soyinka and his magnificent six for the resultant horrors presently experienced in the name of cultism, it is important to assert that there is a marked difference between the Pyrates Confraternity and what is obtained today, thus blaming Soyinka for the mess we find ourselves today is akin to blaming Christ, Mohammed, even Buddha and Karl Marx for the horrors perpetuated in their names by their misguided adherents and those who have attempted to implement or export such teachings with violence!

    As Soyinka approaches his ninth decade, his legacy continues to grow and evolve. His works remain as relevant and powerful as ever, offering readers a window into the complexities of African society and the human condition. or aspiring writers and activists around the world, inspiring them to use their voices to effect positive change in their communities.

    In conclusion, Wole Soyinka remains Nigeria’s if not Africa’s  literary giant  towering above a host of others whose works have left an indelible mark on the world. His plays, poetry, and essays continue to resonate with audiences, offering insights into the complexities of life in Nigeria and beyond. Soyinka’s unwavering commitment to truth, justice, and artistic excellence has earned him a place among the pantheon of world greats. As a teacher, mentor, and activist, Soyinka’s influence extends far beyond the pages of his books, inspiring generations of artists and activists to strive for a better world. Whether through his powerful plays or his incisive essays, Wole Soyinka’s legacy will continue to shape and challenge the literary landscape for years to come.

  • The political traditions of our ancestors

    The political traditions of our ancestors

    Right now, the Yorubas must have to build a leadership that honours their legacy. Again, remember the treaty that ended the Kiriji War, which sparked a rebirth in learning and progressive thinking! This led to a thirst for education, resulting in an explosion of investments in community scholarships, sponsoring individuals to pursue higher education, and the establishment of numerous primary and secondary schools. These efforts contributed significantly to the economic development of the Lagos Colony, driven by Yoruba entrepreneurship both within the colony and from the hinterland, as captured in the 1920 publication, ‘The Red Book of West Africa’. This important work, now out of print, should be reprinted by the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN), as the copyright has expired. ‘The Red Book of West Africa’ is a foundation of contemporary Yoruba history and a vital piece of economic history.

    Coming home from there, the West African Students Union (WASU) was initiated on August 7, 1925, marking a significant milestone in the development of Yoruba leadership. This led to the formation of the ‘Egbe Omo Oduduwa,’ the Action Group (AG), and the AG’s motto, ‘Freedom for all, life more abundant’, which embodied the critical thinking and ideological thrust that drove the region’s developmental strides. However, it needs to be noted that the current Yoruba leadership has departed from this tradition of critical thinking and ideological drive, resulting in a decline from the economic and educational dominance achieved in the 1850s. Otto von Bismarck, the German economic anthropologist, drew inspiration from the ‘Osomalo’ financial intermediation methods used in Ijesaland to establish the German Landesbank system, widely regarded as one of the best banking systems globally. Highlighting this decline and its impact is essential.

    Since 1945, British Finance Ministers have consistently praised the Landesbank system for its robust regulation, supervision and focus on lending to the real economy. In fact, the refinement of the Osomalo can be considered the foundation of development finance. However, it is ironic that Ijesaland, once a pioneer in innovation, has lost its way! Given its past achievements, Ijesaland should be at the forefront of new technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI), Machine Learning (ML), Quantum Computing, Internet of Things (IoT), Electric and Autonomous Vehicles and Extended Reality (XR). Remember Christopher Alexander Sapara Williams, that Yorubaman from Ijesaland, who was the first Nigerian called to the Bar on November 17, 1879, and Oguntolu, his brother, who became a medical doctor through his sponsorship! It is also on record that Yorubaland made significant strides in education and professional development during the colonial and post-colonial periods, making the current decline even more striking.

    Truth be told, the political traditions of our ancestors are not solely defined by struggles and sacrifices; they are also characterized by exceptional leadership and vision. Many of our forebears were inspiring leaders who motivated others to work together towards a common goal. With a clear vision for a brighter future, they tirelessly strove to make it a reality. The political legacies of our ancestors are exemplified by the courageous leadership and unwavering commitment to justice displayed by icons like Mahatma Ghandi and Nelson Mandela. For instance, Gandhi’s guiding principles in India’s fight for independence and Mandela’s steadfast resolve against apartheid inspired movements and mobilized masses to take action. Their leadership not only shaped the course of history but also continues to inspire generations to stand up for justice and equality

    The political landscape of the Yoruba nation has been profoundly shaped by the visionary leadership and unwavering commitment of our fathers. They tirelessly fought for the emancipation, development and prosperity of their people. From Obafemi Awolowo’s championing of federalism and economic empowerment to Moshood Abiola’s courageous advocacy for democracy and human rights, our fathers’ politics has been defined by an unrelenting dedication to the welfare and advancement of the Yoruba nation. Despite the challenges and setbacks that have marked our political journey, their unwavering dedication, courage in adversity, and unshakeable belief in our people’s potential remain a beacon of hope and inspiration, reminding us that politics can be a powerful force for good and that leadership can transform lives.

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    Awolowo’s political philosophy, which guided our fathers, was rooted in the pursuit of regional autonomy, economic development and social justice. His vision for the Western Region, later adopted as the blueprint for the Yoruba nation, was founded on federalism, democratic governance, and economic empowerment. This leadership inspired a generation of Yoruba leaders, including Samuel Akintola, Adekunle Ajasin, Abraham Adesanya and Bolanle Gbonigi, who continued to champion Yoruba unity and progress.

    Now, to the questions: why have successive leaders not been building upon the legacy of our fathers, learning from their experiences and/or charting a new course that honours their memory and fulfils their vision for a brighter future for our people? Why have the sacrifices, achievements and the transformative power of courage and leadership of our heroes’ past not been inspiring and guiding us towards a more prosperous and united Yoruba nation? Why has the state of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) among the Yoruba people today become a sobering disgrace to the extent that it now demands our urgent attention and collective action?

    Let it be noted that the political traditions of our fathers are not just a legacy of the past but also a clarion call to a more just and equitable world. They represent an informed and educated society that mobilizes others to work towards a common goal. Currently, the Yoruba people are lagging behind, and our leaders’ limited vision has hindered our progress. When a supposed Yoruba leader engages in behaviours that are unYoruba, ranting and raving without restraint, it’s a clear sign that a grand rethink is overdue. When a Distinguished Senator of the Federal Republic openly confesses to, and vaingloriously gloats in buying votes in an election that was supposed to be free, fair and credible, and society looks on as if nothing is amiss, then something has happened to us as a race. Take it or leave it, this is not the Yoruba way!

    Our greatest challenge is clinging to the past, desiring its comforts without the willingness to pay the price. Regrettably, Yorubaland is now vulnerable to Nigeria’s shifting political landscape. We’ve forgotten that our relevance is measured by our achievements at home. The motto of the Yoruba Tennis Club, ‘Awa Lo Yo Saaju,’ (We are the ones destined to make things happen) echoes loudly today. It is a crying shame that demands immediate action, a planned reboot to restore our heritage.

    As we navigate the complexities of modern politics, there’s an urgent need for a radical re-evaluation in Yorubaland, a return to our original development plan. It’s time for us to engage in meaningful conversations with history and reclaim our heritage of excellence, lest we risk losing our footing in the march of progress. Again, it is doable! It all comes down to vision and strategy. When Noah had a clear vision, he built the Ark, but when he lost sight of it, he succumbed to temptation. Samson’s vision gave him the strength to slay lions, but when it faded, he fell for Delilah’s schemes. John’s vision enabled him to baptize Jesus, but when it wavered, he doubted whether Jesus was the ‘One who’s to come or we should look for another.” Even the serpent in Genesis, once a benevolent guide, became a destructive dragon in Revelation. These examples remind us that vision and strategy are essential for success and survival. The harsh truth we tend to ignore will inevitably confront us, unyielding and undeniable. So, time is not on our side; and there’s no alternative. We must act now!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Tinubu and restructuring

    Tinubu and restructuring

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has a unique style. It is characterised by devotion to the constitution, respect for the rule of law and belief in the judiciary, the third arm of government and ultimate arbiter under democracy.

    As a democrat, the president is leaning on these pillars of popular rule as he undertakes the critical assignment of repositioning the country on the path true federalism.

    The key to that restoration of effective federal principle is reform, which is capable of yielding the dividends of restructuring or devolution of powers that are ingredients a decentralised democratic order.

    There are four routes to the goal. The first is by the convocation of a national conference. Many believe this approach is now laborious, monotonous and wasteful because the previous two conferences ended in a fiasco. The 2004 conference report was sacrificed on the altar of third term. The 2011 conference was a jamboree, a Greek gift.

    The second option is the Sovereign National Conference (SNC), which is a validation of a popular process leading to the birth of a people-oriented constitution, based on agreed terms for peaceful coexistence in a multi-lingual, multi-religious and diverse society. However, it is permanently elusive.

    The National Assembly has often viewed SNC as a threat and an affront to its sovereignty as the custodian of the constitution amendment process, oblivious of the fact that it was voted into power by the people.

    The third approach is through constitutional amendment. This is the purview of the National Assembly. The belief is that the 1999 Constitution has lied against itself by posing as a federal constitution habouring some elements of unitarism. So far, consensus on many items have been an uphill task. Periodically, there is a piecemeal constitution review, but it is incapable of making Nigeria a proper federation.

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    The fourth option is through judicial pronouncement, particularly by the Supreme Court that has powers to give a final verdict on constitutional matters and conflicts arising from inter-governmental relations in a supposedly federal country.

    The third approach produced a far-reaching, unprecedented result yesterday. The apex court affirmed local government financial autonomy. Allocations to the 774 councils will henceforth go directly to council chairmen. The middleman – governors – are being partly eliminated from the channels of financial control over the councils.

    There will be no cause for fund diversion. Also, only democratically elected councils are recognised. There is no room for caretakers. They are impostors. The onus is on state governments to conduct elections councils. Local government is gradually becoming the third tier of government in Nigeria.

    There are puzzles: has the court abrogated the State/Local Government Joint Account? Has it outlawed the power of Houses of Assembly to create and politically supervise the local government systems?

    It appears the verdict has strengthened the councils financially to frontally tackle the challenges of grassroots development. It means council responsibilities discharged on their behalf by states would have to be returned to them.

    Politically, local government will now be attractive to politicians. Competition for the positions of chairmen and councillors will now become stiff. There will be need check reckless council bosses who may want to convert the council into an avenue for private accumulation.

    But scholars will have an opportunity to study the emerging trend of corrective federalism whereby local governments centrally created by past autocratic or dictatorial military regimes are listed in the constitution and new ones created by civilian governors based on consultations and public yearnings are not listed, making the procedure for setting them up to remain inchoate.

    President Tinubu has been an apostle of devolution and true federalism when he was opposition leader. Consistent with that avowed commitment, he has upheld the decision of the immediate past government to decentralise the rail transportation.

    The implication is that centralisation of rail system is outdated and railway is on its way to the Concurrent List. This is laudable. While the Federal Government can build on the existing structures, states, groups of states, regions and group of regions can actually collaborate to extend rail lines for ease of transportation and commerce. If railway is improved upon, the roads will be insulated from threats possed by trailers and other articulated vehicles to the highways.

    Electricity has been a big headache in Nigeria. Yet, it is critical to public welfare, effective business operations and industrialisation, particularly the resuscitation of the manufacturing sub-sector, which can create jobs. Without stable power, there is no ease of doing business. Investors may also be reluctant to explore opportunities in Nigeria.

    The decision by the Federal Government to decentralise the supply of electricity is just begining to catch up with the proposals enjoined by the Tinubu Administration in Lagos which gave birth to Eron/PPP.

    It is now possible for a state, ir group of contiguous states, or a region to collaborate on regular power supply, instead of reliance on the current mess.

    President Tinubu’s position on state police has also received commendation. The goal of a decentralised policing structure is to bring policing to the doorstep of people at the grassroots and to boost the channels of intelligence gathering.

    Under the proposed state policing system, those who know the environment will police the area. Therefore, the knowledge of the environment and the people they are serving; the geography, sociology, history, psychology and custom will serve as aids to policing.

    It is thinkable that the approach will enhance security, which will ultimately become a joint responsibility of the state or community policemen, the natives and residents.

    However, there are three challenges. The idea of state policing suggests that there will be a multi-layer policing system. What will be the relationship between the federal police and policing structure controlled by the governors?

    Also, the governors will now become chief security officers in their states. What is the assurance that they will not deploy state police to oppress their foes, or the opposition, during electioneering?

    There is concern about funding. While some states who are already giving substantial financial support for the federally centralised police in their states csn fund state police with success, other less endowed states may flounder in funding.

    Two other issues agitating students of Nigerian federalism are the Value Added Tax (VAT) and resource control. Already, the VAT case is pending in court. Should states that abhor alcoholism partake in the proceeds of tax on alcoholic consumption by other states?

    Does it not amount to robbing Peter to pay Paul when VAT is generated in a state for the benefit of other states?  A zone tolerates alcohol, which consumption generates huge Value Added Tax (VAT). Another zone abhors alcoholism. But, portions of the VAT from its sale and consumption in the former are still distributed to the later, because they must be their brothers’ keeper.

    The crisis of federalism in Nigeria is related to the quarrel over the distribution of the proceeds from oil, a national cake domiciled in the Niger Delta region and few states. Host communities, despite the various Federal Government interventions, are still complaining about imbalance and lopsided distribution. While some states are claiming ownership of solid mineral deposits in their domains, oil remains a national property sustaining the federation.

    There is still more work to be done to redress perceived injustice and injuries arising from the highly defective federal system.

    Many believe that if reforms of devolution are implemented to a logical conclusion under the Tinubu Administration, Nigeria will be liberated from the yoke of ‘unitarism’.

  • The UK people have spoken, Sunak out, Starmer in

    The UK people have spoken, Sunak out, Starmer in

    “I gave this job my all.
    But you have sent a clear message,
    and yours is the only judgment that matters”.
    -Rishi Sunak (former British Prime Minister).

    The people of Britain have chosen to make a change to their leadership. Predictably, the 14-year Conservative majority and leadership comes to a screeching end with a Labour Party landslide victory. Former Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak has tendered his resignation to King Charles III. He equally steps down as the leader of the Tories pending the election of a new leader.

    According to the new Prime Minister, Keir Starmer  in his first official speech to the people, “This is your democracy, you have voted and it is time for us to deliver”. Both outgoing Rishi Sunak and incoming PM  give the people credit for the democratic processes. They both believe that leadership is not about self or party but about the people and the country.

    There are a litany of lessons from the recent elections in the United Kingdom for the Nigerian people, electoral body, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), political parties and politicians. It is a great irony that Nigeria, Britain’s most populous colonial subject has consistently fallen shot in its democratic process since independence. The initial political players started off on flawed regional allegiances that have so far negatively impacted the brand of democracy practiced in Nigeria.

    Most of the so called independence heroes of Nigerian started off as tribal and religious champions that never really built a country but merely laid the foundation for divisive ethno-religious-based politics that laid the foundation for the tragic instability of the Nigerian democracy starting off with the corruption that ushered in the first coup, counter coups and the myriad of military interventions that corrupted the political system that has given birth to the seemingly lack of cohesiveness in the country.  There is the practice of democracy with the attendant  underdevelopment fueled by crass nepotism and systemic dysfunction.

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    Nigeria and her problems can be traced to the inability of the political leaders over time to forge a united nation and so the practice of democracy has been flawed ab initio. For a country as populous as Nigeria with the human and material resources , it should be a given for the country to be truly great but that has not been achieved because the brand of democracy practiced seems tainted by ethnic and religious bigotry.

    There is an unspoken divisiveness planted by some of the politicians in the nation’s history. The lack of development in the country  with more than 133million living in multi-dimensional poverty is very instructive. It just means that somehow, democracy has not really worked for the people. When democracy works, the people are able to own it as a government of the people by the people and for the people.

    A Rishi Sunak, a grandson of Indian immigrants to Britain was able to rise to the post of the first British-Asian because Britain, even if not a perfect system has somehow built a nation where someone like him can successfully be elected Prime Minister on his merit. Nigeria continues to base elections on mundane issues like ethnicity and religion. Sadly too, the cancer spreads to even states and local councils where the issues of sub-ethnic and denominational and religious sect issues still affect who wins and who loses elections.

    The influence of the long period of military rule somewhat tainted the Nigerian democratic practices as the politicians wholly adopted the command and control system of the military. That brand of democracy is flawed because the processes are not fully democratic. Political party structures are not run professionally. There is no imitation of what obtains in other developed  jurisdictions. The political parties do not have a totally organized structure in a way that financial autonomy is practiced. There are no structures to monitor or streamline the financial transactions of political parties. Nigeria seems to run political parties funded by a few individuals and if what the social mantra of, “he who pays the piper dictates the tune” is anything to go by, then those who fund Nigerian political parties obviously dictate how the parties are run.

    This fundamental flaw in the structure of political parties’ financial system seems to be at the root of the democratic problems in Nigeria. There is little or no monitoring of campaign funds either by candidates or the political parties. When there is unfettered flow of funds at political party level, then there might be an unequal opportunity for candidates. This is the origin of the almost total lack of intra party democracy. More often than not, the party leaderships merely anoint candidates and impose them on the people.

    In the recent UK elections, there was no noise from some ‘party chieftains or godfathers whose only qualification is that they fund the party campaigns. Every candidate emerged on their own merit and the voters made their choices across the UK. The 14-year leadership of the Conservative Party came to an end because the people were free to make their choices. The essence of democracy is a government of the people chosen by the people and for the people.

    Nigeria has the most litigious elections in the world. The political elite have for long been shortchanging the people by manipulating the electoral processes. From party congresses to primaries, there are always reports of irregularities perpetrated by those who have the financial muscle to do so. The electoral umpire INEC have had to prosecute some of their staff or adhoc electoral officers for compromising the processes but most of the guilty have often escaped justice.

    The number of litigations that trail Nigerian elections is a pointer to how flawed the democratic process can be in Africa’s most populous nation. The UK elections while not totally  perfect gets kudos for the transparency and the fact that the people  have their voices heard all the time. There is almost zero chances of fraud throughout the process giving room for sportsmanship and general acceptability of the outcomes. Within hours of the conclusion of the elections, the outgoing PM Sunak had conceded defeat, apologized for the mistakes made and thanked the people for their steadfastness while praising his successor Starmer ‘s capacity to stir the ship of state.

    Conversely, the Nigerian political elite have so polluted the system that post-election litigations run into years and disrupt governance at all levels. The politicians seem to have no sense of nationhood or service as their attitudes show more concern about their welfare than about nationhood or the people. New Prime Minister Starmer reminded the people that public service is a privilege. The hallmark of public service is service to the people and not necessarily to any political party.

    Listening to the outgoing of the Prime Minister and his successor shows the grace with which politics can be played. Sunak praised the capacity of his successor to work for all of the UK. He thanked his supporters and all those worked for the party even though they failed at the polls. The incoming PM, acknowledged the British-Asian heritage of his predecessor and how hard he had worked for the country. In all, both men focused on the rights and privileges of the people and not on their triumph or loss in ways that spell self or party glorification or condemnation.

    The focus of the two men is on the welfare of the nation where in the words of the new Prime Minister Starmer, ‘everyone is respected’. It is that principle that has made it possible for someone of Sunak’s heritage to be elected as British Prime minister. In Nigeria, the political class is very divisive and that has impacted negatively on the people. Most Nigerians owe allegiance to their ethnic base more than they feel Nigerian. The politics they know is more about ethno-religious leaning than national unity. It is a verdict on the attitude of successive Nigerian leaders that there seems to be no nation literally. Exclusion from the political space translates to anger and agitations for self-actualization that has heat up the nation and resulted in the high insecurity across the country.

    The verbal and non-verbal communication of political leaders matter a lot. Unifying a country or state before, during and after elections is a sentiment most Nigerian politicians have no regard for. Election campaigns are often filled with divisive rhetoric. Post-election speeches by politicians often come off doing more harm to the unity of the country than good. Former president Buhari had after his 2015 election talked about 97 Vs 5%, a flawed ratio alluding to those who voted for or against him. His two term tenures saw him being accused of the highest form of nepotism that left the country virtually bleeding with dissatisfaction and ethnic conflicts.

    It is interesting to see the sense of patriotism in both Sunak and Starmer for a country that has chosen them for service. Their allegiance is to Britain and not to any godfather, individual or political parties. That is what democracy should be. It is a system of government where the people are the focal point for every elected or appointed official. The UK elections have shown the power of the electorate, the mandate givers. Again, as a cosmopolitan nation, all races, genders and religion have the rights to vote and be voted for. Some British-Nigerians were candidates at the election.

    Sadly the last election in Nigeria highlighted the divisiveness of the political class. Most of the politicians set the electorate against each other in ways that has seemingly inflamed the polity. There is so much division along ethnic, regional and religious lines that the political elite must learn to return to the best tenets of democracy as a form of government that is all about the welfare of the people. Elections for the electorate must be the time to speak with their voices and the politicians must learn to respect the voice of the people. Again the new Prime Minister has already appointed some cabinet members. A huge sign that he has always been sure of those he wanted to work eith. In Nigeria, Presidents and governors spend months choosing the team to work with and often the criteria is not about merit or competence but party, ethnic or other considerations. There are lessons for Nigeria and other developing countries. The best tenets of democracy must always be maintained to ensure democracy thrives.

    The dialogue continues…