Category: Saturday

  • Tinubu’s electoral victory through prism of Omatseye’s ‘prosetry’ (2)

    Tinubu’s electoral victory through prism of Omatseye’s ‘prosetry’ (2)

    The diaries section of Sam Omatseye’sBeating All Odds: Diaries and Essays on How Bola Tinubu Became President‘ takes in and records for posterity small and big points and issues of the campaign not excluding desperate attempts by Tinubu’s adversaries including newspapers and television stations as well as their columnists and anchors who took their antagonism to his candidacy to heights of unprofessionalism hitherto unknown in Nigerian journalism.

    At moments, it became difficult to distinguish between the jungle of social media and what was expected to be a saner, more restrained, and professional terrain of traditional, mainstream journalism.

    In many ways, Nyesom Wike continued to influence the tenor and texture of the campaigns as depicted in the diaries.

    In the week of November 18, for instance, Wike invited Peter Obi to commission a flyover in his state. At the event, Obi mouthed one of his untruths in a futile attempt to aim a blow at Tinubu’s jugular. As Omatseye puts it, “The Labour candidate also made news with another lie. He said he knew Peter Odili as a schoolmate at Christ the King College, and that he was a great footballer. He spoke as though a witness. But Odili was in CKC when Obi was still a toddler or at most a six-year-old. He wanted to translate that moment to launch a jibe at the APC candidate by showing that he had recognizable classmates but he turned out to make a fool of himself.”

    In another diary entry in the week of November 25, 2022, Omatseye records Tinubu’s wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, campaigning in flawless Itshekiri linguistic flourish in Warri, Delta State and Wike unsettling governors of the South-South by revealing that his plethora of projects were executed with funds released by Buhari to all the Niger Delta governors; monies which had been denied them since 1999.

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    Some of the diary entries depict in bold relief the dilemmas confronted by Tinubu in his maneuverings toward the presidency. For instance, what would be the attitude of the APC candidate to the incumbent APC administration of President Muhammadu Buhari? In Omatseye’s words, “Another development was the speculation from some pundits that it may not be easy for the APC presidential candidate to navigate the Buhari terrain in propagating his own candidacy. This is because of some bad news about ASUU, flagging currency, and a sense of disaffection with the direction of the country. Buhari is perceived as a huge albatross on the Tinubu candidate, and this has come up with the statements from the spokesman, Festus Keyamo, who is trying to play a delicate balance between selling Tinubu’s virtues without alienating the Buhari circle.” The diarist’s advice here is that Tinubu needed Buhari’s goodwill in key Northwest sweepstakes like Kano, Katsina, Kaduna, and Jigawa and that the candidate should continue along the shrewd path of not alienating the President.

    In the week of September 9, 2022, Omatseye notes in his diary the marked improvement in power supply and the lull in banditry. But he is disappointed that the media play these down. Even more strangely, the Buhari administration does not blow its own trumpet. “The bad part”, Omatseye writes, “is that the Buhari administration and the APC echelon are also quiet about it. No one can tell your story like yourself. The APC ought to seize the momentum. If power and insecurity go, the opposition and cynics have no word of contention with the ruling party…It is high time the Asiwaju campaigns seized this and explained why these pieces of good news and brag.”

    Although this book is a collection of diaries and essays on the 2023 presidential election, the first essay in the second part titled ‘The APC challenge’, was published in Omatseye’s column on February 18, 2013.  The first paragraph offers a good specimen of Omatseye’s ‘Prosetry’. Hear him: “It mocks us as well as it embraces us. It is the ultimate judge and its verdict can either bruise or boost us. But it is inevitable. It is history, a perennial guest at the contemporary dinner table. Whether or not we agree to fete it, its appetite gravitates to our feast.” This essay has as its focus the founding of the APC, an epochal development without which the outcome of the country’s electoral cycles as from 2015 would have been radically different from what it turned out to be. Analyzing the communique read on behalf of eleven governors by Kashim Shettima who declared their support for the new APC coalition, the author writes, “That is why I say that the governors and the party wheel horses behind the mergers must pray for history not to prey on the nobility of the idea”. Note the word play on pray and prey – ‘prosetry’ at work.  It is a stirring piece in which the writer deploys the tools of the historian to take a rear mirror view of our political evolution to recall how the progressive coalitions against erring parties at the centre in the first and second republics failed to achieve their objective of winning power through the ballot box as a result of contending vaulting ambitions, incompatible personalities, draconian utilization or outright electoral chicanery.

    One of the fascinating pieces in this book is titled ‘A Lagos Original’ published on January 17, 2022, after Tinubu had first publicly and formally unveiled his intention to contest for the presidency come 2023. Soaring to inspired heights of lyricism, the author paints vivid pictures of Tinubu’s strengths and attainments which placed him in great stead not only as the immediate front runner in the race but one aspirant with a bright possibility of achieving his ambition and occupying the coveted office. In Omatseye’s weekly essays on the no-easy route to the 2023 presidential election, the swirl of events and developments on an uncertain, often unpredictable terrain come alive in glowing colours of a gripping narrative. They are placed within a comparative historical context, enriched with literary anecdotes, seasoned with philosophical musings and elucidated for better comprehension through sheer analytic lucidity.

    On February 21, 2022, for instance, he wrote on ‘APC as a sick baby’. He refers to what amounted to a veritable coup d’etat within the APC when its Adams Oshiomhole-led party executive was decapitated mostly by conspiratorial governors who saw this as a first step to denuding Tinubu of whatever influence he had in the party and ultimately truncating whatever future ambitions the former Lagos State governor harboured within the inner recesses of his soul. Of course, we are aware of how the Buni-led caretaker and extraordinary convention planning committee that supplanted Oshiomhole came to an ignoble end and the APC had to return to a constitutional order.

    Another interesting essay is ‘The Bazaar’ penned on May 30, 2022, with its lens trained on Atiku’s emergence as the presidential candidate of the PDP. “So, to Apostle Paul again”, Omatseye writes, “Atiku won a corruptible prize, a dollarized victory. It was a bazaar of democracy, and what a bizarre duel. A democracy of the money men. Money and politics have never turned more obscene than the story of the PDP presidential primary”. And here, the essayist comes across as a futurologist when he avers that, with Atiku’s triumph as PDP candidate, for the APC “The only option is to have a Tinubu as the candidate. It promises to be a gladiatorial contest…Other than Tinubu, APC has no one near Atiku’s prowess…The option for APC is whether they want to win with Tinubu or lose without him. Do they want to fight a lion with a domestic cat or a bigger lion? It’s a battle of pound for pound and guile guile for guile. It will be a thriller. A week from now will prove it.”

    The essays focus on diverse issues around the campaigns such as the emergence of Tinubu, Atiku, and Obi as the major candidates, high points of the various campaigns, the characteristically foxy and wily interventions of Obasanjo, the heated debates on Muslim-Muslim ticket, the pastoral theatrics of ‘men of God in partisan political garbs, the merits of a Kashim Shettima vice presidency, the elections proper and the desperate attempts to discredit both the result and the electoral umpire by sore losers, the post-election attempts to blackmail, intimidate and harass the judiciary, Atiku’s futile fishing expedition to Chicago in search of what was not missing – all these and more attract the attention of the pen from Omatseye’s observatory.

    This is a work of history even if written with the hurry of journalistic deadlines in mind. It is a blend of prose and poetry as grounded in realism as in imagination. There is an intricate, intimate nexus between the first part, the diaries, and the second section, the essays. In the diaries, trends are teased out, questions are raised, posers are posited, the author airs his doubts sometimes debating with himself and conclusions are tentative. Not so, the essays. Here, the author takes definitive positions. He makes confident assertions and at times magisterial pronouncements and audacious predictions. In Omatseye’s political analyses, black and white stand in sharp contradistinction. There are no indecipherable shades of grey. For his admirers, this is strength, the hallmark of the opinion writer at his best. His critics would accuse him of a tendency to bias and lack of objectivity wondering why he hardly finds fault with Tinubu or sees any good in his adversaries. But partisan stands that don the deceptive garb of objectivity is difficult to distinguish from hypocrisy and Omatseye has chosen not to tread that path. 

  • Shade Okoya: Shattering glass ceiling in male-dominated sector

    Shade Okoya: Shattering glass ceiling in male-dominated sector

    Chief (Mrs.) Folashade Okoya, MON stands out as a leading figure in the manufacturing sector. She has continued to shatter the glass ceiling in the male-dominated terrain.  The Bewaji of Lagos, who has been honoured and recognised at the academic front and national level, knows her onions. Since the mantle of leadership fell on her as the managing director of Eleganza Industries Limited, she has used her magic wand to turn the  famous conglomerate around. She turned 47 on April 25 and also celebrated her 25th wedding anniversary. BUKOLA OJO, writes on the industrial genius and workaholic entrepreneur whose enterprising acumen continues to dazzle in the manufacturing sector.

    It has been over 25 years since her path crossed with the industrial giant of the famous Eleganza Industry, Chief Rasaki Akanni Okoya, but this amazing and talented diva has continued to shine like  diamonds in the sky as a wife and mother and as an outstanding entrepreneur.

    Her early years with the Aare of Lagos and Landlord of Oluwanishola Estate saw her raising four wonderful children. Done with child bearing, the Ijebu Ode, Ogun State born beauty plunged herself into the art of manufacturing. And having leaned the ropes under the tutelage of an established husband, this  combined with determination and interest, she soared. 

    Today, she has held her head high and commanded respect as one of the outstanding business magnates in Nigeria.

    With over 60 years of experience, Eleganza Industries has invested heavily in machines and molds. Now at the helm of Eleganza Industries Limited, she oversees operations on a vast 35-acre site near the Pan Atlantic University on the Ibeju-Epe Expressway.

    The facilities in the factory are state-of-the-art, producing a wide array of goods that meet both high-quality standards and international benchmarks.

    She is proud of Eleganza’s exploits in manufacturing. Take for instance the plastic chairs. Their robustness, elegance, and durability are second to none. With over 200 diverse designs, it is hard to believe these chairs are crafted in Nigeria—they rival global standards. Some feature upholstered seats, which add to their appeal.

    She said during an encounter with journalists: “We’re setting sights on exporting these chairs globally, confident that their distinctive designs and marketability will resonate worldwide.

    “Their affordability is another plus, thanks to locally sourced materials from our petrochemical industry.

    “Available in various colors and shapes, they’re perfect for any event, making venues both presentable and inviting.”

    Speaking further, she said they also cater for schools. “ln addition to our renowned chairs, we offer tables and desks that surpass traditional wood in durability and elegance.

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    “They are cost-effective too, thanks to our use of local petrochemical materials, making them accessible for any school.

    “Schools highly favour them for enhancing classroom aesthetics and student comfort.”

    Reeling out what has made Eleganza stand out over the years, she added: “Our cooling boxes and food warmers set us apart as West Africa’s pioneers.

    “Despite growing competition, our standards remain unmatched.

    “Our coolers are known for their superior durability and cooling efficiency; a testament to our unrivaled experience.

    “Our  Casserole Sets collection boasts over 150 patterns, combining durability with style, available in various colours.

    “We lead in quality and durability, making us the top choice with no compromise on quality and affordability.

    “Not limited to household items, it caters for babies.

    “For the little ones, our baby diapers are designed for extended wear without discomfort or rashes, ensuring durability and the utmost care for baby’s skin.”

    Managing an industry of this size is no easy fit for anyone. How has she been able to succeed in steering its affairs in a male-dominated world successfully?

    “To be honest, it has not been eas. But with hard work, determination and the Grace of God, we were able to scale through.”

    For Mrs. Okoya, the sector she operates in has been beset by many challenges in the last few years (FX, input costs, energy costs etc). So, how is she navigating these challenges to stay afloat?

    “Our biggest challenge is electricity because we strictly operate on generator, which makes life not easy for us.”

    Also, industries have been urged to embrace backwards integration to reduce FX exposure. How much has this helped her and how much of her needed materials are locally sourced?

    “On some products like our plastic products, almost 90% are local materials, due to local petrol-chemicals.”

    For her magic wand and business acumen, she has been credited for a lot of the transformation efforts the business has undergone in the last decade to keep Eleganza relevant.

    To this,  shesaid: “Well, I am humbled and at the same time give God the glory. The company has been in existence for almost 60 years.

    “And having leaned under him I decided to take the bull by the horns to team up collectively and bring it to life.

    “I persuaded him to bring everything back alive. That is why we are in our present new Iocation on Lekki-Epe Expressway.”

    Her driving force?

    “My husband’s interest in industry is very high. It is all his life, and to enjoy my marriage, I have to join forces with him.”

    Looking at current realities, would she say production costs and cost of goods would see any reprieve soon?

    ‘Yes, there is big hope for Nigeria. I join prayers with my husband that we should industrialise Nigeria, especially our youths. We must teach them how to make good money.

    “Cottage industry in all the states for these youths will be the answer with private finance and trade by barter with some countries to bring their machines in and teach our youths.

    “A lot of costs will be down and life will be normal. There will be less crime. That is my daily prayer.”

    Manufacturing is the bedrock of any economy, how best can Nigeria improve on industrialization?

    “By encouraging our youths, who are in the majority. As I have explained, there will be more millionaires in the country and majority will be happy, cost will be automatically forced down and crime will be a word of the past.”

    If given the opportunity, what would she do/advice can be done to revamp this sector for proper optimization and growth?

    “Cottage industry is a minor procedure which does not require major capital or attention and yet it will give a lot of relief to our daily lives.”

    As a major player in the plastics industry, how is she encouraging sustainability and recycling processes?

    “Recycling will be a lot of help and it makes cost cheaper and easier, and it will be this part of cottage industry for the youth which will make life easier, which is my daily prayer.

    “Our products stand out for their excellence, with soaps that are unique, pleasantly perfumed and produced on state-of-the-art German machines; disposable and reusable plastic cups and plates that are elegant, durable, and available in over 100 shapes, and a range of quality cosmetics for beauty, elegance, and comfort.”

    Like many companies in Nigeria, in spite of her commitment to quality, Mrs.  Okoya says she  faces a significant challenge such as  power supply.

    She said: “Reliant on generators and diesel, production is difficult. But we are working hard to resolve the issue. We hope to overcome this hurdle within a few months.”

    On Thursday April 25, the business magnate turned 47 and also marked 25 years of marital bliss with her soulmate, Alhaji Rasaki Okoya.

    The Oluwanishola Estate was opened to all dignitaries from all walks of life in lavish combined celebrations hosted by her loving husband.

    Mrs. Okoya no doubt is a society matriarch and a head turner with stunning styles. But beyond this, she dedicates herself to the factory six days a week, from 9:30 am to 6:00 pm.

    Her time is divided between the factory, her four children, her husband, and occasional social events on weekends. This University of Lagos trained graduate’s dedication, commitment to duty and style are truly inspiring.

  • Aiyedatiwa and challenges of reconciliation

    Aiyedatiwa and challenges of reconciliation

    There was no prediction about a free and fair direct governorship primary in the Ondo State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The outcome of the exercise, therefore, was not that surprising. Without prejudice to the report of the Governorship Primary Appeal Committee, the shadow poll has been won and lost.

    But that may not be the end of the matter.

    The Primary Committee, headed by Usman Ododo, governor of Kogi State, declared Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa winner of last weekend’s intra-party contest, to the consternation of his divided and scattered rivals who now contest the outcome. Petitions were submitted to the appeal panel and other contenders have also taken their protests to the media.

    There are spirited calls for outright rejection of the result, cancellation of the primary, and conduct of a fresh poll by another panel. The aggrieved aspirants and chieftains hinged their calls on what they described as obvious irregularities.

    The complaints revolve around the non-distribution of election materials transparently, lack of result forms or sheets, and isolated violence in some wards and local governments.

    There are threats by some contenders that if what they described as injustice is not redressed, they may explore other options ahead of the November poll.

    The threat has two interpretations. The first part is that the other contenders may defect and team up with foes outside the ruling party on poll day. This may affect the chances of the party. The second part is that they may stay in the party and till subvert its candidate at a critical time. This is more dangerous.

    But exuding confidence, Aiyedatiwa’s Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Dr. Kayode Ajulo, said the primary followed due process and the party’s constitution. Even, the governor has challenged his rivals at the primary to provide convincing evidence of rigging.

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    A party’s primary is a divisive factor in electioneering. Usually, there is one ticket being chased by many contenders. Although no selection approach or process is perfect, the main issue is that most governorship primaries are hardly insulated from perceived deficiencies. Substantial compliance is a tall order. It is an affront to internal democracy.

    Whether by consensus, direct primary, or delegate system, party primaries are fundamentally skewed to the advantage of incumbent governors. If it is the non-capital-intensive consensus model, which is a by-product of the age-long convention formulated by the residual class of men of the old order, the ultimate beneficiary is the governor who cannot be sidelined during the selection process.

    An indirect primary is what most governors prefer. Half of the delegates are his aides. They include commissioners, special advisers, all appointees, many elective office holders, and grassroots party officers. For the governor’s challengers, who are often intimidated by his formidable structure, the fear of statutory delegates is the beginning of wisdom.

    The participants know that they are loyal to the core; loyalty being the sole criterion for their retention as kitchen cabinet members. Anyone suspected of disloyalty becomes a target of the war of liquidation in official circles.

    The result of the delegate system is predictable. It is a primary for the decoration of the governor as the candidate.

    The most problematic is the direct primary. It is neither here nor there. While it has been sufficiently rationalised as the key to fuller democratic participation at the party level, the conditions for success may be absent. For example, the party register may not be up to date. Also, non-party members can just come in droves on the eve of the primary for registration as party members. They are not turned back. Since the whole exercise still depends on the state’s party structure, the governor, who is the party leader, is likely to always have his way.

    Governors who are sent to states to conduct primaries are viewed with suspicion. Everyone perceives them as colleagues of their incumbents on a mission to do their bidding for the ticket. The allegation is that they may be eager to pander to the whims and caprices of their colleagues.

    The Governors’ Forum is the most formidable political cult in Nigeria. Presidential candidates mostly depend on the governors to win their states. So powerful are the governors that they recommend ministers, special advisers, and corporation chiefs to be appointed by presidents, although they are free to appoint their commissioners, special advisers and other aides without an input from anyone.

    However, while a governor may dominate the primary, which may be cast in his image as the state party leader, chief executive, chief security officer and controller of the state treasury, the real election may be a different ball game, if he does not put his house – the ruling party in the state – in order.

    Opposition parties are not likely to sleep on guard. Their candidates may be ready to profit from the division and polarisation of the ruling party.

    Ondo APC is bubbling with confidence that the state chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is a famished lion that cannot roar. Such an assessment may not be accurate. Overconfidence is dangerous. Currently, only a thin line separates APC and PDP in Ondo State. The PDP candidate, Agboola Ajayi, has links in the APC, and vice versa.

    To analysts, there is the reality of the post-primary crisis in Ondo APC. No fewer than 14 aspirants are kicking. Many of them are either founding chieftains or long-standing party members with a history of genuine commitment to the platform. They love the ruling party and the state,  and their ambitions are legitimate. Therefore, their complaints and threats should not be ignored.

    The next challenge before Aiyedatiwa, the state party officers and elders is genuine reconciliation; a sort of peace-building and fence-mending, give and take, abolition of ‘winner-takes-all’ and extension of meaningful opportunities for inclusion. The Ganduje-led National Working Committee (NWC) has started the peace move. It should be sustained.

    The party’s primary is just one level of the general electioneering which will culminate in wider participation among the indigenes and residents on poll day. The factors that may shape the poll may contrast with issues that have shaped the primary.

    Aiyedatiwa came from the back, as it were, in the long queue, to become the governor and party leader. Fate had catapulted him to the front burner as the main beneficiary of the incapacitation of his former boss, Oluwarotimi Akeredolu, who passed on last year. The governor’s ascendancy naturally provoked envy among peers, leading to ‘siblings rivalry’. As power was gradually landing on his palm, he was accused of impatience, immoderate eagerness and undue excitement.

    He fought hard to survive the impeachment move against him. Once he inherited the driver’s seat, he immediately consolidated his hold, not only on the government,  but also on the party. He dissolved the State Executive Council (Exco). When it was being reconstituted, there was an intra-party uproar, which he dampened in his next array of appointments.

    Some experienced party elders backed him and aided his aspiration with the novel aboriginal structure. Self-confident, the governor has been forging ahead towards the November poll.

    But now, he needs more support and assistance.

    Aiyedatiwa is the custodian of the APC ticket. But party members should be allowed to take collective ownership of the flag. This is possible through genuine waving of the olive branch, a clear display of humility and demonstration of a genuine intention to bring everybody on board. It should start with the setting up of a broad-based campaign organisation that will enhance inclusion and give the diverse interests in the party a sense of belonging.

    Crisis resolution is always weak in progressive platforms. Their leaders usually allow a crisis to escalate before thinking about a resolution. The reconciliation committee set up by the national leadership can as well kick off its assignment in Ondo State – to reconcile aggrieved aspirants and their supporters and followers. It is in the interest of the ruling party.

    To pacify those who lost in the primary, the current administration could be reconstituted to reflect diverse interests and foster unity and cohesion in the chapter. Aiyedatiwa should be less combative and more condescending. Much sacrifice is expected from the governor.

    The onus is on Aiyedatiwa to drive the compelling reconciliatory vehicle aimed at preventing defections and polarisation in the interest of the party.

    His style of handling the reconciliation will either motivate them to make more sacrifices and see his ticket as a joint ticket, or cause dissensions that could upset the party’s chances in the November poll.

    All eyes are on the governor to give concessions, build consensus and unite the party ahead of the November poll.

  • Two victorious ‘victors’ and the Nigerian football dilemma

    Two victorious ‘victors’ and the Nigerian football dilemma

    Football is popularly called the beautiful game for a reason. It has become a global center of attraction and a multi-trillion dollar business. It is a game that has grown in its more than 100 years history to become an agent of multi-lateral political, economic and social relationships and business globally. The Federation International de Football Association (FIFA), the self-regulatory governing body has over the decades tried to eschew political interferences in the beautiful game.

    This is particularly instructive given that global politics is often a chessboard of intrigues of self and group interests. The governing body has fought over the years to exclude political interferences in the game of football and this luckily has helped in pushing the growth and success of the game globally. FIFA has somehow created a borderless world where interactions on the pitch of play is the focus and while there has been no perfection in creating a football world devoid of racism and other social issues the entertainment and economic value of the game can be seen in countries with viable football leagues.

    Funny enough, Nigerians are some of the most popular lovers of the different Football Leagues in the World. The English Premier League, Italian Serie A, German Bundesliga, French League, Spanish La Liga and lately the emerging Saudi League with  stars like Ronaldo, Mane, Neymar, and many others.

    Possibly due to colonial historical and proximity reasons, the English Premier League (EPL) seems the most popular with Nigerians with very popular clubs like; Arsenal,  Manchester United, Liverpool and Chelsea having very strong fan bases amongst the Nigerian youths. Other Leagues equally command their attention depending on the famous Nigerian or other world renowned players in such teams like Barcelona FC, Napoli, AC Milan, Real Madrid, Bayern Munich and lately Bayer Leverkusen.

    Well-organized football leagues in countries have become huge brands that have become sources of pride and huge revenue for the economies of such nations. Interestingly, in countries with functional leagues, football has become huge investment points for countries but a huge buy in by private investors who leverage on a viable systemic functionality that makes return on investment very attractive.

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    In the last one year, two Nigerians, Victor Osimhen of Napoli and recently Victor Boniface of Bayer Leverkusen have made global headlines by helping their respective teams to win their leagues. In a way, their names seem to have manifested through their football actions. They are by no means in an exclusive club of successful football exports from Nigeria or even Africa but as they say, they are the rave of the moment in football terms.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that Nigeria can do better than being the engine room that incubates some of football’s best since the ’80s when the likes of late Steven Keshi stepped out of the shores of Nigeria to play international football. Football has since metamorphosed into a multi-trillion dollar global business for countries that have dared to invest in developing the game. Investment in the game is well beyond the human capital and this is why despite the talents in Nigeria, most of the players even in the wobbly local league have their eyes on the international arena.

    Given what football has become, the success of Nigerian internationals means that there is something the country is not doing right. Football today is not just a game on the pitch of play but a sport that creates multiple layers of high earning jobs, the unspoken brand ambassador of clubs, countries and a huge economic earner for countries.

    The issue then is, why is Nigeria, one of the most populous countries in the world with huge youth demographics and one of the countries with the highest presence in most global leagues still not able to develop the game at home? What has happened to huge private investments in the game that in the late seventies and early-eighties attracted players and coaches from countries like Brazil, Ghana, Ivory Coast and some other countries to play in the Nigerian Leagues and earn contractual money then?

    We spoke to Onochie Anibeze, a veteran journalist and Group Sports Editor of Vanguard Newspapers.  We asked him what happened to Nigerian football that has made the celebrations basically about Nigerians that are playing in foreign leagues  and why the country is losing out on the global earnings accruable to other countries with functional leagues.

    He affirmed that Nigeria previously had a viable league that attracted players from other countries.  However, Onochie believes that the strength of the naira then was an advantage just like the weakness of the Nigeria now is pushing players away from the local league to foreign leagues. Naira in those days was strong and competitive with other currencies.

    In his view, the older clubs like Abiola Babes, Stationery Stores, Leventis United, Udoji United, Iwuanyanwu National, Racca Rovers, Jasper Football club, ACB football Club etc. were all making waves in the past before international football became very lucrative luring local players outside.  Individuals and organizations invested heavily in football and got back return on investment as the local population was all supportive just like what is now happening with foreign clubs. 

    However, he believes that systemic corruption became a big problem and those clubs steadily fizzled out. The corruption was not just about or in football alone but all sectors of the socio-political economy of the Nigerian state. But as regards football which is under discourse now, the impact of corruption was deep. In some warped sense, there was a bizzare situation where home teams started winning matches and subsequently, the alluring element of surprises vanished from Nigerian football club competitions. There was something uncanny about the refereeing system in ways that there were questions about the refereeing quality. Some football veterans even joked that it seems to be more lucrative refereeing than playing. The core of competitive football is the element of anticipation and the suspense amongst fans and players as regards winning. Once that is lost, all seems lost.

    To buttress the quality of Nigerian refereeing in recent times, the recently concluded AFCON competition in Ivory Coast, out of the almost 64 match officials, not one Nigerian referee was appointed. One of the CAF officials when questioned had claimed that FIFA chooses only the best. So the officiating in the league must not be perfect but there must be improvement for the league to be highly rated.

    Again, Onochie points to the state of football facilities. There are very few good pitches. If you watch most foreign leagues, if an attacker is running, if a pitch is not good there will be no free flow of football. The typical Nigerian players can’t tackle hard because of bad pitches. Most stadiums like the National stadium in Lagos are wasting away due to lack of use and maintenance. Football is not played in mansions or rooms, there is limited investment in football facilities. No league functions well under such conditions.

    There are issues with professionalism in administration. Football administrators seem not to fully follow international standards given the incessant arguments about payment of players and coaches. The Nigerian football administrators seem not to recognize essence of contractual agreements unlike in foreign leagues where contracts are strictly adhered to. If a player has a 2 or 3 years contractual agreement with a club to play he will be paid and if another club wants him, they buy out the contract with the club if there is mutual agreement.

    There would be emphasis on quality instead of quantity. The number of clubs must not be unwieldy given the challenges. It is better to have 10 or 12 quality clubs than 15 or 20 that can’t be well managed.  There should be efforts to improve club facilities and make playing enjoyable. Those running the leagues should set and maintain the standards. Imagine how they celebrate goals abroad. In Nigeria pitches, they can’t do all the sliding down the pitch because of the quality of pitches.

    Most football  academies abroad train and groom pre-teens and they in turn supply the clubs and national teams for age grade competitions like the FIFA under 17 and under 21 World Cups. Nigeria must begin to think of investing in facilities, training and football academies that can attract investors. There is no reason most local clubs should be run by governments, government’s job should be to create an enabling environment for football investors.

    Nigerian must re-organize its football administration to comply with global standards in competence and transparency. The Nigerian Football Federation must be administered by those with technical and administrative competences. So long as the flawed political system sips into football administration, the league would continue to wobble. There must be fair constitution of the NFF board, representatives of state FA Chairmen, players, referees, coaches, school sports and all interested parties  must be represented for sports democracy to triumph over nepotism.

    Nigeria has to decide how to develop sports. Right now government must step in to create the enabling environment. Most private organizations are out of football sponsorships because an investor must be sure of outcomes before investing. If we re-organize we will do well, chairman of technical committees which is the engine room of Football federation must know the ropes. No viable league in the world thrives with political chicanery. Investors and brands must see that their investments are protected before they can fully invest in football. It takes a government deliberately setting high administrative standards to encourage investors. The law must be seen to be functional to protect investors’ interests.

    The two Victors with League titles on their shoulders are mere metaphors for the millions available in the country with the largest youth population. The missing link in our football administration is ceding our best and our football economic powers to other nations who understand the value of football and in fact all other sports.  May we learn to own and develop our talents to work for our nation not just in football but indeed in all sports.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Musings on these Men of God (1)

    Musings on these Men of God (1)

    Before their fire and brimstone congregants reach for their broadsides, let it be known that I am also a Christian of Pentecostal Faith but I am also a humanist and thus not given to the dogmatic that appears to hold sway on religion in Nigeria and several parts of Africa.

    So before they start with their “Touch not my anointed!“ an excuse taken by many of these congregants to stupidly confer on these men of God a certain right to be infallible as well as possess a larger than life image on earth, they ought to know that this old man penning this piece has always being a non conformist right from his days as a primary school pupil, mine was a Catholic Primary School and it was not uncommon to see the teachers and Reverend Sisters refer to me as the “devil” for merely speaking during a hymn recital or opening my eyes during prayers. I guess such stubbornness followed me into the university and thus pushed me to question intelligently certain aspects of the faith, more especially the hypocrisy of some of these so called men of God whether they be Muslim or Christian.

    So a man of God like Pastor Enenche needs no introduction. A household name in the business of the gospel, Enenche has been in the news sometimes for not so good reasons and while I may not want to judge his ilk because of the fact that they are still human beings of flesh and blood, the fact that these men of God carry themselves like God himself makes me livid with anger. Recall how he hemmed and hawed before and during 2023 elections, declaring that God wanted and had willed a particular candidate, of “Yes Daddy” fame as the next President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? The likes of Enenche became so partisan and when the so called will of God failed to manifest, Christianity became the butt of jokes with many asking which God had actually spoken to Enenche!

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    This time on, it was the open embarrassment of a particular lady, Vera Anyim who had gone on to testify about God’s goodness and her graduation as a Law graduate with a “B.Sc” in Law from the National Open University. In the course of giving such a testimony, this man of God publicly humiliated the lady by questioning her testimony and outrightly ruled her testimony to be fake!

    The video which sparked a massive shitstorm eventually led to a number of investigations which helped determine that the poor lady who’s only sin was to give hope to those like her as well as give glory to God as being the first graduate in her family was actually a graduate and was telling the truth!

    Enenche like I said is human like us but his reaction to the testimony and subsequent actions prompted this article. Now, in the aftermath of the findings which proved that Vera was indeed a graduate, one would have expected Enenche to have openly apologized to the lady but no, the man of God perhaps clothed in his imagined infallibility got the spokesperson of Dunamis Church to write what could pass for a self exculpatory missive rather than note that its leader had erred. When Nigerians all over condemned such arrogance, Enenche then arranged for a photo ops session with his wife and Vera, before doing an apology, a few days after the letter!

    What happened to the gentleness and meekness expected from such a shepherd of Christ ? Even if the lady was telling lies should that have been the way to have gone about it? Even if there is a hundred percent aversion to dishonesty or mediocrity in his church as Enenche tried to later explain, isn’t it surprising to see a pastor behaving more like a drill sergeant, whereas Christ never exhibited such a behavior as we see in his encounters even with the worst of sinners!

    Yes, as an actor friend of mine cited on my Facebook page , we must condemn the mediocrity which our educational system has somewhat bequeathed on us but then this was supposed to be in the House of God and if I as a humanist can understand that stage fright, poor background, one’s environment as well as learning adaptabilities may have had their effects on the poor lady then how much more a man of God?

    For Pastor Chris Oyakhilome , we too know that he needs no introduction, his brand of evangelism, jerry curled hair and his preachings have made him one of Africa’s most popular televangelists. But then he has always been seen to dabble from the pulpit unto matters that may naturally not be his calling or which he has little or no expertise. Take for example when the pandemic of Coronavirus was ravaging the country, the likes of Pastor Chris began spinning conspiracy theories about the virus and it’s connection to the introduction of the 5G technology. When I attacked such a notion on my Facebook handle, a number of his fanatical followers rose to defend such an insinuation until I pointed out that a country like Lesotho which had at that time introduced 5G but was yet to have any incidence of the virus whereas a country like Nigeria which was yet to introduce such a technology standard for cellular networks had reported numerous incidents of the virus.

    This time around, Oyakhilome has settled for the malaria vaccine which according to the British Broadcasting Corporation , BBC has resulted in a 13 percent drop in the deaths of children of eligible age.

  • African soccer, my foot

    African soccer, my foot

    Truth always sticks out like a sore thumb. It only takes time to know its significance. I laughed my heart out after reading a message emanating from the NFF that its Technical Committee would meet to decide the next Super Eagles helmsman. What that presupposes is that another rebuilding of the team’s structures beckons. According to the federation, the first game of the 2026 World Cup qualifiers between the Bafana Bafana and the Super Eagles will be held on June 7 inside the Nest of Champions Stadium in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

    I was wondering who the members of the Technical Committee were and if they could deliver the right Super Eagles manager in one meeting. Quickly, my mind raced to the fact that Tuesday was meant to sort out the applications, pick the best six coaches based on parameters set by the members, and then send out invitation letters to those shortlisted for a formal screening session by knowledgeable tacticians in the game.

    I tried to pick my brain to find out the kind of parameters the technical committee members would list for the new man to provide answers in an interview. In seconds, my mind’s eye brought forth the laughable parameter of knowledge of African football. What is so-called? What are videos for, if not to serve as referrals for those seeking to update their knowledge of any subject? Happily, YouTube among other channels is awash with clips on bits and pieces of African football.

    Pray, football has no tribe. It is the same all over the world and the rules are dynamic as specified by FIFA to the over 211 federations affiliated to the world soccer ruling body. Even within the African continent, there are contrasting styles of play among the nations occasioned by each African nation’s preference for European coaches.

    How then would some people sit inside the room to pick the next Super Eagles head coach and insist on their knowledge of the African game as a prerequisite? Isn’t it quite ironic that people can be talking about African soccer, yet most of the countries are handled by foreign coaches, without apologies? Do Africans not dominate the big leagues in the world? What else is there to learn about Africa that hasn’t been exhibited by these glorious African youth?

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    Another amusing parameter would be to find out if he would be prepared to stay in Nigeria as if he won’t be paid with taxpayers’ money here. Such discussions expose us as being unserious because anyone seeking a Nigerian job must live in Abuja, which is where his employers are domiciled, for instance. The NFF should, therefore, get a befitting accommodation for the next manager in Abuja and possibly in Lagos. What would it cost the NFF to plead with one of its sponsors to buy the coach a car and brand it? I also hope that the new manager’s offices in Abuja and anywhere the NFF men deem fit to have one is readily fitted with state-of-the-art communication gadgets for his work.

    Do we need to remind NFF to ensure that it outsources the payment of the new manager’s wages when due? We are tired of the sour grapes between the federation and our coaches over unpaid salaries, allowances, and match bonuses. Whispers in high places in Abuja have suggested that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration would be persuaded to provide the cash to pay the new manager. The government would find a way of the delays which TSA causes to the payment process to foreigners in hard currencies. Sadly, in Nigeria, we develop sports from the top. If the governor or his deputy likes one or two sports, lickspittles around the government would make a scene out of the sports, especially when their principals are around. That isn’t sports development.

    Of course, the team needs a better bus, not what they ride in when in camp. One is usually ashamed whenever the team conveying our Super Eagles drives into the stadium. You need to watch how clubs announce their arrival while driving into their stadium’s premises in marvelous buses. In fact, the tense atmosphere in the stadium reaches its crescendo when the two teams are spotted around the stadium. Indeed, what distinguishes the two teams is the colour of their buses. The aerial photography on television while watching at home pumps up everyone’s adrenalin.

    Super Eagles’ buses shouldn’t be used for rental purposes by anyone considering its significance. Government officials, their relations eager to create any event of importance should go to the different garages to pay for buses to take their invitees to their home to celebrate. Doing such illegal activities translates to abuse of office which should attract sanctions from the government if brought to their notice.

    Sometimes I wonder if our NFF members think, with due apologies to them if they do. Otherwise, how is it that they always make the same mistakes with almost every contractual agreement they sign with our foreign coaches? Where on earth are coaches employed on a part-time basis? Coaching is a full-time job. Not so for NFF. Super Falcons head coach Randy Waldrum renewed a part-time deal with NFF where he called his employers crooks and he still keeps his job. Who does that?

    The clubs and countries that sack their coaches have a list of managers whose patterns of play fit with their football philosophy, making their transition smooth whenever the deals are struck. These entities headhunt the coaches who meet their criteria on a scale of preference starting with their first choices. By the time they got to their third candidate, a decision would have been made. Names of likely coaches to replace sacked or released ones start with speculations. Nothing is made public by the prospecting club or countries until the unveiling day. Negotiations are done by those whose duty it is to conduct that exercise and the managers’ agents.

    This writer’s problem with the composition of the federation’s technical committee is the skewed perception of the qualities that the new helmsman must have. If part of the criteria of recruiting has anything to do with how well he distinguished himself as a player for club and country, then the King of soccer, Brazil’s Pele would have been lured by irresistible offers to coach his country’s senior team. Again, for anyone aspiring into leadership positions, his integrity should be above reproach. It isn’t negotiable.

    Nigeria needs thinking coaches with coaching characteristics reminiscent of Pep Guardiola, Carlo Ancelotti, Jose Mourinho, Sir Alex Ferguson, et al. Coaches who think outside of the box to win competitive matches. Nigeria needs a coach who is interested in improving the quality of coaching in the domestic leagues for the products from that platform to qualify to play at the national team level. Nigeria needs the coaches’ coach not one ‘marketed’ by Nigerians who are European clubs’ scouts and agents for mercantile gains.

    Nigeria doesn’t need coaches who are very active in the sale of players to European leagues and other such soccer competitions in the Diaspora. We need to cultivate a synergy between the Super Eagles and the age group teams. That way we are sure of enough new lads to replace those due for retirement and edged out due to injuries or old age. We would be killing the nurseries in the domestic leagues if we continued to parade oldies in the Super Eagles under the guise of their experience in the game. Isn’t it when you introduce kids at an early age that they start to garner the so-called experience? About now we started reaping the benefits of employing foreign coaches for the Super Eagles.

  • Labour Party’s travails

    Labour Party’s travails

    In the aftermath of the February 25, 2023, presidential elections in which the Labour Party (LP) and its flag bearer, Mr Peter Obi, exceeded even their own expectations in terms of the number of states won and the spread of its support base, the party began to affect an exaggerated sense of its political worth and significance. Not even its far less stellar outing in the March 18 governorship elections in which the LP only managed to win in Abia State could bring the party leaders down to reality from their delusional flights of fancy.

    Indeed, having won 12 states including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as well as Lagos State, where he led with approximately 10,000 votes, Peter Obi scandalously claimed to have won an election in which he came third. Of course, no empirical or logically credible reasons needed to be offered for this utterly fictitious claim. Mr. Obi’s assertion and that of his fellow LP co-travelers were sufficient for those hooked on the opium and frenzy of the ‘Obidient Movement’, a largely amorphous and headless group within the LP, that came to constitute the core of Obi’s and the party’s electoral strength.

    Indeed, even beyond the LP, a number of pathetically naive elements, particularly youths, began to romanticize the party as the vehicle capable of midwifing the New Nigeria of our dreams. The first shocker for those who dwelt in this imaginary universe was the rejection by the LP members of the National Assembly of the suggestion in several quarters that they should dissociate themselves from the widely criticized decision of the National Assembly leadership to procure imported Special Utility Vehicles worth over N100 million each for members of the legislature in these hard times.

    Their turning down of the largesse, it was argued, would help to enhance their credibility and integrity and also portray the LP as being ideologically distinct from the other major parties. But they would not budge. Who would spit out a juicy morsel from his mouth in the name of a value like integrity lacking in concreteness to paraphrase the great Chinua Achebe? The LP does not necessarily stand on an ethically superior moral plane to the other parties.

    The breakout of the equivalent of a civil war within the leadership of the LP, leading to a bifurcation between Barrister Julius Abure and the Lamidi Apapa as well as Mr Abayomi Arabambi factions was again to help in reinforcing the notion that what bound the LP together was not necessarily more altruistic and noble than obtained in other parties. Charges of criminal infractions of the law including forgery of party documents and financial malfeasance were leveled against Abure by the Apapa and Arabambi faction. At this juncture, the presidential candidate, Mr Obi, and the ordinarily temperamental, impetuous, abrasive and belligerent Comrade Ajaero, President of the Nigeria Labour Conference, decided to hold their peace. Apparently, they heard nothing and saw nothing.

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    But when it became clear that the wily Julius Abure was planning a National Convention of the LP in Umuahia scheduled for March 27, all hell was let loose. Critical stakeholders including members of the House of Representatives caucus of the party and the Trade Union veterans, comprising respected former leaders of the trade union movement, urged that the National Convention be put off. They insisted that ward, local government and state congresses should hold before the National Convention which must be planned, organized and supervised by an expanded Board of Trustees of the party taking on board all stakeholders including new members.

    Of course, the National Convention has since taken place in Nnewi, Anambra State, and Abure and other members of his executive re-elected as National Chairman for another term. The picketing of the LP offices nationwide by members of the NLC obviously under the instigation of Joe Ajaero failed woefully to frustrate Julius Abure’s plans. Until a political solution is found to the impasse or judicial intervention is sought, Abure is sitting tight unto the Chairmanship seat alongside other members of his executive.

    Speaking on the crisis on a national television station recently, Ajaero claimed that the LP was formed to allow ordinary members to contest and win elections, pointing out that even the party’s presidential candidate in the last election did not belong to any labour union. In his words on that occasion, “Any Nigerian that wants to belong to the LP is free. The reason we formed the LP is that Nigerian workers under the minimum wage cannot buy form and contest elections under any of the political parties be it APC or PDP. That’s why we say we must have our own political party where a messenger, or clerk can contest elections and win. Even Okada riders are in the National Assembly today through the Labour Party.”

    If this is the LP and NLC’s contribution to the evolution of political development and democracy in Nigeria, nothing could be more tragic. So for Ajaero and his LP, the quality of those who are elected into the national legislature in terms, for instance, of educational attainment or professional accomplishment does not matter? In any case, it is untrue that the idea of forming a LP was to give poor Nigerians the opportunity to contest for elections without stress. If so, how and why did the erstwhile National Treasurer of the LP, Ms Oluchi Opara, publicly allege that Abure be made to account for over N3.5 billion she claimed the party received from sale of forms and donations for the 2023 elections? In addition, Abure was accused of selling the nomination and expression of interest forms for the forthcoming Edo governorship elections for N30 million? Is it not instructive that she was suspended for six months for allegedly bringing the party to disrepute?

    There is no doubt that a party like the LP is direly needed on Nigeria’s political terrain. It is the kind of party, if properly conceived, organized and efficiently run, that can serve as a genuine ideological alternative to the APC and PDP. Unfortunately, the Labour careerists and aristocrats at the helm of the Labour movement in this dispensation especially, have opted to make the party available to all kinds of characters who cannot make it under their previous parties and thus seek to utilize the LP as a Special Purpose Vehicle to achieve their objectives. It does not matter how ideologically vacuous and philosophically barren such opportunistic aspirants are.

    A group within the NLC responsible for this appalling state of affairs in the LP, in the view of this column, are the Trade Union Veterans comprising illustrious past leaders of the NLC who are also, presumably, founding fathers of the LP. This group is made up of the pioneer President of the NLC, Comrade Hassan Sunmonu; the just departed 2nd President of the NLC, Comrade Ali Chiroma; the pioneer General Secretary of the NLC, Comrade Aliu Dangiwa; the second National Secretary of the NLC, Comrade S.O. Oshidipe; as well as BOT Chairman and pioneer Chairman of the LP, Comrade Lawson Osagie.

    In a written statement prior to the holding of the controversial National Convention by the Abure faction, these veterans had lamented that “We cannot sit down and continue to watch as the ideals, principles and ethical values of the Labour Party we toiled so much to build over the decades are being rubbished by one man. Consequently, we urge Abure to step aside now as the National Chairman of the Labour Party and in his place, the BOT should appoint a Caretaker National Chairman that will organize congresses in the states before the National Convention can be convened”.

    These eminent trade union leaders in my view spoke too little, too late and they apportion blame only on one side when the crisis is a function of the actions and inactions of various parties on different divides of the Labour movement. I find the statement issued at a press conference in Abuja by a former Vice President of the NLC, Comrade Isah Tijjani, more dispassionate and nuanced. He did a thorough analysis of the situation and concluded Abure had failed in his leadership of the LP while being encumbered by too many scandals and that Joe Ajaero had also failed abysmally in his role as National President of the NLC.

    In his words, “In this connection, our good members are hereby strongly reaffirming their cardinal demand that Abure must go. Hence, our members will not despair in pointing out the many failings of comrade Ajaero, especially in the sphere of Labour unionism, which clearly demonstrate that his well-known choleric temperament and overly undemocratic character have made him totally unsuitable for leadership”. In other words, both Abure and Ajaero must go if the LP is to be salvaged and given a fresh lease of life and also to enable the NLC retrieve its credibility and integrity as an essentially non-partisan organization.

    The trade union movement in Nigeria is older than any of the major parties. It is a tragic irony that both the NLC and TUC with reported combined membership strength of at least 10 million workers could not massively mobilize its members to vote for a credible, progressive and ideologically informed candidate in successive elections. Indeed, I do not see any party with an organizational reach across the country compared to the Labour movement. Rather, for the 2023 presidential elections, the LP had to surrender its ticket to Peter Obi who brought nothing but ethnic and religious sentiments to galvanize support for the LP. This is a great setback for both the Labour movement and the LP which they must begin to remedy now. The labour movement is also essentially a class-based one and no organization is better placed to mobilize people across primordial, religious, and ethnic divides and to vote on the basis of merit-driven criteria.

  • Sixty years after Sir Adeniji-Adele

    Sixty years after Sir Adeniji-Adele

    Like a flash of lightning, six decades have passed since the demise of Sir Musendiku Adeniji-Adele, highly revered Oba of Lagos, whose reign brought progress to his traditional domain and the environs. He was a Knight of the British Empire (KBE).

    Itinerant traders of 1950s and 1960s from the Yoruba hinterlands often spoke glowingly about a certain ‘Lago de Kuramo,’ cast in their dialects as ‘Eko Wenjele, Eko Adele,’ in adulation for His Royal Highness and adoration of city prosperity.

    Charismatic, charming, and colourful, he was a delight to behold in public: in the full regalia of the Eleko, with the long staff; himself being a man of excellent gait and commanding presence.

    Oba Adeniji-Adele was fashionable. He was credited with a good dress sense that showcased the rich Yoruba cultural heritage, which earned applause from the British interlopers.

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    But he was also endowed with a beautiful mind. He was very proud of his kingdom and protective of his stool, the heritage of his illustrious forebears as the grandson of the legendary Alayeluwa Adele Ajosun.

    Oba Adele Ajosun, who died in 1837, reigned twice as Oba of Lagos: first, from 1811 to 1821, and a second time from 1835 to 1837. His father was Oba Ologun Kutere and his siblings were Oba Esinlokun and Oba Akitoye. There is cause to believe that the Ologun Kutere line has remained the dominant line in the kinship of Lagos, although all Elekos are of the same blood line.

    Sir Adeniji-Adele was conscious of history and the responsibilities on his shoulders. From 1949 and 1964 when he called the shots at Iga Iduganran, his priority was the progress of Lagos. He was not only a monarch, but also a nationalistic politician.

    The monarch was involved in the politics of resistance against the colonial interlopers who wrongfully dethroned Oba Eshugbayi Eleko. He supported the royal delegation, along with Herbert Macaulay, to seek redress at the Privy Council in London in the ’20s.

    He also stood on the side of the truth during the protracted land tussle between Chief Ahmad Tijani Oluwa and the colonial government. Adele escorted Oluwa to London; Oluwa won the historic case.

    It should be pointed out that many of those principled positions which some colonised indigenes of Lagos are remembered for today actually brought discomfort to them. But, they insisted on their inalienable right of land ownership and refused to play the second fiddle.

    From 1930s, Colonial Governor David Cameron had encouraged the installation of literate princes as natural rulers in the colony and protectorates. But, that condition was not strictly imposed on the communities in the days of indirect rule. However, when he aspired to the throne after the death of Oba Falolu, Adeniji-Adele was not only an educated man, he had also made a name as a civil servant.

    Born in Lagos in 1893 to Buraimoh Adele and Moriamo Lalugbi, Oba Adele studied at Holy Trinity Primary School at Ebutte-Ero and then at CMS Grammar School in Lagos. After his secondary education, he joined the colonial service as a trainee surveyor. After completing his training, he was posted to Kano. He served as a land surveyor with the Cameroon Expeditionary Force during World War I.

    In the 1950s and 1960s, many prominent traditional rulers played active roles in politics. Apart from the House of Chiefs, which was created for them, some of them were elected into the council and the House of Assembly. Examples were Oba Adesoji Aderemi, Governor of Western Region; Oba Claudius Akran of Badagry, who was a regional parliamentarian and minister; Oba Olateru-Olagbegi, the Olowo of Owo; Oba Sikiru Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebu land; and Oba Alhaji Olanipekun, the Sarki of Arigidi-Akoko, who were ministers without portfolios.

    There was a bitter contest for the throne in 1949. It coincided with the period of decolonisation and resurgence of political activities. Oba Adele II was a supporter of the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) and a member of Egbe Omo Oduduwa, led by Obafemi Awolowo. He was an Action Group (AG) sympathiser. Therefore, his political affiliation was in opposition to the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which dominated the politics of Lagos in the 1950s.

    That was why the party, led by Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe in post-Herbert Macaulay era, was opposed to Oba Adele’s ascension and preferred Prince Adeyinka Oyekan, a descendant of Oba Dosunmu. In fact, NCNC leaders filed legal actions to thwart his coronation. Oba Adele’s right to the throne was finally sustained by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in England, years after his traditional coronation.

    Oba Adele II was conciliatory once he secured his royal seat at Iga Iduganran. He tried to retroactively resolve the royal crisis of the 1930s and 1940s though without success. But his genuine intention for unity and peace in the collective royal household was not in doubt.

    When Eleko Eshugbayi was wrongly removed by the colonial government and sent on exile, he was succeeded by Oba Ibikunle Akitoye. After his death three years later, Oba Sanusi Matiku Olusi was installed during the interregnum. When Eshugbayi won his case in court, the colonial government asked Olusi to vacate the throne. Eshugbayi regained the throne, only to pass on a year later.

    Then, the struggle for the stool escalated. Isale Eko was polarised between supporters of Olusi and Oba Falolu who won the throne.

    After Falolu died, Adele II was preferred to mount the throne. His ascension to the throne closed the chapter of futile exclusive claim to the palace by the Dosunmu family. The implication is that government only recognises only one large ruling house in Lagos and all the princes or descendants of all obas of Lagos are eligible.

    Up to now, efforts to divide the large ruling house have been an exercise in futility. All the princes of Lagos have the same root as blood brothers.

    Oba Rilwan Akiolu once said in the law court: “All Lagos princes who have no curse placed on them are entitled to run for the kingship. It is, however, the prerogative of the king makers to choose who will be king. Many are called, few are chosen.”

    Although Adele II requested that the body of Olusi should be exhumed from the cemetery for proper interment at Iga, the family of Olusi was said to have turned down the offer, to his consternation. However, the fate of Olusi was better than that of Prince Adedoyin Dosunmu Temiyemi, a popular and successful prince, and a good man like Olusi. While Olusi ruled for three years before he vacated the palace, Temiyemi was not allowed to taste the throne.

    As a politician, Adele served as a councillor in the old Lagos Council. He aligned the political party he formed with the AG. But, while he aspired to serve as chairman of the council, NCNC councillors, including non-indigenes, gravitated towards Ibiyinka Olorunnimbe. Later, Adele left the council.

    He was later to be locked in a quarrel with the AG over its claim that ‘Lagos belongs to the West.’ Shouts of ‘Gedegbe l’Eko wa’ filled the air. Politically, there was a symbolic parting of ways.

    However, Lagosians now fully agree today that Lagos is a Yoruba state and a reference point in the Southwest. What the people of Lagos loathe is its inappropriate and provocative description as ‘a no man’s land.’ The owners of Lagos are known from time immemorial. To stop that description, wise indigenous Lagosians are now disposed to leasing their lands than selling to ‘foreigners’.

    Oba Adele’s political life was interesting. He became a member of the ceremonial Senate. But, he was not allowed to become the Senate President because Zik’s NCNC favoured Dr. Nwafor Orizu. His Deputy Senate Presidency was a dignified compensation for his enigmatic personality.

    Adele was passionate about Lagos. He was a great lover and advocate of education, advising parents to send their children to school. When the walls of schools on Lagos Island of his days fell after a downpour, killing six pupils, he lamented the tragedy. He, therefore, appealed to Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, who obliged the monarch, and the schools were rebuilt.

    Adele was the monarch of decolonising period and chief host of the first indigenous central government in Lagos. The importance of those periods conferred enormous responsibilities, obligations and privileges on him as the King of Federal Capital Territory.

    The FCT has been relocated and request for a special status is ongoing.

    However, the beat stopped abruptly in 1964. Adele passed on. Prince Rilwan Akiolu was among the boys playing football around the palace when the incident occurred. The photographer of a newspaper captured him in the palace and erroneously captioned the picture as a ‘palace page’ in the newspaper of the following day. He protested and rejected the label, worked hard, got to the top in the police, studied law, prayed, and became the Olowo-Eko.

    Oba Adele was succeeded by Oba (Papa) Adeyinka Oyekan, who presided over the city in a more modern era.

    The glory of the household of Adele (Ajosun) has been sustained by his children – Ademola, a former council boss, pro-democracy activist and commissioner before he died, and his son, Sultan, a former member of the House of Assembly.

    Sixty years after, Lagos has changed. Its population is soaring because it is the land of varied opportunities; a greener pasture.

    The foundation was laid by past obas, chiefs, nobles, investors and patriotic and visionary political leaders.

    Today, a Lagosian, Bola Tinubu, is president. Lagos has also produced many notable sons and daughters, thanks to the vision of Oba Adele and other eminent monarchs that ruled the megacity after him.

    There is need to immortalise Oba Adele II beyond the Adeniji-Adele Bridge on the Island and other sundry decorations. He was a monarch worthy of many laurels, even in his eternal rest.

  • Drop Waldrum from the Olympics

    Drop Waldrum from the Olympics

    I struggled with sleep on Tuesday evening watching the second leg game between Bayana Bayana of South Africa and Nigeria’s Super Falcons inside the Loftus Versfeld Stadium in Pretoria, South Africa. The match was the decider to know which of the two countries would qualify to participate in the 2024 Olympic Games later in July in France. The game ended on a barren note. Super Falcons won the first leg played in Abuja by 1-0, a goal scored by the team’s captain, Rasheedat Ajibade.

    The one-goal win on aggregate qualified the Falcons to participate in the Women’s Olympic Football Tournament for the first time since 2008 and will join Brazil, Spain, and Japan in a potentially-explosive Group C in July.  This Group C is a no-brainer in terms of the chances of Nigeria qualifying from it. The pedigree of Brazil, Spain, and Japan dwarfs Nigeria.

    However, soccer is a leveler, depending on the team’s preparedness which shouldn’t start after the draws have been made public. I digress!

    The South Africans were fidgety on Tuesday evening largely due to their inexperience while the Nigerians, always loaded to the hilt with experienced girls, ran around the pitch without a discerning tactical plan. They barely strung together two passes or could control the ball expertly before deciding what to do with it. The falcons’ clueless pattern of play wasn’t ever going to produce a goal for Nigeria, even if the game was played for 900 minutes.

    The Falcons have qualified for the Olympics but a lot needs to be done by the coaching crew. What were we expecting as Nigerians from Randy Waldrum? Those in NFF who renewed Waldrum’s contract hired him part-time for a full-time assignment. Would it shock anyone to read here that Waldrum didn’t return with the team from South Africa? He went straight to Pittsburgh in the United States of America (USA) from Johannesburg.  Who does that?

    Read Also; How governors usurp Ifa’s role in choice of traditional rulers

    The Sports Minister, Senator John Owan Enoh should know that his ministry is directly responsible for Nigeria’s participation at the Olympic Games. Given the countries in Nigeria’s group, it is looking like a jamboree for the Falcons if Waldrum behaves like one who needs to be pampered to return to Nigeria. So, Waldrum can be asked to remain as the coach of the Super Falcons while another coach takes the squad to the Olympics. After all, the Nigerian coach Justin Madugu handled the two games against Cameroon which the Falcons drew 0-0 in Yaoundé and won the Abuja leg 1-0.

    Coach Randy Waldrum needs to decide if he truly wants the Nigeria job. He can’t stroll into the country a week to games and expect the camp to be filled with the players. What Waldrum must understand is that the world is a global village where the big girls in the team can monitor everything happening in the camp from wherever they are.

    It was quite embarrassing watching the South Africans passing through the immigration centre inside the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja seven days to the match day, and it showed in the way they battled our girl in every department of the game in Abuja. Who will blame Oshoala for arriving at the Abuja camp 24 hours before the first leg in Abuja? Not when Coach Waldrum does whatever he likes and goes unpunished.

    Strikingly, history has an uncanny way of repeating itself. The Falcons are ranked in the 36th. But like you know football isn’t rocket science. Nigeria could spring surprises when the matches begin. But not with Coach Waldrum who may not come to the country until two weeks to the competition complaining about unpaid wages and abusing NFF officials by either accusing them of unproven malpractices or gross incompetence. Yet, he renewed his contract with the perennial debtor federation.

    We must rescue our football from this coach who enjoys dragging Nigeria’s name in the mud. He has raised the alarm in the international media that the Super Falcons should be camped in an unnamed European country as if that isn’t given. We adopted this style in the past to make the players get used to the type of climatic situation they would face during such competitions as the Olympics. Not anymore. Our players have been living in European countries and other continents with harsher climatic conditions.

    Coaching is a function of hiring and firing depending on the manager’s successes, especially for inpatient employers. In fact, when teams are fumbling their fans wave the white flag calling for the coach’s sack, if the teams’ fortunes continue to dwindle. What stands the European clubs’ management out is the fact that they have organised and tested systems which throw up the next manager when anyone is sacked or should I say released mutually. Indeed, there are two types of coaches. Those already sacked, and those waiting for their sack letters.

    Waldrum shouldn’t tell us where to camp the team. NFF should ask Falcons to start their camping sessions soonest in Nigeria with the mandate to Waldrum to rebuild the team by introducing new players from the domestic leagues. Besides, such localised camping sessions can help the girls whose season ends early to head to the camp. Movement to the designated European camp should only start when the girls are complete.

    Brazil, Spain, and Japan don’t need to camp in Europe because the culture of women’s football comes to them like second nature. Their domestic leagues are some of the best in the world with credible nurseries to churn out new players and coaches seamlessly. Pitches in the three countries in Nigeria are world class with the girls properly motivated.

    Honourable Sports Minister sir, countries that would do well in Paris in July began their preparations eight or 12 years ago. The Olympic Games have a four-year circle meaning that it takes eight years (two Olympic circles) at the least to produce athletes who would win laurels at the multi-sports competition not after the draws of the competition are known. Winning medals at the Olympics isn’t as easy as purchasing a lottery ticket at the grocery shop. No. It is much more than nursing a wish.

    No country runs its sports on the yearly fiscal budget because of its clumsiness. Sports competitions are run on a calendar system which gives participating countries enough time to prepare adequately for periods of one to four years. Besides, there are other tournaments that serve as qualifiers for the main events across the globe which makes it imperative that funding must be handy, not dependent on any form of bureaucracy.

    The countries that excel in sporting events have systems that guarantee enough funds for the sportsmen and sportswomen to compete with the best such as tax rebates on sport-friendly firms, lotteries, and businesses owned by wealthy nationals who know what is in such a sponsorship that benefits them by the sitting government. Such financial taxes are spelled out to companies and wealthy citizens after agreements have been reached. These cast-in-stone policies are binding to all the parties to such an extent that breaches are adequately addressed to allow either of the parties to seek redress in court.

    Sports is the biggest Public Relations (PR) tool that any government can use to change people’s perception of its citizenry. You need to walk along the streets whenever Nigeria has a sporting activity and see how the streets would be desolate. You would only realise that people are indoors from the thunderous roars from different houses when our sports ambassadors conquer their opponents. The descriptions of how the feats happened are compelling, especially those delivered by the native speakers of the languages in the country.

  • PBAT and political development in Nigeria

    PBAT and political development in Nigeria

    Being his first birthday after he was elected President of Nigeria at the 2023 presidential polls, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s 72nd year on this side of eternity last Friday, March 29, would most certainly have been celebrated with elaborate pomp and pageantry by his supporters and admirers. Yes, not a few of those who do not necessarily take a liking to him or his politics would equally but hypocritically have joined in the festivities with an eye to gaining some benefit sooner or later from the powerful office the Jagaban occupies.

    Such extravagant commemoration of a birthday that is not necessarily a landmark would have been prompted by the epochal obstacles and veritable mountains he has scaled at every critical phase of his still-evolving life trajectory. In particular, loud and lavish celebratory convivialities would have been prompted by the gargantuan scale of the ferocious and relentless opposition to his presidential aspiration by formidable forces both within and beyond his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), and the focused single-mindedness with which he met and trounced them all.

    But then, not only were the sounds of throbbing drums and triumphal, mellifluous music not to be heard, even media houses that made an annual kill from pages of celebratory adverts on the occasion had to painfully endure the equivalent of a Ramadan financial fast. In recognition of and identification with the excruciating pains being experienced by the vast majority of Nigerians as a result of his administration’s scorching but inevitable economic reforms, the President wanted all commemorative activities shelved and money that should have been expended on adverts diverted to provide succor for the poor and vulnerable.

    It is obviously this kind of uncanny ability to read the mood of the people and demonstrate empathy with them over the years that has given President Tinubu an edge over his often impotently feral political opponents and made him a formidable long-distance, marathon political athlete who today occupies the apex position of authority in Nigeria.

    Read Also; How governors usurp Ifa’s role in choice of traditional rulers

    In commemoration of the birthday of one of the most deft and dexterous political actors in the country over the last three and a half decades, this column today focuses on Tinubu’s no mean contribution to the political development of contemporary Nigeria. The concept of political development has elicited much debate and contestation among political science scholars. It is what the late Professor Billy Dudley would describe as an ‘essentially contested concept’. But there is a general consensus, I believe, that it refers to some sort of improvement or progress towards a desired goal or ideal of the appropriate political structure and organization of society.

    But what constitutes progress or improvement in the character of political institutions and values? As Professor Jean Blondel wonders, “The very idea of progress has come to be questioned in the process. Is humankind truly capable of progress on the political front or is there only cyclical change? Are we so diverse in our views that we shall never be able to work together towards a common idea of political progress?” These are no doubt intriguing questions but which we must leave to competent academic political scientists to continue to dilate on in learned journals.

    Here our focus is on how President Tinubu has contributed in a concrete and indelible manner to the ongoing evolution of Nigeria in the direction of strengthening the institutions, values, and practice of liberal democracy and progressive ideology in contemporary Nigeria. When at a crucial phase in the gathering momentum towards the last APC presidential primaries and the intra-party opposition to his ambition was thickening, the President adumbrated his ’emilokan’ thesis in Abeokuta, he was subconsciously elaborating on his unequalled contribution to the strengthening of party politics and the deepening of federal practice in this political dispensation immediately before and after 1999. In the process, he built enduring friendships, forged strategic alliances, and accumulated invaluable political IOUs that played critical roles in his ultimate emergence as President of Nigeria.

    Let us take, for instance, the issue of a vibrant, vigorous and vibrant opposition without which liberal democracy is imperiled in any society. President Tinubu’s role in preserving and conserving an effective opposition that ultimately helped to thwart the bid by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to become a one-party-dominant behemoth at the steering wheel of governance in Nigeria for at least 60 unbroken years cannot be overstated.

    A critical date in this regard was the governorship election of April 19, 2003. It was an election in which the wily Ota General, who had cajoled and deceptively manipulated the chieftains of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) to win the majority of the votes in the South-West in the preceding week’s presidential elections, suddenly turned around to pull the rug from under the feet of the AD in the gubernatorial polls. Wielding the power of presidential incumbency, OBJ had commandeered a rampaging PDP to victory in the South-West in one of the worst electoral heists ever in the political history of Nigeria.

    As the results from the elections trickled in on the evening of the 20th April 2003, it was obvious that the PDP tornado had swept away the AD in five of the six states in the region- Ogun, Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun. Tinubu remained the only man standing as it was impossible for the PDP to dislodge the AD in Lagos despite its candidate, the late Funsho Williams’ relatively formidable structure in the state and OBJ’s deployment of troops to intimidate the electorate in the nation’s commercial nerve centre. Yours truly was in then governor Tinubu’s office at the Roundhouse in Alausa alongside some commissioners and other personal aides monitoring the results as they came in.

    The governor was devastated by the routing of his fellow AD governors in the other South-west states. PDP chieftains in Lagos openly boasted that he would have no choice but to defect to the ruling party as the sole governor of the AD. I had my doubts, I must confess, that Tinubu could resist for long the lure and pressure to join the fabled PDP mainstream of Nigerian politics. After all, it was not fashionable to be in the wilderness of opposition in Nigeria’s ‘come and eat’ political culture. But Tinubu was grossly underestimated. Not only did he not decamp to the then-ruling party, he rallied the ousted AD governors and together they began to rebuild and revitalize the party in the region.

    Had Tinubu jettisoned the opposition and clambered on the PDP bandwagon in the aftermath of the 2003 elections, it is doubtful if a formidable opposition to the domineering PDP would have been forged. The then-ruling party would most probably have achieved its dream of being in power for at least six decades. Let us not forget how Mr. Peter Obi, as two-term governor of Anambra State on the platform of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), had promised the late Chief Odimegwu Ojukwu never to desert the party. Yet, on completion of his second term, Obi wasted no time in dumping APGA, joining the PDP, and becoming a Special Adviser to then-President Goodluck Jonathan.

    In 2007, Tinubu had provided former Vice President Atiku Abubakar a platform, the Action Congress (AC), to contest for the presidency when the latter had been harassed and intimidated out of the PDP by a vengeful OBJ. Yet, after he had lost to the late President Umaru Yar’Adua in the 2007 polls, the Waziri Adamawa wasted no time in returning to his vomit in the PDP saying that he could only function in a national and not a regional party. Had Atiku been consistent and stayed within the progressive fold to nurture the then AC into a national party, it is doubtful if anyone could have denied him the presidency in an emergent national party.

    Today, the Waziri is paying the price for his ideological inconsistency and political vagrancy. Were Tinubu to be as fickle and politically unstable as Obi and Atiku have proven to be, it is unlikely that we would have an APC today and the PDP, despite its internal contradictions and congenital dysfunctions, would probably still be in control of the centre today. Between 2003 and the next electoral cycle in 2007, Tinubu led his ousted colleagues- Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Chief Bisi Akande, the late Alhaji Lam Adesina, the late Chief Adebayo Adefarati and Chief Niyi Adebayo- to work collaboratively to rebuild and reorganize the progressive movement in the South-West. And helped by the sheer lack of vision and utter incompetence of the PDP governors in the South-West, the progressives made a dramatic comeback in the region in 2007.

    Of course, once again, the imperial OBJ presidency, which treated the Maurice Iwu-led INEC as an appendage of Aso Rock Villa, simply announced fabricated results in Osun, Ekiti, Ondo, and Edo in the South-South awarding victory to the PDP in these states. But unlike in 2003, when the governors who were rigged out took their ouster with equanimity and refused to challenge the outcome in court, Tinubu once again motivated the party to successfully challenge the results announced in Ondo, Ekiti, Osun and Edo states in court thus recording another milestone in the political development of Nigeria.

    A related critical feature of a viable liberal democratic system is the existence of well-grounded political parties that are ideology-based at least to a reasonable extent. Here again, Tinubu’s role in nurturing and building bridges of national collaboration through party coalitions that can win power at the centre cannot be denied. True, the parties formed by the late sage, the great Chief Obafemi Awolowo – the Action Group (AG) and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), were undoubtedly the most disciplined and ideology-focused in the political history of Nigeria. But Tinubu’s ingenuity in collaborating with diverse elements to forge a national party that succeeded in achieving pan-Nigerian success and wresting power at the centre from a ruling party is unprecedented. Of course, it is true that his working with others to achieve this feat came at the cost of bringing disparate bedfellows to cohabit under one political tent with negative consequences for organizational discipline and ideological coherence.

    When the fractures within the contending Afenifere camps created an irreparable chasm within the AD resulting in the party’s inevitable moribundity, Tinubu led other like-minded elements in forming first the Action Congress (AC) which was then further strengthened and consolidated to form the Action Congress of Democrats (ACD) and ultimately the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which won hegemonic control of the South-West through the ballot box. Tinubu and other leaders of the ACN then led the party to work with others in the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), a faction of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the breakaway New People’s Democratic Party (nPDP) to form the broad-based APC that made spectacular electoral history in the 2015 elections and is the ruling party today.

    It is instructive that Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of the PDP and a chieftain of the Labour Party (LP), Professor Pat Utomi, have in recent times, on different occasions, spoken of the need to create broad-based political party structures by the opposition as a necessary condition for displacing the APC from power come 2027. Tinubu and the APC have a patent on this template in Nigerian politics. The attempts by opposition political leaders in the first and second republics to achieve this feat always failed abysmally.

    But the willingness of opponents of Tinubu and the APC to emulate the model without necessarily admitting it is a clear indication of its efficacy. If the ongoing surreptitious attempts of opposition parties to forge such an alliance work, it may have the desirable consequence of curbing the APC of any tendency towards overconfidence, putting it on its toes and pressuring it towards placing a greater premium on becoming a genuinely development-driven political party.

    No office holder either at the federal or state levels of government in this dispensation has impacted more on the welfare and strengthening of the judiciary as a critical arm of government than Tinubu. The judiciary settles disputes not only between individual citizens and corporate groups but also between different arms and levels of government. A well-remunerated and motivated judiciary is thus indispensable to the meaningful political development of any polity. When he assumed office as governor of Lagos State, the Tinubu administration set the pace in taking steps to considerably improve the salaries of judicial officers as well as providing them such amenities as free accommodation and transportation which they continued to enjoy on retirement.

    We have earlier referred to how Tinubu inspired governorship candidates who had been robbed of their electoral victories in Osun, Ekiti, Ondo, and Edo states, respectively, in the 2007 elections to challenge the purported outcome of the polls in court. The success of those litigations demonstrated that with careful, meticulous accumulation of forensic evidence and diligent prosecution, electoral fraud could be detected and overturned through the courts. It was again the instrumentality of the courts that Tinubu as governor of Lagos State and his Attorney General and Commissioner of Justice, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, utilized to challenge the centre’s usurpation of state powers under the 1999 Constitution and in the process helped to significantly deepen federal practice in Nigeria.

    Under Tinubu’s leadership as governor, the Lagos State government challenged the federal government’s constriction of state rights on at least 13 issues and obtained victory in all of these at the Supreme Court thus substantially influencing the evolution of contemporary federalism in Nigeria.

    Suffice it to say that his contribution to the emergence of the constitutional rule we enjoy today through his frontline role at the vanguard of the struggle against the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election and the perpetuation of praetorian rule has reserved for Tinubu a cardinal place in the roll of catalysts of political development in Nigeria. But as President of Nigeria, this places on him the even greater burden of ensuring that under his leadership, the country experiences an unprecedented consolidation of the foundations of constitutionalism and the rule of law, respect for human rights, increased autonomy of the constituent units of the federation as well as greater integrity and credibility of the electoral process.