The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • The fall of Shaibu

    The fall of Shaibu

    Philip Shaibu, the impeached deputy governor of Edo State, fell from power during the week in a plot believed to have been orchestrated by his boss, Governor Godwin Obaseki.

    The handwriting was boldly on the wall. The target saw the danger coming, but he lacked the street wisdom and the political firepower to avert it.

    Shaibu is downcast. He has vowed to fight on, partly encouraged by the few dispirited sympathisers he has attracted. But as Godwins Omobayo, a 37-year-old engineer from Ibilo in Akoko-Edo Local Government Area, immediately filled the vacuum created by his ouster, the reality about the end of his era dawned on his powerless supporters.

    The huge loss in the power game contrasted with the status he acquired almost four years ago. The same man who fought to keep him on the joint ticket dropped him, six months to the end of his second term with his erstwhile boss. He was cast out like a nominal fellow without a rich political background – used and dumped.

    Shaibu is down. But it may not be the end of his political career. Moments of political adversity can either strengthen or weigh down a political actor. The opportunity is still there for an astute politician to return to the drawing board and arm himself with novel strategies for survival.

    Read Also; How governors usurp Ifa’s role in choice of traditional rulers

    Some deputies like him were shoved aside in the past, only to bounce back in the National Assembly as senators. Others were not that lucky; they went into oblivion. Few in that category are yet to completely find their feet. They are loafing and floating in their regression to self-pity, licking the wounds of their mistakes and the tragedies inflicted on their illustrious political careers by senior political partners.

    Shaibu is a trained accountant. But he hardly anticipated that day of accountability when the table could suddenly turn. He is versed in auditing, a core professional course in his chosen field. But political auditing is a different ball game. The assessment criteria and tools could be highly subjective, suspect, partisan, sentimental and harsh. Thus, when the panel audited his activities, using an inexplicable method handed to them by his tormentors in the executive and legislative organs, he was inevitably found guilty.

    The overzealous House of Assembly closed its eyes to the subsisting court case and the presiding judge’s directive that the respondents, including the lawmakers and other agents of the state, should be put on notice.

    The transformation of the dethroned politician was instant. It was akin to a change of status from an asset to a liability. He was in Benin in the morning as a titular, lonely, and rejected ‘deputy’ man of power. Before noon, he had lost his immunity, strolling out of power as a loner. All entitlements – severance allowance, gratuity, and pension – if any, are hanging. Even, if he is pardoned in the future and the impeachment is reversed, the time lost cannot be regained. Left in the cold, he now contends with a fading influence.

    Shaibu has, for now, lost on two counts. Apart from losing the number two seat in Edo, he cannot also be fielded by any political party for the governorship election. According to the electoral commission, party nominations have closed. He lost out in the succession plan, which, fundamentally, was the bone of contention between him and his boss.

    It is ironic. When the hand of his principal was heavy on the state parliament, Shaibu was his partner in tyrannical tactics that smacked of the violation of the principle of separation of powers. For more than a year, 14 All Progressives Congress (APC) lawmakers-elect were not allowed to take their seats in the hallowed chamber till the end of their tenure. The state legislature was operating at half capacity. Those times were remarkable for panic and pain as democracy was on crutches in Edo and duly elected Assemblymen forfeited the legal and legitimate right to represent their constituencies.

    Little did Shaibu know that a fatal blow of fate awaited his position. He is not a greenhorn. But it is doubtful if he had taken cognisance of the nature of the Nigerian brand of presidential system that has made presidents and governors some sorts of emperors, dictators, neo-colonialists, imperialists, and lords of the manor. They brooked no opposition.

    A former governor once retorted: “Ordinary deputy governor? Who is his father?”

    The former deputy governor of Edo is not oblivious of the fate of those before him, including Enyinnaya Abaribe, Christopher Ekpenyong, Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele, Femi Pedro, Iyiola Omisore, Abiodun Aluko, Jude Agbaso, Ali Olanusi, Eze Madumere, and Simon Achuba. Their offence may be due to their lack of adjustment to the role of a spare tyre. Shaibu’s history or current affairs teacher in secondary school would have hinted him about the consequences of Ajasin/Omoboriowo, Ige/Afolabi and Ali/Akpofure imbroglio in the Second Republic. The scenarios conveyed the impression that though the constitution mandates the governor to run with a deputy, the deputy has no clearly defined and visible role, duties and responsibilities to perform in a presidential democracy beyond what the principal is inclined to permit.

    In some states, commissioners are in better reckoning than many deputy governors. Governors have never liked the fact that their deputies are the number one beneficiaries of official mishaps, either through impeachment, incapacitation or death. Obaseki might have been ready to accommodate Shaibu to the extent that he would not dream of succeeding him. That meant a sort of career sealing for an ambitious youth who perceives politics as a career and vocation.

    A star student union leader during his university days, Shaibu joined politics without much experience in remunerative labour and private business. Luck smiled at him as a member of the House of Assembly and later, the House of Representatives. His godfather and benefactor was the erstwhile labour leader, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, former governor and incumbent Edo North senator. Indeed, Oshiomhole was responsible for choosing Shaibu as Obaseki’s running mate in 2016. But the cordial relations ended after his inauguration. What only remained was the radical dress code; like the adorning of phoney Awo caps by some clever guys in the progressive camp.

    There was a conflict of interest. When a crisis broke out between godfather Oshiomhole and godson Obaseki, Shaibu declared his absolute loyalty to the governor. It was expected. But he did more. He also declared war against his mentor to the extent that when the senior comrade fell from the APC national chair, he was mocked by those whom he had assisted in gaining power, including His Excellency, the erstwhile deputy governor. .

    As the APC became hotter for Obaseki, he sought refuge in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). After securing the ticket, he also fought a hard battle to retain Shaibu as deputy. If the governor had not insisted on him, Shaibu would have suddenly become a wanderer in the wilderness.

    Shaibu’s ambition to become governor never aligned with Obaseki’s succession plan. When he tabled his proposal before the captain, it was declined. Obaseki insisted, in the spirit of equity, fairness, and justice, that the slot should go to Edo Central, which has not produced a governor since 1999. Those were not the only reasons. It may be that Obaseki also peeped into the future and realised that someone who could ditch his mentor may also do the same thing to him after leaving office.

    Shaibu has an inalienable right to contest, but it was evident that without the support of the state party leader, his ambition was dead on arrival.

    The options open to the former governor are four. Shaibu can team up with APC in his district to battle PDP. There is no permanent friend or foe in politics but permanent interest. However, at the initial stage, Shaibu’s former APC colleagues may loathe his defection while recalling the old betrayal.

    He can join another party, either the Labour Party (LP) or any mushroom platform, rebuild it, and use it for negotiation. It is not an easy option.

    Alternatively, he can remain in PDP, and endure the shame and pain of denial. This means that he would not earn the label of a serial defector.

    The last option is to retire from politics and pursue a career in his enviable accounting profession, acquire a chartered status if he has not already done so, work hard to become an ICAN Fellow, launch into business, using his political connections, and become an entrepreneur of repute and employer of labour.

    The last option is fantasy. Politicians never contemplate retirement from the game of intrigues. They keep hope alive, despite any setback, and hope is an elixir of life.

  • Governors, deputies, godfatherism and the cost of distractions

    Governors, deputies, godfatherism and the cost of distractions

    Democracy is government of the people, by the people and for the people. Nigeria adopted the American brand of democracy. So it is a presidential system with the two arms of the National Assembly, the  the House of Representatives and the Upper Chamber, the Senate. From 1966, the military continued interrupting the democratic process for decades and this has somehow had a very profound effect on the brand of democracy practiced in Nigeria.

    Interestingly, since 1999, democracy has been practiced in the country but little progress has been made.  The fact that out of a population of a little above 200million, about 133million have been reported to be living in multi-dimensional poverty is worrisome to global economists. Nigeria has one of the highest numbers of out-of-school children at about 20million, unemployment  and inflation are on a two-digit high.  Invariably, these impacts the life expectancy and living conditions of citizens.

    The Roundtable Conversation feels that Nigerians must begin to address some factors that impact on the productivity of Nigerians. Leadership matters and all those in leadership positions must realize that they all have roles to play in the socio-economic development of the country. Ironically, in a federation like Nigeria, there has been a delusional blame of the center as the problem off Nigeria. There is a flawed conclusion by citizens that the presidency is the cause of all the problems in the country.

    But the Roundtable Conversation  believes that it is high time Nigerians face the realities of their brand of democracy.  The federating units – the states must live up to expectations by practicing real democracy where the people is the center of governance. As it has been since 1999, most governors and their alleged godfathers have been dropping the ball. 

    Nigerian state governors wield too much powers that often make them insensitive to the realities of the citizens.

    According to former Minister of Finance and now the Director General of World Trade Organisation (WTO), Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala in her book, “Fighting Corruption is Dangerous”, governors in Nigeria must be held accountable for economic progress to be made not just in their states but aggregately on the nation generally. She detailed her experiences with the governors who under the auspices of the amorphous “Governors Forum” pushed for certain policies that made the country poorer and less economically stable.

    Read Also; Our economy ‘ll roar back to glory in coming months – Tinubu

    Dr. Okonjo-Iweala tried to bring accountability to the states’ financial space by publishing federal allocations for the people to take note of and monitor the usage of funds by state governments. She pushed for the Sovereign Wealth Fund Sanvings which to her as a development economist would be beneficial to the economy. The governors under their “Governors Forum” pressure group, opposed all accountability routes and did all in their powers to sabotage the economic initiatives of the federal government .

    This is just a tip of how state governors can be very irrational. Most of them behave like emperors and this is costing the country huge development deficits. Nigerian governors are so politically influential that they often hold presidents to ransom. The often determine who gets elected to the state and national assemblies as they often influence the delegate selection and other political nuances of the electoral process that are in contradiction of democratic tenets.

    It is intriguing how the Nigerian governors since 1999 are often the ones that determine their successors in office. In most cases, this gives rise to the chaotic succession plans that often pitch governors against their deputies or actual successors.  The Rivers state former governor Nyesom Wike and present governor Simi Fubara is a case in point. Nigeria forgets too quickly that Rivers is the one of the goose that lays the golden egg. The implications of their quarrels are dire not just for the Rivers people but for Nigeria.

    In Abia state, we saw the discord between now Senators Orji Uzor Kalu and his former deputy, Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe. A former governor Orji Uzor Kalu was able to allegedly install a successor who was actually behind bars at the time of the election, former governor Theodore Orji who later became a senator.  In Enugu state,  the political struggle between former governor Chimaroke Nnamani and his alleged godfather former governor Jim Nwobodo almost broke the state. It was their clash that invariably gave birth to the political group of ‘Ebeano’ that was alleged to have chastised the people of the state.

    In Ondo state, late governor Rotimi Akeredolu was at daggers-drawn with his deputy, now governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa before his tragic death. In Edo state, the deputy governor, Philip Shuaibu has recently been impeached. He has been in a long running battle of supremacy with governor Godwin Obaseki. In fact there is a long list of deputy governors across the country that have been removed since 1999; Sani Abubakar Danladi in Taraba, Iyiola Omisore in Osun, Simon Achuba in Kogi, late Garba Gadi in Bauchi, Madi Aliu Gusau in Zamfara, Chris Ekpeyong in Akwa ibom and many others. Many blame the lack of constitutionally defined roles for governors for all the shenanigans.

    It is important to recall the political odyssey of deputy governors since 1999 because Nigerians have never take into account the impact of the distractions of power play in state politics that distracts governors from doing the work of governance and improving the lives of the people. The loss of focus and the political intrigues that governors are involved in are paid for by Nigerian tax payers and valuable time is spent chasing shadows rather than giving Nigerians the dividends of democracy.

    The Roundtable Conversation spoke with  Dr. Boniface Chizea, a renowned economist, retired banker and management consultant who is a regular contributor to national and global economic and development issues. We wanted to find out the impact of the lack of the practice of real systemic democracy and accountability by state governors in Nigeria.

    Dr. Chizea said that as an economist, he has always drawn attention to the systemic lapses in the country where the people spend months debating the national budget but the states appear silent on their own budgets beyond the perfunctory budget presentations in the houses of assembly even when we know as a nation that most of the houses of assembly members across the states are often mere appendages to governors. So more often than not, the needed scrutiny of state budgets never happens.  To him, the idea of state capture as we know it is given full verve in Nigerian states by the governors. They amost seem to be above the law.

    If the country is going to work, all hands must be on deck and that includes state economies. We have to review our electoral processes in ways that productivity of governors and other elected people impact on their electoral participations.  In the states for instances, how do the governors handle federal  allocations? What is the real accountability process for states that are invariably closer to the people? If we are talking about state police for internal security and all those localized policies, it is because the states are the ones closer to the people through the local governments.

    Some of the state governors have not shown fiscal responsibility in line with the Act and other economic realities. A situation where some of the governors feel free to accumulate debts even from abroad should be unacceptable. Most do so without due diligence from the state assemblies. Who guarantees the debts, the federal governments or who? There would always be debt overhang and that impedes development. There must be proper systemic accountability processes.

    The recent Senegalese election  should be a lesson for Nigeria’s electoral process. The people voted in President Bassirou Faye after the Constitutional Court overruled the former President who wanted to manipulate the election dates. It is instructive to note how the former President  Macky Sall immediately went into self-exile after the inauguration of President Faye. He possibly anticipated a call to accountability and quickly left the country. He understands that the people had spoken. This is possibly why Senegal has had the most stable democracy in Africa with no military coups. They might not be where they are supposed to be developmentally but they have made electoral democracy a viable option.

    The recent complaints from the Zamfara state Commissioner for Budget and Economic planning  Mr. Abdulmalik  Gajam who in an interview alleged that the past cases of banditry and series of kidnappings in Zamfara had the imprints of past governments in the state raises questions. He further alleged that the previous    governments possibly took  advantage of the people to misappropriate funds  while claiming to be negotiating with bandits.  

    Recently in a Town Hall Meeting, the governor of Kaduna state, Uba Sani told the citizens that he inherited a huge debt portfolio from former governor Nasir El-Rufai; $587million, N85billion and 115 contractual liabilities.  The questions in these two states should be, where were the state houses of assembly?  What oversight functions did the House Committees perform during the leadership of both governors in the two states of Zamfara and Kaduna? These two states are mere metaphors for most of other states.

    As an economist, Dr. Chizea believes that fundamentally, there can only be no progress until votes begin to count and the people would be at the barricades. Until Nigeria’s electoral processes improve and money does not guarantee nominations and (s)elections, nothing will change. No development can happen if there is no rule of law, no systemic order that can create wealth for everyone. The insecurity in the country is a direct fallout of poverty and want. How can a country develop with no planning, no functional system that hold leaders especially state governors accountable? Questions…

    The dialogue continues…

  • Chukwuemeka Ezeife: 1930-2023

    Chukwuemeka Ezeife: 1930-2023

    He had the image of an Eastern Magi! His flowing white beard sought to stand him out from the class of 92/93 governors who found themselves as helmsmen in their states during Ibrahim Babaginda’s forward and backward democratic experiment. Chukwuemeka Ezeife has just seen off the mercurial Nnamdi Eriobuna of the National Republican Convention in the 1992 elections becoming the only SDP Governor in the SouthEast Region.

    The self educated and Harvard trained economist was from then set to become a household name in Nigerian politics, a progressive to the core, he was to later part ways with his progressive peers in what looked like a Southern rally or reply to the merger of certain progressives in the South with their peers in the North which then lead to the formation of the All Progressives Congress, APC. This did not however diminish Ezeife as a core progressive.

    Born on the 20th of November, 1939, Ezeife was to have his primary education in his hometown of Igbo Ukwu before serving as a medical and then spare parts dealer. An lucky encounter with a Northerner was to expose him to the option of taking correspondence courses from which he was to acquire a his O levels and was to gain admission into the prestigious University College Ibadan where he studied and graduated with a degree in economics.

    Read Also; Our economy ‘ll roar back to glory in coming months – Tinubu

    A stint in the  brewing industry gave him an understanding of the corporate world but young Ezeife was eager to take on the world and chance saw him as an employee of the Ministry for Economic Development seconded him to countries like Japan and then the Inited States, Cambridge Massachusetts to be precise and then to Harvard University where he bagged an M.Sc and a PhD in economics, Ezeife who was a few years ago had nearly given up on acquiring an education was now a colossus in a field that boasted of a few Africans as at that time.

    Returning to Nigeria, immediately after the civil war, Ezeife was again absorbed into the Ministry of Economic Development where he sparred with fellow economists such as Professor Sam Aluko, Chu Okongwu , Olu Falae, Pius Okigbo and Ayo Oyelu on a range of economic problems troubling the nation then.

    By 1984, he had risen to become a permanent secretary in that ministry before resigning and going into politics where he miraculously nicked the SDP ticket against the odds stacked against him and then went on to defeat the NRC.

    His tenure as governor is often referred to as dreamy! An intellectual like Ezeife attempted to fix the state’s problems from his economic textbooks, as a social democrat he was readily at home with the Keynesian economic model: such as state regulation of market forces and full employment, however other social democratic objectives of Ezeife  such as expansion of the welfare state and public ownership as governor were not Keynesian in nature.

    He remarkably recorded a number of achievements in his less than 15 months in a state that had just been newly created and was basically lacking in a number of amenities . He attempted to tackle Anambra’s infrastructural dearth, health care challenges and industrial growth using such models while he also championed the “Think Home” initiative, a forerunner to the massive investments the state boasts of today.

    Another major feature of the Ezeife administration was his ability to get the Federal Government under the then leadership of General Ibrahim Babaginda to assume ownership of ASUTECH and Anambra State Polytechnic which were then rechristened Nnamdi Azikiwe University and Federal Polytechnic Oko respectively.

    When June 12 was annulled, the likes of Ezeife teamed up with progressives all over the country to demand the restoration of the mandate to Chief MKO Abiola, while a number of SDP leaders sold out on the struggle, Ezeife stood alongside other patriots who looked Abacha in the face and told him to do his worst!

    Ezeife was to later team up with these same progressives to form the Alliance for Democracy, AD in the 4th Republic, becoming a presidential candidate on its platform, he however narrowly lost to his bosom friend  Olu Falae but blamed the loss on the actions of the likes of Chief Polycarp Nwite.

    By 2003,  he again vied to be the presidential candidate of the United Nigeria People’s Party , UNPP but lost the ticket to the first civilian governor of old Anambra State, Chief Jim Nwobodo.

    Even with his retirement from partisan politics, Ezeife continued to be an active advocate for democracy and good governance, calling for transparency, accountability, and the rule of law in government.

    He also remained an avid advocate for the  the rights and welfare of the Nigerian people, particularly those he deemed as oppressed by the Nigerian state. Little wonder his support for former President Goodluck Jonathan and his opposition to the Buhari administration.

    Renowned for his eloquence, erudition and sharp wit, Ezeife was both a journalist’s and a scholars delight. I had the privilege of listening to him speak to a number of young men about the political history of Nigeria and man was I impressed !

    Popularly known as Okwadike, Ezeife will be remembered for his unflinching dedication to the development of Nigeria and his advocacy for democracy and good governance. Through his leadership, vision, and commitment to serving the people of Anambra State and Nigeria as a whole, Ezeife  did leave an indelible mark on the country’s history. His life and times a testament to the power of leadership, integrity, and a deep sense of duty to the welfare of all Nigerians.

    Nigeria Will Succeed!

  • Air Peace and the Isi Agu imagery

    Air Peace and the Isi Agu imagery

    The management of Air Peace recently conducted its inaugural flight to London Gatwick airport in what seems a successful end to years of negotiations for the Nigerian privately owned airline to break into aviation’s most profitable route. Ironically, Nigerian passengers have been sustaining the other foreign airlines like British Airways, Virgin Atlantic, Lufthansa, KLM etc. sometimes at very high costs in comparative terms.

    The aviation industry is a trillion dollar industry globally. Beyond just ticket sales, ancillary investment  earns countries and private investors billions of dollars annually. Duty free shops, local culture, fashion, transportation, culinary services, hospitality and tourism industries are all built around aviation. So in the real sense, it is not just about ticket sales, the industry is multifaceted and a huge employer of labour and a great foreign exchange earner.

    The fact that Air Peace got the approval to ply that route has changed the dynamics in the industry. Before their entrance, the foreign airlines were charging between 13-15 million and 3-5million naira for business and economy classes respectively. Within days of the announcement of a 4million and 12million naira fares  for business and economy class tickets to London, the other airlines crashed their own fares by more than half.

    Beyond the airfares, Air Peace also announced an additional 15% rebate for Nigerian students abroad who can now take advantage of low fares to come and join their families during holidays. This had been hitherto a huge challenge for most parents due to the depreciation of the local currency, the naira.  Many parents are ecstatic and thankful for the offer. Nigerian students’ enjoyment of student rebate sadly ended with the now defunct national carrier, Nigeria Airways.

    Most people are glad therefore that a private airline has offered such a relief to Nigerian students studying abroad who wish to travel home to reunite with their families. This is also a reminder of the magnanimity of the management of Air peace that has been consistent in bailing out Nigerians across the world from the start of the Russia-Ukrainian war, Xenophobic attacks in South Africa, encouraging the Super Eagles during the last AFCON,  Covid-19 lockdown to the war in Sudan. The airline’s management has always shown great patriotic spirit.

    However, the Roundtable Conversation finds it strange that despite the milestone achievement and the value that the airline has been adding to the aviation sector and the employment the airline has added to the country’s labour market, the Isi agu clothing associated with the Air Peace’s Chairman and CEO Allen Onyema’s ethnic lineage became an issue and has been trending on the social media.

    Some Nigerians have accused him of regionally dressing the crew members in the Isi agu cloth as a sign of his ethnic jingoism.

    The world is now a global village so the viral discussions, social media vitriol after the inaugural London flight in a way tends to  expose the level of ignorance and lack of emotional  intelligence of those who feel that engaging in such a distractive discussion is worth anything at all.

    However, the people that are pushing the warped narrative about the crew’s attire are victims of a socio-political environment that empowers the mindset of most Nigerians along tribal and religious lines. Truly the politicians are to blame.

    This is exactly why the Roundtable Conversation insists that we as a country must address certain anomalies in our body politic that have continued to impede development. The conversation must transcend the political platforms. There is a dire need for national re-orientation and a recreation of the sociology of politics and politicking in Nigeria.

    We must seize certain opportunities to address that which ails our nation.

    The Roundtable Conversation spoke with Dr. Omoniyi Ibeitan, head Media Relations Managements of Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), a scholar  and a frequent flier who in his bid to contribute to the African aviation development deliberately always chose to fly Rwanda Air from South Africa to London as a student in South Africa. To him, the success of Air Peace on the London route ought to be celebrated by Africans even beyond Nigeria. It is an African success story and the economic benefit is unquantifiable.

    According to him, first and foremost, it is a thing of joy that Air Peace, a Nigerian brand is flying to London and Nigerians flying public now have options rather than being left the only option of flying other foreign airlines on that route. It takes away some foreign exchange from our economy to continue to fly only foreign airlines.

    Air Peace to him is a proudly Nigerian brand that is complying to the government plea to the private sector to create jobs for the teaming unemployed youths in the country. What has happened is a credit to Nigeria. Their Gatwick destination is a non-issue as Rwanda Air also flies into Gatwick and they are doing well. Every Nigerian should be enthusiastic that the Nigerian Flag carrier is expanding its operation to London which provides more jobs for Nigerians.

    Read Also: Triumph of Air Peace

    Dr. Ibeitan insists that he is too excited with the choice of clothing for the crew. To him, as a communications scholar, the Isi agu attire for the crew by his reckoning is a masterpiece, it promotes an aspect of the Nigerian culture given that Nigeria is a multicultural society . It brands the organization in a more distinct and artistic manner. It is a beautiful imagery out there. Isi Agu particularly itself speaks to something that is profoundly evocative. It does not matter which aspect of the Nigerian culture it projects,  it is ceremonial.

    The idea of even getting the route is entrepreneurial and historical which is is associated with Isi agu so that imagery in communicating a brand essence is not something anyone should be discussing in the negative. It is an achievement every Nigeria should celebrate and no one should undermine the milestone and contribution of Air Peace to the aviation sector at national, continental and global levels.

    We equally sought the opinion of Ambassador Bianca Odumegwu Ojukwu, another frequent flier on the international routes, a lawyer, an entrepreneur and  Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations World Tourism Organization. She too like Dr. Omoniyi is over-excited about the achievement of the management of Air Peace especially in expanding their operations to London.

     To Amb. Bianca, if Nigerians are complaining about insecurity fueled by poverty and unemployment, any private sector investment that creates even a single job is an addition and must be applauded. In the case of Air Peace, they have created thousands of jobs and the value chain is huge so the applause ought to even be louder.

    The global aviation market is one that is a great part of diplomacy, trade and politics so it’s a huge step into pushing Nigeria deeper into more economically profitable multilateral engagements. As a player who has been over a decade in the business, the London route at this time of economic distress can help Nigeria earn and conserve and the much needed foreign exchange.

    To Bianca, the distraction being caused by the argument over the crew attire, the popular Isi agu design is just a storm in a tea cup. No one should dissipate energy diverting attention to that. Aviation is about tourism, entertainment, fashion, culture and hospitality amongst others. The Isi agu cloth is a cultural brand that speaks to who we are and the deeper essence of our culture and it does not really matter which region it comes from, Air Peace is flying the Nigerian flag carrier, period.

    As Nigeria’s Permanent  Representative to the United Nations World Tourism Organization, any aspect of Nigerian culture and tradition being projected to the global community speaks to a deeper essence of our being as a people without the divisive rhetoric of those who only see negativity in our differences.  So really, we should and must avert our energy to the value an Air Peace brings to the Nigerian travelling public and the impact of the chairman, Allen Onyema’s vision and his efforts at putting Nigeria more on the world trade and tourism map.

    Each Nigerian carries a Nigerian passport and at all international destinations,  that is the identity we all carry. We are not identified by our ethnicities or languages that is more than 350, but any piece of the culture of each of the ethnic groups projected to the world becomes a Nigerian art piece in its totality so it is all a plus for everyone.

    We all should be excited that we now have our flag carrier  that is adding value to our lives through creation of employment and other value added services. The testimonies from passengers on the flight is so heartwarming as they talked about the excellent customer service and the Nigerian dishes and drinks served during the flight. All the culinary delights go to tell us how many jobs have been created for our people across the country. We can only wish the airline and its management success and future foray into more destinations across the world.

    Dr, Omoniyi and Amb. Bianca  each feel that it is time for Nigeria to shed the excess mental luggage that does not contribute to development and see the beauty and progress that always emerge from better managed multi-cultural and multi-ethnic nations across the world. The United States is a country of immigrants but the constituent ethnic nationalities have been able to unite and build a united nation bound by the constitution. Nigeria can take a cue and build a more united and prosperous nation for generation to come.

    • The dialogue continues…
  • A task that must be done

    A task that must be done

    Nigerians conversant with the history of the civil war will always be at home with the title of this piece, which was part of the maxim of the Nigerian Military leader, General  Yakubu Gowon in his desire to keep the then seceding Eastern Region within the Nigerian fold. “To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done”

    This time around this task will not be done in the battlefields of Garkem, Eha Amufu , Obollo Afor or Abagana.  It won’t be a set of amphibious assaults  on the waters surrounding Bonny and other sister  islands, nay, it will be fought in the battlefields of the minds of the Nigerian child- in the classrooms.

    I have always been an advocate for public education, since it is cheaper and more accessible than what is obtained in private schools. It is my vision that one day students from say Nawfia Boys or Atunrase would compete with students from a number of private schools and even outdo such students. I am for the narrative that public schools should not be finishing schools for area boys and lowly artisans no, our public schools should be finishing schools for policy makers, captains of industries and what have you. We can’t talk about wanting to offer every child a chance in life and yet fail to give those in public schools a chance at getting a proper primary or secondary education.

    I was thus thrilled when The Minister of Education, Prof. Maman Tahir, revealed during a  quarterly citizens and stakeholders engagement that this administration has a plan to give public education an uplift via it’s 13 pillars of the education sector roadmap.

    While it is to early to be optimistic, I am happy that for once an administration understands that the challenges of education in Nigeria can be fixed and is walking the talk.

    Alongside the 13 pillars, the ministry has also developed a four-year strategic plan captioned ‘Education for Renewed Hope: Nigeria Education Sector Roadmap’ 2024 -2027.

    Delivering quality public education in Nigeria is a critical and complex task that requires a multi-faceted approach involving various stakeholders, including the government, educators, parents, and the community. Nigeria faces numerous challenges in its public education system, including inadequate funding, poor infrastructure, a lack of qualified teachers, and outdated curricula. However, with the right strategies and concerted efforts, it is possible to improve the quality of education for all students in the country.

    One of the key areas that need to be addressed to deliver quality public education in Nigeria is adequate funding. The government must prioritize education in its budget and allocate sufficient resources to ensure that schools have the necessary infrastructure, materials, and personnel to provide quality education. Adequate funding can help address issues such as overcrowded classrooms, lack of textbooks and teaching materials, and poor school facilities that hinder learning outcomes.

    Another critical aspect of delivering quality public education in Nigeria is teacher training and professional development. Teachers are the most essential component of the education system, and investing in their training and development is crucial to improving the quality of education. The government should implement comprehensive teacher training programs that equip teachers with the necessary skills and knowledge to effectively teach students and create a conducive learning environment.

    Furthermore, reducing class sizes can significantly impact the quality of education in Nigeria. Research has shown that smaller class sizes lead to better academic outcomes for students as teachers can provide more individualized attention and support to each student. Reducing class sizes in public schools can help address the issue of overcrowded classrooms improve the quality of teaching and learning.

    In addition to improving teacher training and reducing class sizes, enhancing school infrastructure is essential to delivering quality public education in Nigeria. Many public schools in the country lack basic facilities such as classrooms, libraries, laboratories, and safe drinking water. Investing in school infrastructure, such as building new classrooms, providing modern facilities, and ensuring the safety and security of students, can create a conducive learning environment and improve educational outcomes.

    Curriculum reforms are also necessary to deliver quality public education in Nigeria. The curriculum is an essential component of the education system, and regular updates and revisions are needed to ensure that it remains relevant and effective. The government should implement curriculum reforms that align with modern educational standards and practices, emphasize critical thinking and creativity, and equip students with the skills they need to succeed in a rapidly changing world.

    Furthermore, promoting parental and community involvement in schools is crucial to delivering quality public education in Nigeria. Parents and communities play a vital role in supporting students’ learning and development, and their active participation can enhance the quality of education. The government should encourage parental involvement through initiatives such as parent-teacher associations, community engagement programs, and school-based activities that promote collaboration between schools, parents, and the community.

    Moreover, leveraging technology can also help improve the quality of public education in Nigeria. Technology can enhance teaching and learning, provide access to educational resources and materials, and facilitate communication between students, teachers, and parents. The government should invest in technology infrastructure in schools, provide training to teachers on how to integrate technology into their teaching practices, and ensure that students have access to digital tools and resources to enhance their learning experiences.

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    Furthermore, ensuring teacher accountability and performance evaluation is essential to delivering quality public education in Nigeria. The government should implement systems to monitor and evaluate teachers’ performance, provide feedback and support to help them improve, and hold teachers accountable for their effectiveness in the classroom. Performance-based incentives and recognition programs can also motivate teachers to excel and contribute to improving the quality of education.

    n conclusion, delivering quality public education in Nigeria requires a comprehensive approach that addresses various aspects of the education system, including adequate funding, teacher training, infrastructure improvement, curriculum reforms, parental involvement, technology integration, and teacher accountability. By implementing these strategies and prioritizing education, the government can make significant strides in improving the quality of education for all students in the country. Education is a fundamental right and a key driver of socio-economic development, and ensuring quality public education for all is essential to building a brighter future for Nigeria. Indeed, it is a task that must be done.

    Nigeria Will Succeed !

  • Ondo APC and direct primary

    Ondo APC and direct primary

    A Primary, an intra-party shadow poll, is not less important than the general election involving the generality of people who are not members of political parties.

    A general election gives the people an opportunity to make a choice and change. However, voters’ choices are narrowed down and limited to the candidates. How the flag bearers in a party emerge underscores the primacy of internal democracy in the party system.

    In Ondo State, the coast is clear for the adoption of the direct primary for the election of the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate. The national leadership may have settled for the option, which may have been dictated by the mood of the state chapter, for two reasons.

    The first is that majority of the aspirants see it as a model that may assist them to win the ticket. The second reason is that top contenders may feel that it is the best option, in their calculation, that can make them to resist fraud and still turn the table against their rivals.

    The constitution of the ruling party has provisions for not only direct but also the indirect primary. The consensus option, which is the permanent preference of old political war horses of the First and the Second republics, is becoming old-fashioned or outdated. Although these old and experienced politicians are still largely perceived as the esteemed moral voice; they are now in clear minority.

    When consensus was in the vogue, ideological parties set the criteria for the choice of their standard bearers. The conditions for eligibility of candidates included agood conduct, sound education, previous working experience, contributions to the community and the party, seniority, and loyalty to the platform.

    That was in the days of strict party discipline and supremacy. The economic status of contenders was secondary. Party members deferred to the elders; the youths, who were being groomed for future leadership, learnt the ropes within the party’s organisational structure.

    However, the consensus option gradually became outdated because of allegations of imposition. Although it is democratic, the mode could not meet the expectations of moneybags who promoted the culture of monetisation of politics as from the Third Republic and treated the method as archaic.

    Direct and indirect methods have their merits and demerits. How the outcomes of direct or indirect primary are managed has implications for the chapter, ahead of the governorship poll.

    The indirect or delegates’ system is not less democratic. It underscores the value of representativeness. The delegates are selected at the party’s congresses. The congresses have tap roots at the wards and local governments. But as experience has shown, the system became more expensive due to delegate targeting and financial inducement by the highest bidder.

    A few days to the governorship primaries in some states, moneybags usually camp delegates whom they woo with money and juicy promises in hotels where they temporarily live like kings.

    When delegates are bribed or financially mobilised by an aspirant, they are obliged to vote for him at the shadow poll. He who pays the piper calls the tune. The implication is that financially weak candidates are edged out, even if they are more capable and fit for the exalted office.

    Read Also: Ondo APC aspirants jostle for Tinubu’s support

    For successful candidates, electioneering is an economic investment and returns must be garnered after victory. Since the ticket is largely purchased, the standard bearer may only have little respect for the delegates he has bought.

    While the delegate system worked in the Second Republic without financial inducement, the Third Republic was a different ball game. Indeed, the Fourth Republic has built on the legacy of the ill-fated Third Dispensation.

    In this dispensation, there are statutory delegates who are not elected at the congress. They are elected and appointed functionaries and aides of governors, party leaders, members of Board of Trustees(BoT) and former office holders. Their strength lies in their bloc votes.

    The adoption of the direct primary often usually provokes special enthusiasm and interest. The direct system implies that party members have withdrawn the mandate previously given to delegates to choose on their behalf. The college of primary electors is dismantled. All party members, rich or poor, would be involved in the process. The turnout is usually huge. The horizon of intra-party participation is broadened. Although there may be residual post-primary hues and cries, they may not culminate in litigation.

    The day of the primary election is a day of inescapable judgment for an unpopular aspirant. Even the governor who is seeking the ticket would be on the weighing scale, despite his power of incumbency.

    If a governor alienates himself from the party structure, sidelines party chieftains, oppresses perceived opponents, and behaves like a lord of the manor, he may lose the renewal of his intra-party mandate as a candidate. That has been demonstrated in Lagos State.

    Parallel primaries instigated by factions under the delegate system may not be possible under the direct system.

    The direct primary is another form of effective mobilisation. Party members perceive the primary as the first leg of the general election. Since a direct primary may provide a level-playing field for aspirants, the system fosters equity, fairness, and justice.

    More importantly, the option will reduce the influence of money on the process, eliminate cash and carry syndrome, and prevent the penchant for “kidnapping” delegates by the highest bidder.

    Generally, the direct primary is less expensive to organise and manage. But the direct primary may be impossible in a period of national emergency, like COVID-19. It is not protocol-friendly. Social distancing may be difficult.

    But anytime the direct mode is adopted, the process will be ward-based and crowd control will not be a Herculean task.

    A party’s register may be problematic. But it could be taken care of by a party identification mechanism at the grassroots. Party members who attend meetings regularly know one another.

    The direct system is the legacy of the American progressive democratic model whereby registered party members choose party candidates through a secret ballot, like a general election. Since it is perceived to be more transparent, the corruption, which often mars the delegate system, is reduced. There will be no room for ‘delegate camping.’ There is the likelihood of increased participation and aspirants may develop confidence in the wider elective process.

    The direct primary offers an opportunity for the candidate to test his popularity, ahead of the main poll. It gives party members an equal chance of electing their candidates.

    However, the crowd is huge and management of the crowd will require skill and strategy. Emphasis may now be placed on quantity instead of quality of participation. Many voters may not be informed and, therefore, lack the competence to make informed choices. Therefore, the “mass voters” need education and enlightenment. Since a lot of mobilisation has to be done, it may be too taxing for aspirants who lack the resources for intra-party campaigns and logistics. The voting hour may be elongated, thereby creating stress for the Direct Primary Committee.

    As the world waits to see how the APC shadow poll will go – ahead of the November 16 election – there would be anxiety among the contenders. But as this election method is seen as the most transparent and the least dramatic, it is hoped that the outcome would be accepted to all the contenders.

    Despite being the ruling party at the state and the national levels, APC is not immune to intra-party squabbles. What the leadership of the party should commence immediately is the harmonisation of the various interests to ensure that nobody rocks the boat after the shadow poll. Keeping the house united after the primary is more important than the result of the primary itself. Elections come and go, but the development and peace of a state should be permanent. It should not be sacrificed on the slaughter slab of a political ambition.

    Thus, there should be an undertaking among the contenders that they will abide by the result of the primary and work with the winner to ensure that APC retains Ondo State.

  • Guardiola’s assistant indeed

    Guardiola’s assistant indeed

    Time was when we were told that a certain foreign coach for the Super Eagles was highly recommended for the Nigeria job by former Arsenal FC of London’s manager Arsene Wenger. The coach was employed. He assumed work with his first signature on the team’s style of play being the introduction of the offside trap whilst our players were defending. Attempts to find answers from those who flew the Wenger kite why his nominee was playing the offside web, a system alien to what Wenger showcased when the Gunners excited the world with their scintillating ball skills, fell on deaf ears. The message from their stoic silence reminded me of the scenario where the proverbial horse being led to the stream and what transpired when it was forced to drink water.

    Did I hear murmuring to know why Wenger didn’t bother to deny the claim when it was being bandied? Wenger was clearly too busy with meeting the tasks associated with his technical roles with FIFA than to deny what he never influenced. The closest attempt to authenticate Wenger’s influence was pictures of a younger-looking Wenger and the coach in the print media. I laughed then because I have several pictures I took with Wenger at different World Cups’ media centres and mixed zones after matches which didn’t translate to Ade Ojeikere knowing Wenger. Not forgetting that this coach was the product of a search by some wise men who went to interview coaches for the Super Eagles job. Why the rigourous sessions if we truly knew that a purported Wenger recommendation for the job could suffice?

    Whilst this so-called Wenger nominee handled the Super Eagles, the team’s play showed nothing to such or reflect how Arsenal FC of England played their matches. The coach’s styles were different. The coach introduced the 3-5-2 system which led to his sack when some members of the Dream Team 1 who had lost their shirts fought back, using a certain sports minister then to oust the foreigner despite the Wenger confirmation tag on him. This foreigner returned to the country with Japan’s U-20 side and played up to the final game, losing 2-0 to Spain, in a competition in which Nigeria wobbled and fumbled until the country’s U-20 side crashed out of the competition here in Lagos. It is one thing to recruit a coach for the Super Eagles. It is yet another kettle of fish for the cabal in the team to work with such coaches, especially the Lilliputians among them. Sadly, it is from the Lilliputians that the NFF recruits, shielding them under the cloak of experienced tacticians.

    Soon, some of the players seeking relevance would start endorsing the coaches using their media contractors. Of course, not much is expected from students who choose their teachers. It is the reason Nigeria has been rebuilding the Super Eagles since 1976 under Father Tiko.  The Otto Gloria years weren’t any different in terms of how the game was being administered here. We can’t forget the 1980 Green Eagles which had its roots here in the domestic game across the country. We can’t stop trying to stem the rot. Yet, we keep looking the same or at best look worse than where we began, depending on who the incumbent NFF President is. It is obvious that we never learn from our past mistakes since we are specialists in passing the buck.

    Read Also: Torrent tipped to tinker Super Eagles to glory

    The recruitment of Clemens Westerhof had its crises but the Dutchman was wise by beating the Sports Ministry loyalists and NFF’s renegades in the politics of the game. Again, Westerhof came to our football like a whirlwind; blowing away some of the mistakes of the past in his five-year stay in Nigeria. The jobbers of the industry messed Westerhof up in the United States (US), with the Dutch rendered otiose in the build-up to the Second Round World Cup game in the US.

    Hmmmm! Bora Mulutinovic. Remember him? What hasn’t happened in Nigeria’s football doesn’t exist. France ’98 World Cup was Nigeria’s worst attendance in spite of the fact that we beat Spain 3-2 in the opening. It was a pyrrhic victory.

    We have adopted several bizarre methods of recruiting coaches including doing interviews here in Nigeria where a coach accused the panel of interviewers of asking him for a bribe which he couldn’t substantiate. The Abuja panel picked a Swede with an enviable track record. But there was a gulf in the relationship between the Sports Ministry and the NFF which then wanted the late Shiaubu Amodu to lead the team’s technical crew to that year’s Mundial in the African continent. It never happened and the Eagles were made to serve two masters – the Presidential Task Force and/or the NFF chiefs, who in any case brought the team to the World Cup.

    In 2002, the Sports Ministry chaps stopped the late Amodu from attending the Japan/Korea World Cup as part of the fallouts of the Africa Cup Nations in 2002. Renowned tactician and FIFA and CAF guru Adegboye Onigbinde was invited to lead the team, but his hands were tied. Certain talented players in the team were banned from going near the team. Onigbinde, therefore, went to the World Cup held in Asia.

    I recall taking a bet with Segun Odegbami in London by practically naming Onigbinde’s World Cup squad before it was announced. It was easy because Onigbinde’s methods were transparent and fair given the players he had in the camp to pick from. Nigeria’s World Cup paths have been dogged by bickering between the Sports Ministry officials eager to lord it over NFF chieftains. Not forgetting the controversy surrounding the Nigeria Football Association (NFA) and the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF). You ask, what is in a name? Plenty, especially in Nigeria football.

    Influence peddlers around our football aim to settle scores after failing to regain their seats in the NFF with every World Cup year, not minding the collateral damages it would cost the country. The people are the same. They fly the kite of trying to rid the federation of sharp practices.

    Pundits weren’t surprised that the Eagles failed at the Brazil 2014 World Cup, one year after Nigeria won the Africa Cup of Nations in 2013 in South Africa. We couldn’t build on that success story and it resulted in the protest by the players days before Nigeria lost 2-0 to France in the second round. The late Stephen Keshi watched in awe as things fell apart with his team. Keshi eventually lost his job.

    After the 2010 World Cup fiasco, and the show of shame at the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, followers of the game thought the emergence of Amaju Melvin Pinnick as NFF president would change the narrative. It didn’t. Instead, it heightened with a deluge of court cases. It was the most turbulent two-term tenure ever which left the country’s soccer teams in dire straits.

    Two foreigners Gernot Rohr and Jose Peseiro have handled the Super  Eagles under different identities. Yet, it is the relationship that Peseiro had with the Special One Jose Mourinho that earned him the Nigeria job. Selling established European coaches as referrals for employing Super Eagles will fail since both assignments are far and wide apart as the dentition of a 100-year-old person.

    Those flying  Pep Guardiola’s credentials as the reason to recruit another of his assistants at Manchester City, Domenec Torrent,  as Nigeria’s next manager, amounts to climbing a high-rise structure with a greasy pole. Guardiola is a magician at the dugout. He plays as many as five patterns in each game using his substitutes to change the way the team plays. I doubt if Domenec Torrent contributes anything that Guardiola takes to his heart and implements.

    NFF, please get us the best manager for Nigeria. Going to the 2026 World Cup to play in the final game is a task that must be achieved. National teams’ assignments aren’t weekly games. They aren’t as demanding as club matches.

  • PBAT and political development in Nigeria

    PBAT and political development in Nigeria

    Being his first birthday after he was elected President of Nigeria at the 2023 presidential polls, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s 72nd year on this side of eternity last Friday, March 29, would most certainly have been celebrated with elaborate pomp and pageantry by his supporters and admirers. Yes, not a few of those who do not necessarily take a liking to him or his politics would equally but hypocritically have joined in the festivities with an eye to gaining some benefit sooner or later from the powerful office the Jagaban occupies.

    Such extravagant commemoration of a birthday that is not necessarily a landmark would have been prompted by the epochal obstacles and veritable mountains he has scaled at every critical phase of his still-evolving life trajectory. In particular, loud and lavish celebratory convivialities would have been prompted by the gargantuan scale of the ferocious and relentless opposition to his presidential aspiration by formidable forces both within and beyond his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), and the focused single-mindedness with which he met and trounced them all.

    But then, not only were the sounds of throbbing drums and triumphal, mellifluous music not to be heard, even media houses that made an annual kill from pages of celebratory adverts on the occasion had to painfully endure the equivalent of a Ramadan financial fast. In recognition of and identification with the excruciating pains being experienced by the vast majority of Nigerians as a result of his administration’s scorching but inevitable economic reforms, the President wanted all commemorative activities shelved and money that should have been expended on adverts diverted to provide succor for the poor and vulnerable.

    It is obviously this kind of uncanny ability to read the mood of the people and demonstrate empathy with them over the years that has given President Tinubu an edge over his often impotently feral political opponents and made him a formidable long-distance, marathon political athlete who today occupies the apex position of authority in Nigeria.

    In commemoration of the birthday of one of the most deft and dexterous political actors in the country over the last three and a half decades, this column today focuses on Tinubu’s no mean contribution to the political development of contemporary Nigeria. The concept of political development has elicited much debate and contestation among political science scholars. It is what the late Professor Billy Dudley would describe as an ‘essentially contested concept’. But there is a general consensus, I believe, that it refers to some sort of improvement or progress towards a desired goal or ideal of the appropriate political structure and organization of society.

    But what constitutes progress or improvement in the character of political institutions and values? As Professor Jean Blondel wonders, “The very idea of progress has come to be questioned in the process. Is humankind truly capable of progress on the political front or is there only cyclical change? Are we so diverse in our views that we shall never be able to work together towards a common idea of political progress?” These are no doubt intriguing questions but which we must leave to competent academic political scientists to continue to dilate on in learned journals.

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    Here our focus is on how President Tinubu has contributed in a concrete and indelible manner to the ongoing evolution of Nigeria in the direction of strengthening the institutions, values, and practice of liberal democracy and progressive ideology in contemporary Nigeria. When at a crucial phase in the gathering momentum towards the last APC presidential primaries and the intra-party opposition to his ambition was thickening, the President adumbrated his ’emilokan’ thesis in Abeokuta, he was subconsciously elaborating on his unequalled contribution to the strengthening of party politics and the deepening of federal practice in this political dispensation immediately before and after 1999. In the process, he built enduring friendships, forged strategic alliances, and accumulated invaluable political IOUs that played critical roles in his ultimate emergence as President of Nigeria.

    Let us take, for instance, the issue of a vibrant, vigorous and vibrant opposition without which liberal democracy is imperiled in any society. President Tinubu’s role in preserving and conserving an effective opposition that ultimately helped to thwart the bid by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to become a one-party-dominant behemoth at the steering wheel of governance in Nigeria for at least 60 unbroken years cannot be overstated.

    A critical date in this regard was the governorship election of April 19, 2003. It was an election in which the wily Ota General, who had cajoled and deceptively manipulated the chieftains of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) to win the majority of the votes in the South-West in the preceding week’s presidential elections, suddenly turned around to pull the rug from under the feet of the AD in the gubernatorial polls. Wielding the power of presidential incumbency, OBJ had commandeered a rampaging PDP to victory in the South-West in one of the worst electoral heists ever in the political history of Nigeria.

    As the results from the elections trickled in on the evening of the 20th April 2003, it was obvious that the PDP tornado had swept away the AD in five of the six states in the region- Ogun, Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun. Tinubu remained the only man standing as it was impossible for the PDP to dislodge the AD in Lagos despite its candidate, the late Funsho Williams’ relatively formidable structure in the state and OBJ’s deployment of troops to intimidate the electorate in the nation’s commercial nerve centre. Yours truly was in then governor Tinubu’s office at the Roundhouse in Alausa alongside some commissioners and other personal aides monitoring the results as they came in.

    The governor was devastated by the routing of his fellow AD governors in the other South-west states. PDP chieftains in Lagos openly boasted that he would have no choice but to defect to the ruling party as the sole governor of the AD. I had my doubts, I must confess, that Tinubu could resist for long the lure and pressure to join the fabled PDP mainstream of Nigerian politics. After all, it was not fashionable to be in the wilderness of opposition in Nigeria’s ‘come and eat’ political culture. But Tinubu was grossly underestimated. Not only did he not decamp to the then-ruling party, he rallied the ousted AD governors and together they began to rebuild and revitalize the party in the region.

    Had Tinubu jettisoned the opposition and clambered on the PDP bandwagon in the aftermath of the 2003 elections, it is doubtful if a formidable opposition to the domineering PDP would have been forged. The then-ruling party would most probably have achieved its dream of being in power for at least six decades. Let us not forget how Mr. Peter Obi, as two-term governor of Anambra State on the platform of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), had promised the late Chief Odimegwu Ojukwu never to desert the party. Yet, on completion of his second term, Obi wasted no time in dumping APGA, joining the PDP, and becoming a Special Adviser to then-President Goodluck Jonathan.

    In 2007, Tinubu had provided former Vice President Atiku Abubakar a platform, the Action Congress (AC), to contest for the presidency when the latter had been harassed and intimidated out of the PDP by a vengeful OBJ. Yet, after he had lost to the late President Umaru Yar’Adua in the 2007 polls, the Waziri Adamawa wasted no time in returning to his vomit in the PDP saying that he could only function in a national and not a regional party. Had Atiku been consistent and stayed within the progressive fold to nurture the then AC into a national party, it is doubtful if anyone could have denied him the presidency in an emergent national party.

    Today, the Waziri is paying the price for his ideological inconsistency and political vagrancy. Were Tinubu to be as fickle and politically unstable as Obi and Atiku have proven to be, it is unlikely that we would have an APC today and the PDP, despite its internal contradictions and congenital dysfunctions, would probably still be in control of the centre today. Between 2003 and the next electoral cycle in 2007, Tinubu led his ousted colleagues- Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Chief Bisi Akande, the late Alhaji Lam Adesina, the late Chief Adebayo Adefarati and Chief Niyi Adebayo- to work collaboratively to rebuild and reorganize the progressive movement in the South-West. And helped by the sheer lack of vision and utter incompetence of the PDP governors in the South-West, the progressives made a dramatic comeback in the region in 2007.

    Of course, once again, the imperial OBJ presidency, which treated the Maurice Iwu-led INEC as an appendage of Aso Rock Villa, simply announced fabricated results in Osun, Ekiti, Ondo, and Edo in the South-South awarding victory to the PDP in these states. But unlike in 2003, when the governors who were rigged out took their ouster with equanimity and refused to challenge the outcome in court, Tinubu once again motivated the party to successfully challenge the results announced in Ondo, Ekiti, Osun and Edo states in court thus recording another milestone in the political development of Nigeria.

    A related critical feature of a viable liberal democratic system is the existence of well-grounded political parties that are ideology-based at least to a reasonable extent. Here again, Tinubu’s role in nurturing and building bridges of national collaboration through party coalitions that can win power at the centre cannot be denied. True, the parties formed by the late sage, the great Chief Obafemi Awolowo – the Action Group (AG) and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), were undoubtedly the most disciplined and ideology-focused in the political history of Nigeria. But Tinubu’s ingenuity in collaborating with diverse elements to forge a national party that succeeded in achieving pan-Nigerian success and wresting power at the centre from a ruling party is unprecedented. Of course, it is true that his working with others to achieve this feat came at the cost of bringing disparate bedfellows to cohabit under one political tent with negative consequences for organizational discipline and ideological coherence.

    When the fractures within the contending Afenifere camps created an irreparable chasm within the AD resulting in the party’s inevitable moribundity, Tinubu led other like-minded elements in forming first the Action Congress (AC) which was then further strengthened and consolidated to form the Action Congress of Democrats (ACD) and ultimately the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which won hegemonic control of the South-West through the ballot box. Tinubu and other leaders of the ACN then led the party to work with others in the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), a faction of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the breakaway New People’s Democratic Party (nPDP) to form the broad-based APC that made spectacular electoral history in the 2015 elections and is the ruling party today.

    It is instructive that Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of the PDP and a chieftain of the Labour Party (LP), Professor Pat Utomi, have in recent times, on different occasions, spoken of the need to create broad-based political party structures by the opposition as a necessary condition for displacing the APC from power come 2027. Tinubu and the APC have a patent on this template in Nigerian politics. The attempts by opposition political leaders in the first and second republics to achieve this feat always failed abysmally.

    But the willingness of opponents of Tinubu and the APC to emulate the model without necessarily admitting it is a clear indication of its efficacy. If the ongoing surreptitious attempts of opposition parties to forge such an alliance work, it may have the desirable consequence of curbing the APC of any tendency towards overconfidence, putting it on its toes and pressuring it towards placing a greater premium on becoming a genuinely development-driven political party.

    No office holder either at the federal or state levels of government in this dispensation has impacted more on the welfare and strengthening of the judiciary as a critical arm of government than Tinubu. The judiciary settles disputes not only between individual citizens and corporate groups but also between different arms and levels of government. A well-remunerated and motivated judiciary is thus indispensable to the meaningful political development of any polity. When he assumed office as governor of Lagos State, the Tinubu administration set the pace in taking steps to considerably improve the salaries of judicial officers as well as providing them such amenities as free accommodation and transportation which they continued to enjoy on retirement.

    We have earlier referred to how Tinubu inspired governorship candidates who had been robbed of their electoral victories in Osun, Ekiti, Ondo, and Edo states, respectively, in the 2007 elections to challenge the purported outcome of the polls in court. The success of those litigations demonstrated that with careful, meticulous accumulation of forensic evidence and diligent prosecution, electoral fraud could be detected and overturned through the courts. It was again the instrumentality of the courts that Tinubu as governor of Lagos State and his Attorney General and Commissioner of Justice, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, utilized to challenge the centre’s usurpation of state powers under the 1999 Constitution and in the process helped to significantly deepen federal practice in Nigeria.

    Under Tinubu’s leadership as governor, the Lagos State government challenged the federal government’s constriction of state rights on at least 13 issues and obtained victory in all of these at the Supreme Court thus substantially influencing the evolution of contemporary federalism in Nigeria.

    Suffice it to say that his contribution to the emergence of the constitutional rule we enjoy today through his frontline role at the vanguard of the struggle against the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election and the perpetuation of praetorian rule has reserved for Tinubu a cardinal place in the roll of catalysts of political development in Nigeria. But as President of Nigeria, this places on him the even greater burden of ensuring that under his leadership, the country experiences an unprecedented consolidation of the foundations of constitutionalism and the rule of law, respect for human rights, increased autonomy of the constituent units of the federation as well as greater integrity and credibility of the electoral process.

  • Growing Super Eagles brand

    Growing Super Eagles brand

    The biggest brand by which sports can be showcased to the corporate world is football largely because of its huge followership. Therefore, when the game enjoys tremendous sponsorship as a result of its meteoric rise in global soccer events, those firms that can find space in the soccer marketing sphere can back the next popular sport to football until a vacuum is created.

    Since Nigeria’s splendid debut outing at the 1994 edition of the senior World Cup in the United States where it exited in the Second Round after being defeated 2-1 by Argentina, Nigeria‘s national team has been unable to improve on this feat despite a pilgrimage of attendance in the last 30 years.

    Had Nigeria grabbed the opportunities that fell on her lap following the country’s remarkable outings at the Atlanta 96 Olympic Games, sponsorship deals, especially the international brands would have been the elixir for growth for the beautiful game here. The country received several requests for international matches with easily the best team, Dream Team 1, captained by Nwankwo Kanu at that time.

    But an all-knowing sports minister preferred to savour the sweetness of the Atlanta 96 Olympic Games gold medal feat than to reap from this achievement through friendly matches with high cash to boost the revenue of the perpetually broke Nigeria Football Federation (NFF). It is this unbridled interference from the government that has kept sports, especially football on its knees because no firm would want to do business with any government knowing its bureaucratic tardiness.

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    If Nigeria had honoured those international friendlies, 28 years ago, we would have understood the dynamics of sport being a business and not mere leisure, which is how we perceive it here. Top firms offered to host the replays against Brazil and Argentina. The cash and business platforms that the two matches would have attracted, 28 years ago, would have made the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) an international brand, which is solvent.

    That is the prize we have paid with that senseless decision, even though it is only during football matches that creed and ethnicity are thrown overboard by Nigerians. Even the criminals abandon their evil trade to cheer our national teams to victory. It doesn’t matter if Nigerians have to stay up late to watch such matches. Soccer is the opium of the people here.

    Recall that the Super Eagles missed its chance of lifting the Africa Cup of Nations diadem back-to-back in 1996 in South Africa but for the idiotic submissions by the late Sani Abacha’s jackboot government, with words rife that the players were compromised to accept the dastardly decision not to participate at the 1996 Africa Cup Nations held in South Africa which Nigeria would have attended as the defending champions, having won it in 1994.

    Some of the Eagles of ’94 were merchants, they mortgaged their career path on the altar of filthy lucre during the jackboot era.  Is anyone still worried that our football is still in diapers, over 63 years after the country’s Independence?

    Nigeria is perhaps the only country in the world where governors host international matches only to throw the gates open on match days for cheap popularity. The governors’ defence of their decision to host games is always on the excuse of fulfilling the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) to their people in the state, this defence is very weak. In other climes, big matches serve as one of the revenue generation platforms that such a country’s FA uses to showcase the marketing outlets and celebrate existing sponsors. The ambience around the match venues in saner climes encourages firms not doing business with such FAs to key into the federations’ programmes, especially those whose products and services are targeted at the masses, albeit the people who throng the stadium to see games.

    The football world watched how Brazil earned a deserving late penalty kick to secure the 3-3 draw against the Spaniards inside the Real Madrid Stadium Tuesday night. A mammoth crowd watched the match from the start to the finish, with everyone connected with prosecuting the game seeing it as a business. Whilst the game was on, the commentators told listeners the number of spectators inside the stadium. Also, right inside the stadium, it was clear to those who wanted to find out if the game was a box office fixtures.

    You neither did not have to persuade any club official to find out how much their clubs were worth nor did the Spanish quarrel with the full disclosure of all that transpired within the stadium to the world by the commentators.

    It was quite sickening to read that the face of the Super Eagles, the Technical Adviser, or is it Head Coach is being linked with primordial sentiments such as what was reported in some national dailies on Tuesday. This writer is miffed that the Chairman of the APC Governors’ Forum, Hope Uzodinma, could be reported in The Guardian online as rooting for the employment of Emmanuel Amunike as the next Super Eagles coach, probably because the former African Footballer of the Year comes from Imo State. This shouldn’t be the case, Mr. Governor, with due respect, sports is a field for the best. In fact, sports reward excellence, not mediocrity which is what such insalubrious moves by Uzodinma portend. Anyway, it shows how busy our leaders are.

    Picking the right coach for the Super Eagles to prepare for the 2026 World Cup can benchmark how the game would look in the future. But there exist some meddlesome interlopers who make it their duty to advise the NFF. One of such interlopers emerged during the week threatening to sue the federation if a local coach wasn’t recruited as the next Super Eagles coach. This is my problem with elites in Nigeria. Elites whose children school overseas are arguing against ‘wastage’ on foreign coaches. Hypocrites. These elites do business with foreigners. In some instances, these interlopers employ foreigners to do jobs in their businesses which could be done by Nigerians. Colonial mentality.

    They are the forerunners of controversies who have kept football on its knees instead of proffering ideas to lift it up to attract good corporate patronage which would make the NFF solvent, not what it has always been – a stool for mystery. Funding for the NFF  is best achieved when the federation isn’t associated with needless controversies such as these. The corporate firm won’t associate their goods and services with ventures perpetually enmeshed in crises.

    The net income before income tax and social security contributions generated by the Confederação Brasileira de Futebol (CBF) in 2022 amounted to nearly 143.5 million Brazilian reals, or around 28.4 million U.S. dollars based on the exchange rates of May 31st of that year. This figure represents an increase of roughly 108 percent versus a year earlier.

    The Football Association (known by its abbreviation The FA) is the governing body of association football in England and the Crown Dependencies of Jersey, Guernsey, and the Isle of Man. Formed in 1863, it is the oldest football association in the world and is responsible for overseeing all aspects of the amateur and professional game in its territory. The Football Association’s net worth in the last five years is as follows:

    The Football Association Networth 2024     $2.82 Billion

    The Football Association Networth 2023     $2.54 Billion

    The Football Association Networth 2022     $2.26 Billion

    The Football Association Networth 2021     $1.98 Billion

    The Football Association Networth 2020     $1.69 Billion

    This is according to Statista Research Department on Aug 25, 2023, the revenue of the German Football Association (DFB) from 2017 to 2020, by segment.

    In 2020, sponsoring and other marketing brought in roughly 163,098 Euros worth of revenue.

    Professional football in Spain is a sociocultural event that significantly contributes to the Spanish economy in terms of demand and supply. In economic terms, during 2013, professional football generated more than €7.6 billion, including direct, indirect, and induced effects, representing 0.75% of the Spanish GDP.

  • Is Nigeria developing?

    Is Nigeria developing?

    This week, President Bola Tinubu held his maiden meeting with members of his newly constituted Economic Advisory Committee (EAC) at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. In its editorial on this issue, a national newspaper insinuated that the President took too long to constitute the committee since he has been in office for approximately nine months. But there is a scant empirical or logical basis for arriving at such a conclusion.

    For one, in constituting the Federal Executive Council (FEC) and appointing heads of other key agencies of government, President Tinubu had already brought in accomplished technocrats to help him chart the course of the ship of state out of current turbulent waters to a safe harbour of peace, prosperity, and stability.

    These include the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr Wale Edun Minister for Budget and Economic Planning; Mr Olayemi Cardoso as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN); and Mr. Zach Adedeji as Head of the Federal Internal Revenue Service. And it should not be forgotten that the Vice President, Mr. Kashim Shettima, statutorily heads the National Economic Council (NEC) which comprises all state governors and the CBN governor and has the constitutional responsibility “to advise the President concerning the economic affairs of the Federation, and in particular on measures necessary for the coordination of the economic planning efforts or economic programmes of the various Governments of the Federation.”

    Thus, there has been no vacuum in governance or management of the economy since Tinubu assumed office. However, the composition of the new EAC has the potential to help the administration in achieving its key objectives of diversifying the economy, strengthening the national currency relative to foreign currencies, enhancing agricultural productivity, boosting manufacture, substantially improving power supply, generating jobs for the teeming number of idle youths and translating millions of Nigerians from inexcusable poverty to prosperity.

    Read Also; FULL LIST: African presidents, Heads of State below 50 years of age

    Indeed, the idea of a tripartite EAC comprising members from the federal government, the sub-national governments, and members from the Organized Private Sector is an innovative one. It reinforces the view that governance in a federal system like ours must necessarily be a collaborative enterprise among different levels and arms of government as well as the private sector.

    The heavyweights of the OPS represented on the committee – Aliko Dangote, Abdul Samad Rabiu, Tony Elumelu, Wale Tinubu, Bismarck Rewane, and Segun Ajayi-Kadiri – have considerable clout and could be great assets in the Tinubu administration’s relentless striving for massive foreign and local investment. It could be argued that since they have themselves become stupendously wealthy in this system, they must thoroughly understand its dynamics and can help translate their individual success stories into helping to lay the foundation for a successful, stable, secure, and prosperous Nigeria.

    Of course, one is aware of the obverse side to the argument and this is that many of those who have accumulated humongous wealth allegedly did so by manipulating loopholes in the system. Will such people be willing to support requisite changes in the same system that made them who they are today? Time will tell. But we should, in my view, eschew such instinctual cynicism towards our country and our leaders.

    One of the governors on the committee, Prince Dapo Abiodun, had a rich entrepreneurial track record investing in diverse spheres of the private sector and achieving tremendous success before opting to go into public life. There is no doubt that his vast private sector experience coupled with his ongoing saga of quiet but systematic implementation of his developmental agenda in Ogun State will make him an invaluable asset on the President’s economic team.

    The other governor on the team, Professor Chukwuma Soludo, Anambra State governor, is undoubtedly eminently cerebral. He can be quite charismatic when he passionately expounds his theoretical economic postulations in his charismatic and arresting baritone voice. But there are also those who believe that the former CBN governor’s eloquence in articulating theories has not been matched by a comparable capacity to perform and redeem his campaign promises in Anambra. Only the people of Anambra can declaim authoritatively on this. But his sound academic credentials and his career trajectory over the last two decades, in my view, make Soludo eminently qualified to be on the team.

    However, it is this column’s view that President Tinubu’s Economic advisory team should be more diverse, particularly in terms of ideological orientation. If virtually all members of the EAC have the same neoliberal dispositions, then its meetings will most likely be dull, drab, and manifestly unproductive. It is only through intense debates at this kind of Think-thank, which the ECA is, that the best policy decisions can be reached in the interest of the teeming masses of Nigeria.

    In addition to the brilliant, largely neoliberal economists on the team of the  EAC, it is my view that there is also a need for sound political economists on the economic advisory team. These could come from academia or even from the ranks of intellectuals of the Labour movement. For instance, an economist like Dr. Peter Ozo-Ezon of the Department of Economics, University of Jos, is one of Labour’s intellectual resource persons.

    Even though I have never met him but I have seen and heard Dr. Ozo-Ezon dilate on issues affecting the NLC and the economy on television and you cannot be but impressed by his erudition and grasp of the rather obscurantist outlook of contemporary neoliberal economists. A sound progressive economist representing Labour on the EAC, will help to some extent to improve the relationship between the Tinubu administration and Labour.

    The title of this piece is not original to me. It is a chapter in a book, ‘Path to Nigerian Development’ edited by Professor Okwudiba Nnoli then of the University of Nigeria,  Nsukka. Nnoli has three enthralling chapters in the book that throw light on the root causes of the country’s protracted economic crisis as well as worsening underdevelopment. His views are still relevant and remain quite pertinent today even though it was published in the late 1970s.

    One of Nnoli’s chapters in this book is titled ‘Development/Underdevelopment: Is Nigeria Developing??’ One of his arguments was that, contrary to the claims by mainstream pro-establishment economists that the country is indeed developing, there is a wide gulf between that view and the pathetic situation of substantial numbers of Nigerians living in abject poverty.

    He contended that continuing to equate development with growth is wrong and misleading just as the mere accumulation of modern artifacts such as luxury vehicles, imported modern furniture, imported electronics, airports and airplanes, high-heeled shoes, lipsticks,  etc, cannot be described as constituting development.

    In Nnoli’s words, “In fact, it may not even matter if these artifacts are procured from or created here for us by foreigners. It is considered only practical for them to provide the goods and services since we do not have the capacity for ourselves. And we need these products!“

    Given this heavy external dependency and psychological disposition to dysfunctional consumption habits, Nnoli submits that “The inevitable consequence is our powerlessness to use our own resources to transform our internal and external environments in the ways we need and desire.”

    He avers that the accumulation of these artifacts of modernity which we often mistake for development, “reflect development only when they are the end-product of the efforts of the population to apply their creative energy to transformation of the local physical, biological and sociology-cultural environments”.

    Continuing, the eminent political scientist said “This is the situation in the advanced Western and Eastern countries. They cease to mirror development when they are provided by foreigners. In the latter case, the local population is merely acquiring the products of others’ development. This has been the experience of Nigeria.”

    Even as the EAC sets out to work with the requisite Ministries and Agencies to urgently address the hardships being endured by millions of Nigerians as a result of the protracted economic crises, it must not lose sight of the fact that there is a more fundamental and deep-rooted challenge of underdevelopment which must also be addressed. In other words, it is easy to achieve better stability and enhanced value for the Naira in due course, stabilize interest rates, curtail inflation and achieve rapid economic growth while still remaining pathetically underdeveloped.

    • The article was first published on March 2, 2024