Category: Saturday

  • PBAT and economic crisis as opportunity (2)

    PBAT and economic crisis as opportunity (2)

    Citing the historian, Arnold Toynbee, in the first part of this piece, we contended that crises can be utilized as an opportunity to respond to a challenge that can help propel a human community further along the path of progress and development. In this regard, for instance, colonialism in Africa was a challenge of oppression and exploitation that elicited a response in nationalist struggles that resulted in the liberation of former colonized and dehumanized territories. Again, the unjust annulment by the military of the June 12, 1993, presidential election in Nigeria won by the late Chief MKO Abiola was a challenge that engendered the response of resistance by elements of civil society to continued military

    Last week, the President demonstrated his sensitivity to the deleterious existential conditions in which the vast majority of Nigerians live since the removal of the fuel subsidy and parallel exchange rate mergers, when he personally attended the National Council of States (NCS) meeting as a special guest and mobilized all governors to collaborate with the federal government in a joint effort to tackle the current food crisis in the country.

    The choice that stares the nation squarely in the face is either to complain and lament ceaselessly about the current astronomical cost of staple food items in the country such as garri, yams, rice, beans, beef, poultry, eggs, vegetables, tomatoes, pepper, etc or take urgent steps to begin to tap the abandoned potentials of our agricultural sector to produce abundant food to feed ourselves and also serve as a basis for agro-allied industrialization. Of course, it is the leaders who can take the initiative to achieve this objective as the President and many governors are already doing. However, it will require more than mere resolutions or good intentions to achieve a revolution in agricultural productivity in Nigeria.

    Rather, those in the position to do so must have well-conceptualized and efficiently implemented policies to actualize this objective. The federal government has made humongous amounts available to state governments to procure grains and make other palliatives available to cushion the severe hunger in the land. However, the efficiency, transparency and sense of urgency, and mission with which governors have utilized these resources to attain the desired ends differ with huge variations from state to state.

    The widespread perception is that a substantial chunk of these palliative funds in many states end up being misappropriated by unscrupulous officials and that when foodstuffs are made available to members of the public at all, they are channeled to political partisans or those with connections to high state officials. Government policy at all levels must most certainly begin to move from the provision of palliatives to substantially boosting domestic food productivity to bring down food prices.

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    It is important at this point for the National Council on Agriculture comprising the Minister and Minister of State of Agriculture, State Commissioners of agriculture, national and state parastatals as well as other stakeholders in the agriculture value chain sectors to hold an emergency meeting to chart an urgent path to agricultural self-sufficiency in the country. This will necessarily entail decisively addressing the security challenges that have kept large numbers of farmers away from their farms in substantial agricultural swathes of the country. If the complications arising from the ongoing exceedingly slow effort to actualize state police will prove too complex to address in the short run, the PBAT administration should fast-track its plan enunciated during the campaigns to establish well-armed and equipped forest rangers to safeguard our vast forests and expansive farmlands.

    One paradox of the food availability crisis in Nigeria is that, despite the fragile security situation, substantial amounts of food produced on farms in parts of the country get spoilt due to difficulties in transporting them to urban markets. This is not a new problem. Decades ago, in one of his publications, Chief Obafemi Awolowo noted that “enormous waste and artificial scarcity of food products occur, from time to time, simply because we have no modern storage, processing, transport, and marketing facilities to deal with them in and out of season. This ill must be corrected”. It is inexcusable that this scenario still obtains over six decades after independence. Our state governments, particularly those that are potentially viable but dormant agricultural zones, should prioritize rural-urban roads, rural water and electrification, and rural as well as urban agricultural storage facilities over urban flyovers and other essentially vanity projects.

    However, allocating humongous amounts to agricultural revitalization cannot achieve the desired objectives if the sector remains largely unorganized and pre-modern for the highest number of our farmers. Here again, Awolowo, whose administration in the Western Region in the first republic ran a vibrant and prosperous agricultural sector has wise words of admonition which are still relevant to our situation today. According to him, “The state governments should take immediate steps to mobilize and organize our farmers into Cooperative Societies throughout the country. A Cooperative Unit of between 100 and 200 practicing farmers, depending on the type of crops to be cultivated, should be the optimum. In this regard, it must be constantly borne in mind that the individual farmer, except a rich landowner, is not a viable proposition. Secondly, each state government should provide the cooperating farmers with areas of farmland that are adequate for the fulfillment of their aims and objects. Thirdly, revenue should be allocated to the states in such a manner as to enable each of them to give massive financial and technical assistance to cooperating farmers who must, of course, register their organizations as limited liability corporations under the Cooperative Law of the state”.

    If we utilize the present food crisis as an opportunity to respond to the challenge of hunger and achieve not only food availability and affordability, we can also emerge as a major food exporter thus earning external revenue and reducing pressure on our national currency. Apart from the agricultural sector, President Tinubu’s recent Executive Order suspending import duties and Value-Added Tax on crucial medical imports has also been praised by stakeholders in the sector as being capable of helping to boost local production of drugs and other healthcare products thus bringing down current high medical costs. This is clearly another example of turning a crisis into an opportunity to respond appropriately to a challenge and recording progress in a sector critical to the general well-being of the citizenry.

    In a report on Thursday, this newspaper’s Associate Editor, Adekunle Yusuf, quoted the Director-General of the Nigeria Employers Consultative Association (NECA), Mr. Adewale-Smatt Ayorinde as commending the initiative of introducing zero tariffs, excise duties, and VAT on specific pharmaceutical raw materials and specialized machinery”. According to the NECA DG, “This sector can now breathe…The Executive Order comes at a time when local pharmaceutical companies are grappling with an acute shortage of productive raw materials, high production costs, and low output due to the high cost of importing productive machinery and other input materials”.

    Still on the issue of economic crisis as challenge, response, and opportunity for progress, the Director-General of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), Mr Segun Ajayi-Kadir, was quoted by a national newspaper on Monday as stating that the recent exit of some multinational companies from Nigeria offers a golden opportunity for homegrown manufacturers to thrive in the country with proper government empowerment.

    According to the report in the Vanguard, “Ajayi-Kadir noted in a media chat that the apparent setbacks suffered due to the exit of the multinationals could be turned into an opportunity by placing the spotlight on homegrown manufacturers by the government empowering the domestic manufacturing sector. He stated: “I think there is a strong lesson to be learned here. The big ones leaving are the multinationals, which should send a clear signal to the government. We need to be strategic in what we promote. He is unlikely to go anywhere if you have a challenged local manufacturer. That is why we say foreign direct investment is excellent but it should come secondary to empowering the local investor, the existing manufacturers, because that is what is enduring”.

    Over three decades ago, as one of the guest speakers at the First Obafemi Awolowo Foundation Dialogue, the renowned economist, the late Professor Pius Okigbo, citing the experience of Biafra during the civil war, stressed the capacity of crisis to create the requisite opportunity for Nigeria to achieve the technological breakthrough imperative for national economic transformation and development.

    In his words on that occasion, “Why do I seem so confident that Nigeria is capable of producing the technological change required to propel the country into the next century? I am heartened by the fact that it has been done before. The Nigerian civil war proved beyond doubt that with determination and a conducive environment, the Nigerian can be induced to recreate a technological civilization. The “Biafran” scientific community was able to develop entirely out of pure local materials, weaponry that included anti-aircraft rockets, mortar bombs, land mines, tanks and armoured troop carriers, food substitutes involving the use of hitherto unused plants and crops”.

    Continuing, Professor Okigbo said that Biafran scientists “succeeded in building out of entirely locally fabricated materials a giant petroleum refining facility and thereby made the technology so diffuse and more universally understood and applied than anywhere else in the world. They installed an air traffic control on wheels for use in an airport utilized only in the hours of darkness. Yet, save the airport of Johannesburg, that airport was able to handle more flights in those few dark hours per night than any other airport in Africa operating twenty-four hours of the day. These are solid technological achievements started and learned in less than three years of wartime…The conclusion is inescapable that for our innovative genius to flourish, it is, perhaps, necessary to recreate a synthetic crisis or emergency atmosphere”.

    Due to no fault of its own but largely to inherited challenges, Nigeria confronts today, under the PBAT administration, a situation that is the economic equivalent of warfare. That crisis can propel us to rise to the occasion and break the chain, particularly of technological dependency but, among other imperative factors, the Tinubu administration must create the requisite conditions for the scientific, intellectual, and technological communities to be appropriately remunerated, motivated and respected to lead the charge.

  • Journeymen coaches? Not again

    Journeymen coaches? Not again

    Let’s face the brass task. It would be easier for the proverbial carmel to pass through the eye of the needle than for Nigeria to qualify for the 2026 World Cup competition. Reason – South Africa has more ‘home’ games than others in the group with the Zimbabweans opting to play their home fixtures where they can garner points in South Africa. No chance. Not when Bafana Bafana are smelling blood with Nigeria’s wobbling performance in the first four qualification games. Super Eagles haven’t won a match which includes drawing Lesotho in Nigeria and holding the Zimbabweans to another nerve-wrenching draw. Need I remind ourselves about the Eagles’ shambolic 2-1 loss to the Republic of Benin on neutral ground in Cote d’ Ivoire. Note this game will be a piece of cake under the same setting for South Africa when the fixtures are played on this neutral ground. I love Nigeria but truth must be told if we hope to correct our flaws.

    It is only the unrepentant optimist who won’t raise the alarm about Nigeria’s chances of qualifying for the next Mundial. I dare to be different. It serves us right. The rot of our game in churning out good and talented players from the nurseries, if they do exist, is far and wide apart from the dentition of 100 years 100-year-old humans. Let me state here categorically that the present Super Eagles are a bunch of average players (no thanks to the late Shuiabu Amodu), who talk too much before games are played rather than allow their outings to speak for their capabilities.

    These loquacious players have made the Super Eagles lose their fear factor whenever they step onto the pitches for matches anywhere in the world. One can’t forget how Nigeria lost a 4-0 advantage to Sierra Leone to draw 4-4 against the Lone Stars inside the Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia Stadium in Benin City. The players won’t forget in a hurry how they were smuggled out of the stadium in a commando fashion to escape the wrath of the irate fans who were visibly miffed by their sickening performance on the night. Indeed, these Super Eagles are good for nothing, otherwise, how do you explain their insistence on having their share of the Africa Cup of Nations’ $4 million largesse for the last tournament in which Nigeria finished as runners-up to the eventual winners, Cote d’ Ivoire? For all that the players, coaches, and officials got from the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration as rewards for being beaten finalists, it leaves a sour taste in the mouth that they could be fighting for more cash after being paid all their entitlements, daily allowances, flight tickets and housed in some of the best hotels in the world anywhere they stayed.

    I still insist that had President Tinubu not released N12 billion to the NFF to offset debts owed to the players, coaches, and officials across all the national teams, the Super Eagles wouldn’t have played in the finals of the last edition of the Africa Cup of Nations. So, those who during the Nations Cup told all of us that Nigeria would lift the diadem should allow us our sanity and stop blaming President Tinubu for doing what he did by rewarding the silver-winning Super Eagles. These are the enemies of the game here. Has he forgotten the ‘golden’ bronze Super Eagles?

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    Has he forgotten that he informed Nigerians that the Eagles with a Nigerian coach sitting on the technical crew bench was all that we needed to sail smoothly? This President Tinubu blame game is part of the gimmicks they use to sell themselves to the government to become members of any committee on the Super Eagles. I digress!

    How much is $4 million that the players, coaches, and officials can’t ignore at a time the fans are grieving over a likely eight-year absence from the senior World Cup? As it is, the team is in a precarious fifth place in a group that has Lesotho, Zimbabwe, the Republic of Benin, and South Africa. Did I hear you say, dear reader, who the hell do they think they are? Absolutely.

    Are the Eagles saying that they can’t resolve to qualify the country for the next Mundial by applying themselves the way they do during their European clubs’ matches? Isn’t it also true that some European clubs also owe big players some cash which we only get to read about when they are changing clubs? There are six matches left for the 2026 World Cup qualification series and we can only qualify if the players play for their fans as if their lives depend on it. The fans are tired of the players’ mercantile tendencies at such critical times when the country’s pride ought to be celebrated by beating our opponents groggy with goals.

  • 25 years of uninterrupted legislative governance

    25 years of uninterrupted legislative governance

    In democracy, the Parliament is the first and most important organ of government. It underscores representativeness and a high level of inclusion as lawmakers are elected from diverse constituencies for law making, approval for budgets, ministerial screenings, performance of oversight functions and general legislative governance.

    The National Assembly, made of the Senate and House of Representatives, should be a partner in progress with the Executive arm, without compromising the principle of separation of powers and its accompanying checks and balances. It is counterproductive when the two branches of government co-exist in an adversarial manner. There should be no basis for rivalry that can cripple cordial relationship and upset the system.

    The quality of governance is related to the quality of legislative output. The failure of the legislature can create contraints, impede effevtive administration and slow down the works of the executive in its avowed commitment to the tasks of developmental governance. But, the executive is also expected to be sensitive to the pre-eminent position of the law making body as the anchor of popular rule. The executive cannot afford to be a bully in a democratic society.

    In a developing society like Nigeria, the parliament is on the weighing scale. Twenty five years after the restoration of civil rule, the country has witnessed unprecedented political stability, without an iota of legislative disruption. The contributions of the National Assembly to the growth of democracy would be determined by the efficient discharge of its constitutional duties and various interventions critical to the repositioning of the polity.

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    The journey began in 1999 with the National Assembly of a blend of old timers, seasoned politicians, experienced technocrats and promising youths. It was dubbed a nascent democracy, and a learning process, whereby actors were expected to learn the ropes, stumble where necessary, acquire skills and serve with patriotism the cause of nation building and development.

    The men of the old order in the Senate included Melford Okilo, Jim Nwobodo, Ike Nwachukwu, Wahab Dosunmu, Joseph Waku, Jonathan Zwingiwa, Chuba Okadigbo, David Mark, Rowland Owie, Modu Sheriff,  Evan Ewerem, Arthur Nzeribe, Dalhatu Tafida, Bello Maitama Yusuf, Femi Okunrounmu, Tunde Ogbeha, Alex Kadiri, Lekan Balogun, Idris Kuta, and Ibrahim Mantu.

    The youths at that time were Pius Ayim, Gbenga Aluko and Tokunbo Afikuyomi. The Lower Chamber was headed by a youth, Salisu Buhari.

    Both the executive and legislature, however, lacked ideological foundation. The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) could not fill the gap in terms of ideological orientation and inspiration. There was no clear compass beyond the euphoria of the military disengagement and transfer of power to a new set of civilian rulers. Some AD senators, led by Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa, appeared to be ideologues. But, they were in clear minority. Also, the opposition under presidential system cannot be as effective as an opposition under the parliamentary system.

    Besides, Nigerians elected as president in 1999 a soldier who never purged himself of residual dictatorial tendencies; a General who could not easily adjust fully to the requirements of a civilian rule. President Olusegun Obasanjo was not like President Shehu Shagari or Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa who have never leaned on the barrels of gun.

    The first Senate and House of Representatives were instantly assailed by leadership crisis, just as there were commotions in many Houses of Assembly, including Lagos State where honourable members threw chairs. The Senate had three Senate Presidents within two years.

    While the Senate was disposed to electing Dr. Okadigbo as Presiding Officer, Obasanjo rooted for Ewerem, who won the in-house poll. But, he was later removed and Okadigbo took his place.

    There was acrimonious relationship between the Executive and Senate, aptly characterised by threats of impeachment against the president. Okadigbo never survived the heat afterwards. When he was shoved aside, Ayim became Senate President. The only controversy the Senate had to contend with was the alleged N4 million furniture allowance, although the Upper Chamber also suspended some erring members in the spirit of parliamentary discipline.

    The House of Representatives did not fare better. Salisu Buhari looked very promising; matured in outlook, urbane, respected by colleagues and loved by many Nigerians. But, his certificate had a k-leg. The reality of an abrupt end to an illustrious career stared him in the face. Owing up to his unpardonable misdemeanor, he wept bitterly, threw in the towel and left for school.

    His successor, Ghali Na’ Abba, became a thorn in the flesh of OBJ, as Obasanjo is fondly called. They never saw eye to eye. Na’ Abba wanted to assert legislative independence and he had the support of majority in the House. He was committed to the principle of separation of powers, non-interference in parliamentary affairs by the executive, and defence of the constitution and rule of law. He believed that the Executive should be held accountable to the people.

    Due to these principled positions, he was branded a confrontational element unwilling to properly collaborate with the President and national leader of his party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He never succeeded in impeaching Obasanjo and Obasanjo never succeeded in removing him as Speaker. But it was a cat and mouse relationship.

    While the House of Representatives experienced leadership stability for another four years after Na’Abba’s exit, the Senate remained unstable. In the House, Bello Masari avoided previous pitfalls and strengthened his leadership by being humble and promoting inclusion. He tended to imbibe the idea of either “we collectively survive or sink together.”

    The Senate Presidency had to rotate to all the states of Southeast. When Adolphus Wabara had to vacate the Number Three position in controversial circumstance, the Senate made Ken Nnamani Senate President. Thus, in eight years, the Senate had five presiding leaders and the House of Representatives had three.

    After Olubunmi Ette was deposed as Speaker and Dimeji Bankole came on board, the House of Representatives started having leadership stability. After Bankole came Aminu Tambuwal, who contrary to the wish of his party that Munika Akande should be Speaker, sought help from the opposition to assume control. The same style was copied by his successor, Yakubu Dogara, who became Speaker without the endorsement of his party, unlike his successors, Femi Gbajabiamila and Tajudeen Abbas, who were anointed by party leaders.

    The Senate Presidency of Mark for eight years was marked by stability and reduction in executive/legislative tension, unlike during the tenure of his sucessor, Bukola Saraki, who was also battling for survival in the court.

    However, there is more cordial relationship between Tinubu’s Presidency and the current leadership of the National Assembly in the spirit of ‘Renewed Hope Agenda.’

    Unlike European and American parliaments, there is a high turnover of parliamentarians in Nigeria. They are trained to acquired skills. In four years, they have garnered experience. But, the re-election bid of majority often collapse.

    Governors and senators, until recently, are hardly friends. There is an inexplicable rivalry, the effect of which normally makes federal lawmakers to lose renominations. Many governors perceive senators as threats to their second term ambitions and succession plans instead of seeing themselves as leaders working for the progress of their states.

    In the last 25 years, the National Assembly has passed oustanding bills into laws. Notables are the Procurement Act, Fiscal Responsibility Act, Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative Act, New Police ACt, Niger Delta Development Commission, the New Electoral Act, the Freedom of Information Act, and tge Not-Too-Youbg-To-Rule Act.

    Piecemeal constitutional reviews have been attempted. None has led to the resolution of the national question, devolution and decentralisation of power for the purpose of fostering federalism.

    Yet, in two instances, the National Assembly lived to expectation. In 2007, majority of federal lawmakers resisted the third term agenda and insisted on the constitutional and orderly transfer of power.

     Also, in 2010, the Doctrine of Necessity was invoked and former Vice President Goodluck Jonathan became Acting President when ailing President Umaru Yar’Adua was on prolonged medical leave. On some occasions too, Senate President and House of Representatives Speaker have waded into Federal Government/Labour feud to prevent constant strikes. But, the National Assembly deserves more credit for its highly revealing and painstaking oversight functions on the Executive and its many agencies.

    From 1999 to date, the salaries and other entitlements of members of the Senate and Representatives have been shrouded in secrecy and controversy, making critics to insinuate that they receive a jumbo pay at the expense of the country.

    It is gratifying that in the current administration, there is amity between the Executive and the Legislature. It should not be taken for granted. The Senate and Representatives cannot afford to be rubber-stamped or robot.

    In the past, resolutions of the National Assembly were flagrantly ignored. It is not tidy in a democracy; it is an affront on the people’s representatives.

    Nigerians want to see a more vibrant National Assembly dedicated to unity in diversity, promotion of the federal principle, war against corruption, self-sacrifice, protection of common man and defense of the national interest.

  • Lessons from the UK elections

    Lessons from the UK elections

    The UK elections of 2024 when viewed in the future will be termed as  historic in many ways, with significant implications not only for the country’s political landscape and future direction but also for the globe, especially the Commonwealth.

    As the dust settles on the results, with Labour’s landslide victory, there are several key takeaways  one might take from.the polls, the state of British politics and what lies ahead for the UK.

    The first major takeaway from the 2024 elections is the resurgence of the Labour Party. After years of internal division and uncertainty, coupled with a series of weak leadership that allowed the Conservatives  to emerge victorious, despite their own divisions and failures in a number of areas, the Labour Party this time around did give the Conservatives a shellacking to secure a strong majority in Parliament. While this result might largely be seen as a vindication of the party’s leadership under Keith Starmer, I will disagree with such a notion and rather blame the Conservatives for their own  defeat owing to a number of slips and controversies that dogged the Tories and eventually made way for Keith Starmer who wasn’t spectacular on the hustings.  Surprisingly a Rishi Sunak who had a clearer message and sounded more coherent and consistent with his policies and agenda had to pay for such missteps  made by his predecessors.

    Labour’s success in the 2024 elections cannot be said to reflect their ability to appeal to a broad cross-section of voters but stemmed from Britain’s wariness of Conservative Party’s indecisiveness on a number of issues such as high cost-of-living crisis, a growing immigration problem,  poor infrastructure and a tattered healthcare system among other challenges, whilst Sunak looked ready to lead the United Kingdom back to promising times, the average Briton had taken enough.

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    Another key takeaway from the 2024 elections was the impact of smaller parties on the political landscape. Parties such as the  Liberal Democrats, Reform UK and the Green Party made a few gains, whereas a party like the Scottish National Party (SNP) floundered in their traditional stronghold areas. Again, Nigel Farage’s significant gains in the election, withered or took votes that naturally ought to.have gone to the Conservatives.  Reform’s campaign rhetoric which allied with a number of British voters  was enough to blow up Sunak’s chances of remaining prime minister this time around.

    Liberal Democrats picking up seats in traditional Conservative and Labour strongholds and the SNP losing most of its stronghold to Labour dents whatever  appeals the SNP may make for Scottish independence just ten years after it lost the 2014 referendum.  The success of the Liberal Democrats alongside the losses of the  SNP also highlights the importance of regional and local issues in shaping voter preferences and the need for parties to address these concerns in order to remain competitive.

    The 2024 elections also underscored the importance of social and economic issues in shaping voter behavior. The issues which I had raised earlier were major concerns for voters in the election, however how a Labour Party which had a Keith Starmer  who wasn’t coherent on a number of issues and parties emerge winner as against Sunak who  addressed  these issues and offered more concrete solutions is a testament to the uncertainties  of politics, some have cited Sunak’s ancestry as a factor but this is the same Britain that saw Sunak, a third generation British Indian getting elected thrice and eventually becoming Prime Minister.

    I wish to also point out that the elections went on without what we here in Nigeria readily experience? There were no reports of ballot box snatching or  inducements of any kind to voters neither were there outlandish claims of victories by those who lost elections and knew they lost. Following the UK elections, I have come to the conclusion that Nigeria still has a long way to go !  The keen focus on issues and the appeal to facts by the parties should naturally make an ordinary Nigerian envious of the Brits.

    Overall, the 2024 UK elections will surely serve as a watershed moment in British politics, with far-reaching implications for the country’s future direction. The resurgence of the Labour  Party, the challenges facing the Labour Party, the success of smaller parties, and the importance of key issues all point to a shifting political landscape in the UK. As the new government takes office and begins to address the pressing issues facing the country, it will be critical for parties to listen to and engage with voters in order to build a more inclusive and effective political system. Ultimately, the 2024 elections serve as a reminder of the power of the electorate and the need for parties to earn the trust and support of the British people in order to govern effectively.

  • Azu Ishiekwene as skilled media mechanic

    Azu Ishiekwene as skilled media mechanic

    In an interview he granted during the tenure of Mr Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) as governor of Lagos State, famous writer and Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, described the former governor as a skilled mechanic demonstrating remarkable dexterity in minding the machinery of statecraft in the country’s economic and commercial nerve center. That phrase, ‘skilled mechanic’ came to my mind as I recently got and read through aspects of the new book, ‘Writing for Media and Monetizing It’, written by renowned columnist, editor, media executive and entrepreneur, Azu Ishiekwene.

    There are certainly few people as qualified to write this kind of book in Nigeria today and the high quality of his offering testifies to this. It is no wonder that some of the best minds in journalism and media practice as well as studies today – Dapo Olorunyomi, Sonala Olumhense, Professor Olayinka Esan, Professor Abimbola Adelakun or Professor Abiodun Adeniyi among others – do not hesitate to enthusiastically recommend this book to those who desire not only to master the art of writing for the media but to also reap reasonable financial bounties from such preoccupation.

    Like a skilled media mechanic and technician, Azu takes his reader through the nuts and bolts, the intricacies and dynamics of writing for the media and making it a profitable enterprise. One thing that comes across in this book is the writer’s generosity of spirit, an infectious enthusiasm to share the secrets of a craft he has labored to master over three and a half decades with both newcomers and older practitioners on the terrain.

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    As he puts it in the preface, “The book title clearly suggests a media bias – media here meaning traditional and social media. This is deliberate. Audiences in these areas are my primary focus. Whether you are in school, just starting out on a writing career path or are, in fact, in the middle level of your career, you would find this book useful. It draws not only on my personal experience – struggles and triumphs- but also from professional colleagues across age brackets who generously shared their experience with me”.

    Azu is able to dilate authoritatively on writing for diverse variants of media, traditional and social, as a viable route to prosperity because he is walking his talk. He writes for scores of outlets both within and outside the country many of which pay for his services and expertise. The author also advises on how to leverage even on outlets that do not necessarily pay for contributions to broaden the writer’s reach, enhance visibility and increase stature and prominence.

    Much of this book that runs into 259 pages divided into 15 chapters deal with specific nuts, bolts and mechanics of the writing trade including finding your voice in chapter one, choosing your subject in chapter two, creating your style in chapter three, connecting with your audience in chapter four and finding and using literary resources in chapter five. In his slim volume, ‘We are all journalists now’, respected journalist and former Minister of Sports and Youth Development, Sunday Dare, interrogated the phenomenon of ‘citizen journalism’ and the conflicts and contradictions arising from this ‘democratization’ of media practice in relation to the ‘professional’ traditional media.

    Azu also interrogates in greater depth the interrelationships between the traditional and social media and how the former has in particular creatively adapted to the demands of the latter to expand reach and benefit from innovations arising from new technologies. For those who have criticized many of the denizens of social media for operating with scant regard to legal restraints and respect for the privacy of citizens, Azu’s chapter on minding the law will prove invaluable to sanitizing the terrain at least as regards those who are teachable, willing to learn and disposed towards attaining a reasonable level of professionalism in what is otherwise an all comers arena.

    Having put in over three and a half decades of journalism myself, much of which included news analyses, features articles, editorials and column writing, why did I eagerly seek out and read Azu’s new book? First, is the author’s reputation as one of the most informed, witty and impactful columnists in contemporary Nigerian journalism. His incisive mind, cutting intelligence, pithiness of expression and inimitable sense of humor make the book pleasurable reading for its own sake. Beyond this, in the face of Nigeria’s protracted crises of poverty and underdevelopment, even experienced hands in the trade can benefit from learning new tricks of monetizing their talents and skills.

    A graduate of Mass Communication in his first degree and with a Masters degree in Public Administration and International Affairs from the University of Lagos, Azu came into journalism with an eye to honing his writing skills and perfecting his craft after the fashion of his teacher, renowned journalism scholar and inimitable columnist and satirist, Professor Olatunji Dare, and other mentors including the late Dele Giwa, Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese and Yakubu Mohammed. He stresses all through the importance of being mentored in developing one’s craft to the level that it adds value enough to be reasonably profitable.

    The late atheist, social critic, humanist and columnist, Dr Tai Solarin, once wrote an article in which he admonished aspiring young writers to read as widely and deeply as possible in the great literatures of the world. Learning to write masterfully, he advised, was very much like learning to play soccer. Rather than grabbing a book on the rules of soccer and studying such to become a star footballer, you must just get on the field and play as often as possible. Thus, practice would make perfect. Like soccer, like writing, Solarin advised the budding writer. Thus, in giving an instance of his own development as a writer, Azu notes that “I expanded my reading list by adding some of my favourite and evergreen writers like Charles Dickens and Mark Twain. I also returned to some leading African writers, especially Chinua Achebe and Camara Laye”.

    Apart from those intent on writing for the media, this book is also an invaluable resource to those who are desirous of writing and publishing books that sell. This is one area in which I have personally found it quite useful and valuable. At the end of each chapter, the author not only provides review exercises, he itemizes critical take aways and suggests books and online resources for further reading.

    Other enlightening and invaluable chapters in this book focus on managing feedback and trolls, writing for global audiences, branding your content, using artificial intelligence without losing one’s originality and, of course, making money! Just like Andrew Carnegie’s immortal’How to Win Friends and Influence People’, this book is surely set to be a classic as it meets very specific needs that are relevant and necessary across time and space.

    In the writer’s words, “For me, writing this was like walking back through the years of my career, beginning from when there was even no career but just a dream to become a writer someday, to my schools when I was formally introduced to the craft, through many changes along the way, a good number of which I didn’t see coming. You don’t have to wear my shoes or tread my path. But this book is a good guide for common obstacles that many literary content providers face in the new world, as they try to make their own way”. I wish I had a book like this as a pathfinder at the commencement of my journalistic Odyssey nearly four decades ago.

  • Averting a minimum wage debacle

    Averting a minimum wage debacle

    Every country has a benchmark for paying its workers. What is a minimum wage in Country A may not be so in Country B; the same scenario plays out in the case of states.

     The fixing of the minimum wage depends on the resources available and the ability to sustain the payment over the years. This is the crux of the debacle that has greeted the minimum wage debate in Nigeria.

    Considering how far the pendulum has swung so far, dialogue remains the only way to find a solution to the debate. The lingering stalemate was just a phase of the entire process. The goal should be a win-win, based on renegotiation with more clarity of thoughts and openness in an atmosphere of mutual trust.

    As the Federal Government, Labour, and the Organised Private Sector (OPS) resume residual negotiation on the minimum wage discussion, failure can be averted, if the two sides mutually embrace reality.

    The main issue is not what the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) wants the government to offer but what it can afford without creating strains on the efforts at meeting other items on the national expenditure list. The ability to pay would determine the sustainability of the proposed wage.

    There are two dissenting voices from opposite directions – Labour and governors. Unless the positions are harmonised, government and Labour cannot move forward on the issue.

    As a democratic, President Bola Tinubu has opted to widen consultations on the wage proposal before sending an Executive Bill to the National Assembly. His position followed the submission of the report by the Tripartite Committee on Mimimum Wage.

    Although the committee has recommended N62,000, as agreed by the Federal Government and private employers of labour, the NLC has kicked against it, insisting on N250,000.

    Instructively, there is a division in the government. The Federal and the 36 states’ governments are not on the same page over the proposal. While the Federal Government is pushing for N62,000, a hundred per cent increase, judging by the subsisting N30,000 minimum wage, governors have doubted the ability of states to pay the money. Also, local government chairmen, under the aegis of the Association of Local Government of Nigeria (ALGON), have said they cannot meet the demand, unless there is a revenue adjustment to channel more resources to the councils.

    The argument of governors is that states are not equally endowed. Some are rich and many are poor. Even increased allocations to states in recent times have not led to improved service delivery. Despite the increased allocation, many states cannot pay the N30,000 wage agreed with Labour in 2019 under the Muhammadu Buhari administration.

    Besides, some governors have argued that in a federal system, wage or salary determination should not be based on a uniform formula, despite the mistake of nationally adopting a uniformity of emolument for elective office holders.

    After their meeting in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital, Southern governors suggested that each state should be allowed to negotiate the new wage with labour unions.

    They noted that the ability to pay and the cost of living in each state should be considered before a decision is taken on an agreeable sum to be adopted as the benchmark.

    Labour’s demand for a pay rise is legitimate in the light of current economic realities. The economy is on crutches. Indeed, the decision by the Federal Government to remove fuel subsidy and refloat the exchange rate has unleashed a cost of living crisis, underscored by increases in the prices of goods and services.

    The cost of living is soaring while the quality of living is declining. Prices of goods and services, including foodstuffs, house rents, air tickets, school fees, transport fares and hospital bills, are moving up in geometric proportions. The value of the currency has decreased. Households are in turmoil over their inability to adjust to the economic trends. Dependents suffer.

    Labour is bitter that income and resource distribution are skewed and the lopsidedness is to the advantage of the few in the corridors of power. They are uncomfortable with the real or imagined vulgarian lifestyles and opulence of some public office holders in a country where the poor cannot afford three square meals per day.

    The gap between the rich and the poor widens daily. The current salary structure cannot meet the modest needs of families. From the point of view of NLC, a salary increment is inevitable. But it is not the end of the matter. If the salary is increased without a surgical operation on the economy, workers will only feel a momentary impact. In a country where there is no regular electricity and domestic fuel consumption is conditional on importation, the huge cost of people’s welfare, including civil servants, is burdensome. Even the ease of doing business is suspect in the light of an atmosphere where businesses are constrained by various factors.

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    To the NLC, workers are being shortchanged in wealth distribution. Yet, Nigeria cannot function maximally without the input of its workers to productivity, as demonstrated by its recent two-day nationwide strike when electricity supply was cut, hospitals were shut, schools were closed and gates leading to airports were barricaded, thereby grounding air travels.

    However, private workers, artisans, peasants, self-employed citizens and other Nigerians have urged Labour to pull the brake. Relative to the general population, workers only account for a tiny fraction. Their argument is that if the budget is exclusively committed to salary payment for federal, state and local government workers, what would be left to service other items of expenditure – schools, hospitals, infrastructure, and environment – would be too small.

    The Federal Government has defended its offer of N60,000.00 per month, based on economic considerations and other non-monetary incentives it has offered to workers and other Nigerians. The arguments look a bit convincing.

    Government’s incentives include N35,000 wage award for all treasury-paid federal workers; N100 bill for the procurement of CNG-fuelled busses and CNG conversion kits; N125 billion for conditional grant and financial inclusion to MSMEs, N25,000 each to be shared to 15 million households for three months; N185 billion palliatives (loans to states) to cushion the effects of fuel subsidy removal; N200 billion to support the cultivation of hectares of land to boost food production; and N75 billion to strengthen the manufacturing sector.

    Others are: N1 trillion for student loan for higher education; 42,000 metric tonnes of grains from strategic reserve; distribution of 60,000 metric tonnes of rice from the millers’ association; salary increase of 25-35 per cent on all consolidated salary structures for federal workers; 90 per cent subsidy on health costs for federal civil servants registered on the NHIS; and light rail in Abuja to relieve transportation cost till the end of the year.

    At its next meeting, Labour, which had rejected what the Federal Government and OPS had agreed upon, may demand more concessions or impress it on government to shift grounds. But a hardline approach would be counterproductive.

    Some economic experts have also warned about the consequences of adopting an unrealistic and unsustainable wage increase. The first is that that government would have to borrow to pay. This would be illogical.

    The second is that employers in the private sector may be pushed to the wall and might resort to laying off their workers to stay afloat.

    President Tinubu’s decision to further consult or dialogue with the NLC provides an opportunity for his administration and Labour to thoroughly reevaluate the report of the Tripartite Committee. The NLC, which walked out of the previous meeting, will return to the negotiating table.

    If the Federal Government, the 36 governors, the OPS, and NLC could take a holistic look at the Labour’s request, a reasonable and logical agreement may be arrived at in national interest.

  • Resolving herdsmen issue in Nigeria (2)

    Resolving herdsmen issue in Nigeria (2)

    These eminent Nigerians sadly  have contrary views  to popular and what I will term as the factual opinion about ranching and resolving the nation’s perennial problem of the Fulani herdsmen. Goaded with cynical logic, they have danced around such less fanciful opinions to the chargrin of other Nigerians who cannot understand such opinions as it goes a gainst reason and common sense.

    They seem not to be alarmed about the numerous atrocities committed by these herdsmen; the killings, maimings  and other crimes committed by them, they are rather inspired by ethnicism to rise to the defence of their kith and kin even if such a stance would one day consume this nation infernally, such abnormal logic naturally takes leave of common sense but what do these Fulani chauvinists  care?

    Thus it is hollow beating for a sitting Senator like Senator Adamu Aliero to argue that cows are bonafide citizens  of Nigeria and thus the prohibition of  open grazing If passed into law would be an affront to the rights “moo-nigerians”! Ridiculous isn’t it, but this was in response to the bill, sponsored by Senator Titus Zam, representing Benue North West,seeking to  prohibit, nationwide open grazing.

    Readers may recall that a number of states had earlier through their state houses of assembly passed the anti open  grazing laws, states such as Benue, Imo, Cross River, Ebonyi, Rivers, Oyo and Anambra. However these laws seem not to be effective with reported cases of infractions by these Herdsmen. It is this to such that policy makers believe that  national legislation  would give more teeth to such laws  resolving longstanding conflicts between herders and farmers.

    But these political miss roads took a chance with showboating and decided to oppose the bill . Now, even if these senators sought to make a case for their people, one would have expected seasoned or expected seasoned leaders to have done such with panache and good logic such as ensuring the provision of adequate facilities within these ranches so that our brother nomads may benefit from getting an education, healthcare  and proper veterinary services which they seemingly lack due to their endless roaming. Perhaps these legislators ought to have argued that the ban shouldn’t take immediate effect which will give these herdsmen some time to adapt to the change , no the likes of Aliero had to shamelessly stand logic on its head and posit that such a law if passed would contravene the fundamental rights of the citizens of the country by banning the free movement of herders and their cattle..

    One may partly agree with Aliero on the freedom of right to movement but should such a right defy common sense?  Are these grazing routes which were permissible in the early 30’s and 40’s still feasible given the increase in population and climatic conditions?

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    Senator Aliero further argued that cattle ranching is majorly done in the North, this is an erroneous statement as most southern states have also witnessed an influx of such herders, recall the standoff between the late Rotimi Akeredolu and his counterpart in Bauchi State,  over the former’s directive to herdsmen to leave the forests in Ondo State.

    If cattle rearing wasn’t prominent in the South as Aliero falsely claims , Akeredolu  and Mohammed wouldn’t have had that standoff, furthermore the killings in Nimbo, Enugu states and other parts of Southern  Nigeria which have witnessed other gory atrocities supply contrary answers to Aliero’ erroneous claims

    Aliero was to further make himself look less of a statesman, when he in an interview with a major broadcasting station attempted to.compare the issues about herdsmen with the issue of spare parts dealing.

    How on earth, a former customs officer, Governor and serving senator could conflate the issues of herding cattle with spare parts sales is an irrefragable attestment to the fact that a country deserves the kind of leaders they get!

    In civilized climes the likes of Aliero would have been recalled for such drivel but this is Nigeria.

    Sparepart dealers are localized in shops and offices,.I have never seen or heard of a herd of spare parts dealers moving their spare parts from Upper Iweka to Zungeru, Gusau, Damaturu, Potiskum  and back. These sparepart dealers do not rape women, kill mothers and babies and burn homes. They do not attack farmers and graze upon farm produce nor do they violate ancestral places sacred to areas where they graze upon!

  • FIRS: The picture is here!

    FIRS: The picture is here!

    We are in a time of pronounced change of thinking in a positive direction in Nigeria after decades of misadventures. To support this change, we must focus on the key policies and drivers of reform in order to assist them in their endeavours. A crucial aspect of this transformation is transitioning from a consumption-based economy to one driven by productivity, essential for achieving sustainable development. To achieve this, there is an urgent need for the prioritization of revenue collection to redirect Nigeria’s very economic foundation. While we may not subscribe to the ‘great man theory of history’, the individual chosen to drive the process is indeed vital. In this context, the country’s chief revenue-earning driver plays a critical role, making him or her indispensable, especially in the situation we have found ourselves as a country and people.

    In the case of Nigeria, empirical evidence has shown that the ascent of Zacch Adedeji into the propeller of the engine room of the revenue collection process was imaginative and well-considered. Matter-of-factly, this is the first time Nigerians are seeing a seriousness of intent to move the country towards sustainable development on the part of the government at the centre and Adedeji must be commended for being at the epicenter of this effort. At a time like this in the history of global economic downturn and diminishing purchasing powers, an increase in government revenue without any corresponding increase in taxation is an attestation to one’s being on top of one’s job – that one has the managerial nuances to do the right thing because the country needs revenue without digging overly deep into extra tax regimes.

    The Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), under Adedeji, has started on a good note. It has done so impressively well that, less than one year in office, it recorded its highest tax revenue in six months and set an ambitious N19.4 trillion revenue target for 2024. Unlike Kenya and Argentina which faced challenges in managing their revenue collection, FIRS has successfully shown that ‘widening the tax net’ shouldn’t be interpreted as “being forced to pay but willingness to pay.” FIRS’ approach has shown that, if taxes are used properly, people will not hesitate to pay! In a word, that Nigeria has avoided the road to Kenya and Argentina is a plus for the “consequential agency”.

    Towards complementing President Bola Tinubu’s fiscal reforms, FIRS has created an environment that’s conducive for growth. It has introduced and implemented far-reaching fiscal reforms in specific areas like Innovation and Technology, Voluntary Tax Compliance, Data-Driven Strategies, Open-Door Policy, Tax System Simplification and ISO Certification. The Service has also migrated from annual filing of Transfer Pricing Returns and Country-by-Country Reporting notifications from e-TPPlat to TaxPro-Max Platform even as it has also waived administrative penalties previously imposed in accordance with Income Tax Regulations.

    Governments use tax incentives “to help increase economic development” and incentivized taxes make it less expensive and more profitable for a business to function. If intended and applied according to plan, tax incentives can attract investment to a country, increase employment as well as lead to a higher number of capital transfers. They can also encourage research and technology development, and bring improvement to less-developed areas. With these, even more, in mind, the introduction of means to encourage increase in tax compliance rate by the government becomes imperative.

    Reform in any form generally refers to the process of altering, improving or correcting a system, institution, or practice to make it more effective and equitable. The overall objective is to achieve a specific goal or set of goals. Reforms can have far-reaching impacts, and their effects may vary, depending on the specific context, implementation and stakeholders involved. Amongst its many positive advantages are improved efficiency, increased transparency, enhanced accountability and economic growth. Others are encouragement of investment, improvement in public services and enhancement of social justice.

    That said, resistance to reforms can rear its ugly head in many ways, ranging from institutional inertia, public apathy and opposition from vested interests to disinformation, political or ideological disagreements and resistance from, or lobbying by, those who benefit from the status quo. Among others are intimidation, political polarization and passive-aggressive behaviour.

    Reforms can be a periodic moment of sacrifices for future benefits. It can also involve temporary disruptions to existing systems. Expectedly however, reforms have always been met with criticisms, skepticisms and impatience, especially during the gestation period. In most cases, these may lead to media trials, raising and sharing of unsubstantiated allegations and the like.

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    Assuredly, FIRS is on a good foot. It is also doing the right job. Thankfully, the reinvigorated Service is being led by a shrewd accountant, corporate tax and public finance expert. He is an icon of capacity, competence and visionary leadership. Without a shred of doubt, he is one valuable member of the president’s team who has exhibited great political will, especially by shifting the course from the belief that the national government cannot generate enough revenue without raising taxes. But then, the journey to reform is not without challenges. So, FIRS as an important agency of the government must avoid distractions. It must at all times demolish cyber mischiefs, deal with insider connivance and prevent lousy merchants of retrogression from hijacking the gains of the very good start that it has made. For example, there may be companies which may not want to pay their taxes and will want to rubbish, especially, its leadership. Ethno-religious dimensions to disruptions may also not be ruled out! After all, in a war of this shape and size, ‘win na win!’

    Well, insider connivance may not be anything strange or surprising in a clime like ours because any reform-compliant organization worth its mission is bound to face this type of fightback from reactionary forces whose remit is in rolling back the tide of progress. So, the Service’s path must be well-illuminated to discover and destroy traps from afar. Yes, the tasks before FIRS shouldn’t just be seen as a favour but a battlefield that requires formidable and effective security mechanisms which will ensure that insider distractions won’t survive in the Service.

    The essence of the media is to stabilize society! But society cannot be stabilized by taking public naivety as an advantage and an avenue to shove innuendoes and factual errors down the people’s throats. To this end, while FIRS shouldn’t hesitate to develop legs strong enough to dance to a music, it must also strive to address contrived disruptions by reactionary forces who expectedly will want to resist the new thrust of policy that the country so vitally needs; otherwise, it may indirectly be adopting a ‘blowout’ strategy in which case it will become a recurring decimal because the blackmailer never goes away! Coincidentally, this is the age of multimedia and the seriousness of the situation may draw its oxygen from the fact that bad news is not only noisier but also “sells because the amygdala is always looking for something to fear.”

    As Nigeria moves forward, FIRS must always foster a culture of transparency and accountability. It must also encourage internal whistleblowing and protect whistleblowers. Besides, it will be in the interest of the apex tax authority in Nigeria to strengthen internal controls and audit processes, and engage in effective communication and stakeholder management. Last of all, the Service must stay focused on its mandate and goals because once Nigeria’s internal revenue mechanism is not top-notch and internationally competitive, a sure road to derailment in her monetary policies and internal stability beckons.

    •May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Malnutrition in Northern Nigeria: The implications for development

    Malnutrition in Northern Nigeria: The implications for development

    Nigeria has had a history of paying little attention to the children/youth and women. In theory, there is always the rhetoric about women and children but in real practice, little is done by all tiers of government, local, state and federal governments to address in concrete and consistent terms the issues that concern that vulnerable group. The results can be seen all over the development indices across the length and breadth of the country.

    With a population of more than 200million, the country has more than 133million living in multi-dimensional poverty.  It has one of the highest out-of-school children at more than 20million and counting given the dire economic climate. There is record unemployment and double digit inflation. Over the past few years, insurgency, Boko Haram, banditry, farmer/herders conflicts and other socially repugnant  activities have impacted the food security in the country.

    The Northern part of the country has the land mass and farming population that have over the years provided for the country and some for exports. However, due to a number of factors, the agrarian North has seemingly lost its capacity to produce to capacity and the whole country is suffering the effects. Farmers in the North are finding it very difficult to do their jobs as banditry especially in the North West has become a very huge problem.

    The loss to the social menace of banditry and other security breaches in the North West has resulted in less productivity in the agricultural sector as farmers continue to stay away from their farms to avoid being kidnapped, killed or asked to pay ransom to be able to even work for the bandits who in some areas like Zamfara and Kaduna seize their lands from them. The implications of this are diverse but the most overwhelming is the fact that a huge number of under-fives, the demographic at most risk of the effects of malnutrition and women who birth and nurture them are either chronically malnourished, physically/mentally retarded dead or dying due to chronic malnutrition.

    The human resources of any nation is unarguably the most priced so nations that are developed have functional systems that nurture its citizens to be maximally productive. Part of the plan includes investing in health, education and shelter as basics. Under healthcare, nutrition and reproductive health take prime positions. This is because like one who expects bumper harvest, the seeds planted must have manure and water to grow and flourish.

    The United Nations Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF), claims that about 6 million children aged 0-59 months in North West and North East Nigeria are likely suffering and expected to suffer acute malnutrition from May 2022-April 2023. This includes 1,623,130 Severe Acute Malnutrition (SAM) cases and 4, 308,404 Moderate Malnutrition  (MAM) cases as at November 2022. Since the statistics, the situation has worsened as physical and food insecurity has negatively impacted families not just in the northern region of Nigeria but across the country.

    Generally, about 6.5% of children in Nigeria under five years experience wasting, this according to UNICEF is above the global average of 4.6%.  31.5%experience stunting which is above the global average of 19.9%. UNICEF, the World Food Programme (WFP) and Medicins Sans Frontiers (MSF) all agree that malnutrition in the Northern region must be tackled to save generations of children and by implication their mothers who go through reproductive phases that require their being well-nourished.

    From all indications, the number of malnourished children especially in the North is almost equal to the population of some countries. The implication is that there would be an impact on the population. Some might die and even those who survive could be battling with some developmental challenges that would impair their productive capacity. In processing issues of child-malnutrition, a lot of developmental variables surface. We look at the causative factors which must be carefully sorted if there must be progress. Poverty and illiteracy are core causes of malnutrition. Poor, illiterate parents are in a more disadvantaged position to raise healthy well-fed children. Information and availability of funds are needed for young women who become mothers to be well-nourished through feeding, they must be aware and have the nutrients available.

    In most cases, young malnourished mothers would most likely not survive the rigors of pregnancies/delivery and even if they do, the chances of giving birth to healthy children and nurturing them past the age of five is subject to a lot of factors; what disposable income is available, what foods are available, what information does the mother who is the primary care giver have about nutrition and hygiene? How concerned are the tiers of government to make those basic requirements available?

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    It is in the light of the above implications of chronic malnutrition in the Northern Nigeria that the Roundtable Conversation joined in the dialogue on, “Malnutrition Surge in Northern Nigeria: Addressing a Looming Humanitarian Crisis”, hosted by the Chancellor of Anthena Center for Policy and Leadership, the former Minister of Aviation, Osita Chidoka in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel Abuja on Thursday.

    The Roundtable Conversation spoke with Osita Chidoka and asked him why he thought such a conversation is necessary at this time. He pointed out that the people are the pillars that hold any country and as such their welfare must be rooted in sound health, mind and body must be a priority for all tiers of  government. To him, the children are the future of any nation and must be fully nurtured to develop the country. In his estimation, he thought that starting the conversation is a good step towards addressing what he feels needs an emergency action.

    The North West/North Central parts of the country unarguably used to produce the bulk of the food Nigerians in all regions consume in large quantities. The number of malnourished children and women in the region is to him an ill-wind that blows no one any good. The human resource must be well-nourished, developed and educated for maximum productivity to be achieved. He believes that beyond every other thing, a healthy mind in a healthy body must be the goal of any nation and he feels that the country must not wholly depend on development agencies and global institutions to supply the country with data, funds and statistics before actions can be taken.

    To him, the Minister of Health, Mohammed Ali Pate showed passion and leadership in rallying some of the state governors like that of Zamfara, Dr. Dauda Lawal, Niger, Mohammed Umaru Bago, Kebbi, Jigawa, Kebbi and Katsina sent representatives. The ministers of Agriculture,  Senator Abubakar Kyari sent a representative seeing that the issue of nutrition is rooted in agriculture and its ancillary products.

    The health minister told the audience the inter-ministerial and agency collaborations aimed at tackling the health challenges especially the emergency situation caused by malnutrition which of course is a culmination of factors over time and therefore would need a lot of strategizing and collaborations being addressed by the Tinubu government. Osita Chidoka maintained that the serious collaboration of governors, the health, agriculture and defense ministries must work together with other relevant agencies to create a conducive, accountable and dedicated attitude if the region must address the issue of chronic malnutrition.

    He believes that as a nation, we must look inwards and identify the strengths of each regionand invest in the strengths of each region. The inter-dependence of the constituent regions would flourish the moment the country addresses the fundamentals of systemic functionality. Each regional bloc must work on its areas of comparative advantage for the success of the nation. The Northern region to him has the land mass for agriculture and so the issue of malnutrition is a paradoxical misnomer. It must be addressed by all stakeholders in ways that each group can be assisted and held to account for functionality. He cited the example of Singapore stating that because of the cost of water production to the country, they rely on Malaysia and as such makes sure the relationship is mutually beneficial and functional.

    The governors of Zamfara and Niger states, Dauda Lawal and Mohammed Umaru Bago were impressive in their presentations. The governor of Niger was proud of the fact that the state with its massive land mass was investing seriously in agriculture through mechanized farming. It remains however for the federal government to tap into the  advantages of the state. The Zamfara security challenge that has been scaring farmers away must be holistically addressed in a state known for its agricultural production and solid minerals.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that the issue of malnutrition in the country must be treated as an emergency  so that the country doesn’t end up with a generation of Nigerians that are stunted mentally and physically.  Beyond the inter-ministerial, agency and state government collaborations, there are pertinent issues that must be addressed too. There must be more inclusiveness in governments at all levels. The women who are the nurturers must be educated. An illiterate mother has a higher chance of being blind to nutritional requirements of herself and her children.

    Child marriages must be discouraged. Sierra Leone has just passed a law banning child marriages. Nigeria has one of the highest numbers of child brides in the world. A child cannot raise a child. The Northern governors must collaborate with the traditional and religious leaders to educate the populace. No development comes to any nation where women are not empowered with education. It will amount to winking at a woman in the dark to make all the official efforts then leave out the women who are the hands that rock the cradle. That is a challenge the Roundtable Conversation would want the various state governors and the National assembly to address. Chronic malnutrition decimates a nation’s population the likes of which are only seen during wars. Nigeria cannot afford to fail her children.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Wanted: NPFL calendar

    Wanted: NPFL calendar

    The domestic league in Nigeria has in the last decade witnessed deliberate efforts to change the narrative of being the most corrupt league in the world. No hyperbole. This is a statement of fact. What hasn’t happened in the old order of the Nigeria league doesn’t exist. One is, however, excited that the domestic league can come to an end with thrills, embellishments, pomp and ceremony, and not tales of the unexpected.
    Most of the dubious things that happened in the past have passed away, with some club owners still one of the sore thumbs in the equation to rewrite the Nigerian league. The other plagues of the league are the referees and other match commissioners. No prize for guessing right that these men in black and their match supervisors and some unscrupulous owners who are desperate to have results, in their favour, remain the obstacles that should be flushed out in the coming football seasons.
    One was taken aback when the news filtered in that the NFF Appeals Committee was sitting two days before the already advertised end-of-season formalities to hear the appeal of the undecided game between Enugu Rangers and the hitherto defending champions Enyimba FC of Aba. The boardroom has a place of magic with members churning out laughable decisions with third-placed winners on the pitch, the eventual winners in the past. I recall all that transpired between Sharks FC of Port Harcourt and the defunct Udoji United FC. This was the setting that brought me in close contact with Chief Adokie Amiesimaka and Barrister Christopher Green, two gentlemen who gave their best to make the league the one of first choice in Africa, at least.

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    This time around, the Appeals Committee’s members showed that there was still something to cheer for in the league system with their remarkable decisions which ensured that the winners of the 2023/2024 Nigeria League emerged from the results secured on the playing field and not the mago mago in the boardrooms.
    Honourable Nduka Irabor stands out as the most impactful COO of the domestic league with breath-taking decisions that spoke to most of the flaws of the league. Like with all the good things in Nigeria, the sharp practices of the league fought back leading to Irabor walking away like the nobleman that he is. The older order led by the late Oyuki Jackson Obaseki in particular stepped on toes to rewrite the narrative of the league. Chief Gbenga Otolorin Elegbeleye and Prince Davison Owumi end the short list of people history would remember, who took bold steps to reinvent the domestic league. There are others too many to write about, but those mentioned, especially Irabor, earned their stripes here.
    Elegbeleye and Owumi must turn the corner of the domestic league with innovations such as GTI Asset Management and Trust Limited. Today, the winners of this year’s league diadem went home with N150 million given to them in a replica cheque ready to be cashed. Now that everyone knows the prize money for the league, it is important to ask how much is the competition or is it the league worth? How much of what is due to the league board from the 20 clubs is remitted? What is the level of compliance to all the requirements the 20 clubs must satisfy before they can truly be professional clubs, not quasi-professional clubs as they are today?
    When would we see the complete extinction of government clubs from the domestic league? Who says we can’t have a league competition of between six to 12 clubs that can satisfy the full requirements? Until the league organisers enforce this aspect of the league, we would just be running in circles on the spot. Need I state the effect of this running in circles entails?
    Which is the richest club in Nigeria and in what order are they ranked? What is the permissible salary cap for players in the Nigeria League? Is it appropriate for a relegated team in season 2023/2024 to buy up the space of a newly promoted team yet it retains the name of their relegated status in the mainstream league in the 2024/2025 season? Meaning a relegated team returns to the elite class through the backdoor bearing the same name?