The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • Party administration and productive governance

    Party administration and productive governance

    He has become an irrepressible gadfly ceaselessly tormenting those he sees as violating the canons of internal democracy, adherence to constitutionalism, and transparency within his political party, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Indeed, his can be likened to the lonely voice of a John the Baptist crying out in the wilderness for tyrannical party autocrats as well as dictatorial oligarchs to repent and embrace the virtues of intra-party administrative efficiency, openness, integrity and accountability in the management of party affairs. I speak of none other than Dr. Salihu Lukman, National Vice Chairman of the APC representing the North-West zone.

    He has been a thorn in the flesh of his party’s leadership both before and during the tenure of the current National Working Committee headed by former governor of Nasarawa State, Senator Abdullahi Adamu. It will be recalled that as Director-General of the Progressive Governors Forum (PGF), Dr. Lukman was a consistent and unrelenting critic of the all too obvious antics of the defunct Caretaker and Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC), led by Governor Mai Mala Buni of Yobe State, to perpetuate itself in office with a view to manipulating the impending presidential primaries of the party to achieve a predetermined outcome.

    Berating the CECPC for its suspicious prevarications in organizing a National Convention of the party to pick democratically elected party leaders who would, in turn, organize presidential primaries, Dr. Lukman averred, “Somehow, it is difficult not to conclude that the CECPC is intentionally promoting speculations around the APC National Convention by claiming to embark on ‘consultations’ with party stakeholders to prepare the ground for a rancor-free National Convention”. It is a testament to his unflinching fidelity to the principles he believes in that Dr. Lukman chose to resign from his position as DG of the PGF under pressure rather than renounce his firmly held convictions.

    It is on record that his strident voice was one of the factors which ultimately led to the dissolution of the CECPC and the return of the APC to intra-organizational democratic normalcy. Indeed, as far back as 2020, Dr. Lukman had called for an urgent review of the party’s constitution with a view to instituting a code of conduct for elected and appointed officials of the party as bye-laws to regulate the conduct of party officials. This he said was imperative to ensure the adherence on the part of the latter to party values as well as commitment to the principles of public accountability.

    Having emerged as National Vice Chairman for the North-West in the Senator Abdullahi Adamu-led NWC of the APC, many would have thought that Dr. Lukman’s crusading zeal would be dampened as he would presumably be content to quietly enjoy whatever largess came his way in that office. On the contrary, his advocacy for efficiency, adherence to constitutional principles, and integrity particularly in the management of party finances has become more intense and impassioned. In this regard, Dr Lukman has consistently been at loggerheads, especially with Senator Abdullahi Adamu and the National Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore. He has accused both the National Chairman and National Secretary of running the party through discretionary actions often without recourse to members of the NWC.

    Dr. Lukman also blames the duo for the failure of the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC) to meet quarterly to review the activities of the APC as well as the NWC as stipulated in its constitution. He also accuses them not only of not ensuring that the NWC meets regularly but also of grounding and incapacitating higher organs of the party. The North-West Vice Chairman also pointedly accuses them of financial opacity and impropriety in the handling of funds from the sale of party nomination forms to candidates for elections at various levels. In particular, he demands from the National Secretary an accounting for humongous funds reportedly voted for the governorship and presidential elections in Osun State which he claimed passed through the latter’s hands. Although Senator Omisore has vehemently denied that he was the custodian of any such funds and even threatened to sue Dr. Lukman, it is unlikely that such allegations would have been made in the first place if there was greater transparency and openness in the party’s internal administrative processes.

    In an open letter to Senator Adamu, Dr. Lukman writes, “Being the National Chairman who is respected by party leaders at all levels, it is worrisome that under your leadership, we will be back to the old problems of being unable to respect provisions of our constitution with respect to convening meetings of organs and ensuring that all our organs are allowed to perform their statutory functions as provided in our constitution…By any standard, no one will expect a person of your stature and experience in politics to be taciturn when it comes to managing the affairs of the party based on respect for the party’s constitution”.

    Is Dr. Lukman being unnecessarily fussy and querulous, especially in the light of the silence of other members of the NWC who appear content with the status quo? I don’t think so. Indeed, he is a lonely voice of reason. Weak and inefficient internal administrative processes and deficient intra-organizational democracy have been the bane of the major political parties in this dispensation and this has negative implications for productive governance and sustainable democratic development.

    In setting the agenda for the new President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration, hardly any analyst has addressed the critical link between a vigorous, vibrant, and efficient party organization and the degree of success and productivity of any administration. A rudderless, poorly administered political party which is nothing more than a vehicle for primitive accumulation by party leaders and functions no better than a parastatal adjunct of the presidency can add little or no value to governance.

    If it is true that the NEC of the APC has not met for a year, for instance, it is a matter of great concern. If an organ as important as the NEC does not meet regularly to appraise the activities of the NWC, what is the possibility that the party’s Board of Trustees (BOT) will ever meet at all? If that is so at the national level, we can best imagine what will be the case at the state, local government, and ward levels.

    When the various organs of a political party do not meet regularly to exercise their functions, it is inevitable that such a party develops organizational arthritis and begins to atrophy and die. The APC since 2015 has not learnt the appropriate lessons from the experience of the PDP. The opposition party’s electoral unraveling of 2015 that propelled the APC to power at the centre did not just happen with unanticipated suddenness. It was the consequence largely of years of ever-increasing stifling of party organs, suffocation of internal democracy, and incapacitation of the party as an impotent appendage of the presidency. The APC can avoid this fate. It should take urgent measures to ensure the resuscitation and vibrancy of its various organs at all levels.

    The abysmally poor turnout in elections in this dispensation is partly a function of the organizational docility of the parties particularly at the ward levels. For the APC no less than the PDP, the principal challenge now is to revive and reinvigorate their party machineries starting from the grassroots. It remains to be seen if the Labour Party (LP) that performed incredibly well in the last presidential election, riding on the wings of Mr Peter Obi’s ethno-regional and narrow Christian support base, can consolidate on this feat to become a formidable national political force.

    There is, furthermore, an ineluctable link between the governance performance of an administration and the discipline, focus, efficiency and vibrancy of the party platform on which it ascended to power. An incoherent, anaemic and purposeless party platform is unlikely to produce a vigorous, effective and optimally productive government. The enduring admiration for Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s sterling and yet unrivaled performance as Premier of Western Nigeria in the First Republic, for instance, rests substantially on the viable party platform that his party, the Action Group (AG) gave him.

    Pointing out the primacy that Awolowo gave to a virile and viable party organization, Chief Bola Ige, writes, “Awo had always been an excellent political organizer…He kept a close eye on the working of the machinery of the Party. He himself was a tireless worker. His meetings were scheduled and orderly, he did not believe in ad-hoc committees and decisions, and he made sure that proposals presented to the party were in form of memoranda and exhaustively discussed; he then saw to it that those decisions were properly carried out, whether or not, he himself had supported the proposals during the discussion”.

    It was no different in the Second Republic when Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria(UPN) was again an exemplar in providing a solid policy platform for its governors in Lagos, Oyo, Ondo, Bendel and Ogun states. Like the AG, the UPN was known for its discipline, efficient organizational machinery, and its unwavering commitment to getting those elected on its platform to faithfully implement its party manifesto. A good example of this is given by the late Alhaji Olatunji Hamzat who was transportation commissioner in the administration of Alhaji Lateef Jakande in Lagos State.

    He writes in his autobiography, ‘Reflections of a Public Man’ that when he was appointed as Commissioner for Transportation, he had contacted the University of Ibadan where he got a consultant to work on a transportation blueprint for implementation when he assumed office. He was unaware at the time that, in his words, “Ever shrewd and contemplative, the leadership of the UPN had already long written a blueprint for each Ministry even before elections were held…Alhaji Jakande simply asked me to dispense with my consultant. The party had not only provided a blueprint, the leadership had equally provided a non-political technocrat to guide and help to ensure the strategic adherence to the charted course and the protection of the purity of the scripted agenda”.

    As the leader of the party under the presidential system of government, this is the standard of party organization and competence that the President Tinubu administration must aim at. A subservient, sycophantic, and ineffective party machinery will be of negligible value to his administration. He ought to ensure that the party is intellectually, ideologically and organizationally viable enough to be actively involved in policy initiation and implementation. The party must as a matter of urgency consider and take appropriate action on Dr Salihu Lukman’s suggested reformist agenda.

  • Unease in Delta APC

    Unease in Delta APC

    Did some elements in the Delta APC work for the Labour Party in the last presidential election? There was no doubt that LP was the party to beat in that election in the state. Youths, students, civil servants, spare parts traders in major markets in the state all chanted ‘Elupee, Elupee.’

    The news that made the rounds then was that some leading contestants in the APC abandoned their party for the ‘Elupee.’ They shouted APC during the day and ‘Elupee’ at night.

    While some APC candidates succeeded, the main contestant among them failed woefully when it mattered. The dust raised by the perceived divided loyalty on account of which the main contestant lost the election is yet to settle.

    Feelers from the state indicate that except reason prevails, the party may be engulfed in fresh crisis. The cause: the alleged defiance by Senators Ede Dafinone, representing Delta Central, and Joel Onowakpo, representing Delta South of the APC of the national directive that its senators should vote Senator Godswill Akpabio for the office of Senate President.

    Both Dafinone and Onowakpo were said to have voted for Senator Abdullazeez Yari. Notable stalwarts of the party in the state are alarmed by what they perceive as betrayal and disloyalty and are holding a godfather in Abuja responsible.

    When security chief warned state governor

    In the thick of the currency swap or naira redesign crisis, many erstwhile friends and associates parted ways. Governors fell out with fellow governors, friends turned foes and political godsons took on godfathers. It was either you were for the policy, in which case you were for the government, or against the policy and thereby anti-government.

    The head of a law and order agency threw caution to the wind and warned a governor vehemently opposed to the shoddy implementation of the policy about the consequences of his action. In a letter to the governor, the security chief said unless the state chief executive stopped his opposition to the policy, his security would not be guaranteed.

    A governor’s security not guaranteed? That was the letter from the security chief. You may call it cheeky, impudent or vexatious, but the times allowed such indecorous conduct. With a new Sheriff at the Villa, however, everybody knows the limits of his power. Curiously, the law and order chief is frantically begging not to be shown the exit door.

    Opposition, ex-public office holders jittery over Tinubu’s strides

    Since he took over the reigns as the President and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces on May 29, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has made deft moves that have left both admirers and detractors in awe of his managerial skills. Like a bolt from the blue, he had announced the removal of the controversial subsidy on petrol which for ages had constituted a cog in the wheel of the nation’s social and economic progress. The move has elicited widespread commendation as everyone hails the former Governor of Lagos State for his courage in treading the path his predecessors had dreaded.

    Hours after he assumed office, he had given a hint of the decisive style with the swift manner he resolved the dispute between two critical government agencies — the Department of State Services (DSS) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) — over the right occupant of an office complex in Ikoyi, Lagos. In less than two weeks into his administration, President Tinubu had also signed some critical bills into law, among which are the student loan and electricity acts.

    But while majority of Nigerians appear to be pleased with the manner the President has hit the ground running, there are many others who are not comfortable with the new state of affairs because it runs counter to the advancement of their selfish interests.

    For instance, the way Tinubu ordered the DSS to vacate the disputed office complex in Lagos in favour of the EFCC was said to have been interpreted by some former public office holders to mean that the anti-graft agency might become one of the most active agencies in the new dispensation. Their fear is said to have been further heightened by the recent suspension of both the Central Bank Governor Godwin Emefiele and the boss of EFCC himself, Abdulrasheed Bawa.

    A source in the President’s political camp told Sentry that those who think that corruption will be business as usual under the Tinubu administration could be in for the shock of their lives as the new President is not one who would fold his arms while some government officials loot the treasury dry.

    The source said: “I am aware that Tinubu is one of the most vilified politicians in terms of insinuations regarding his source of wealth. But if they are not biased or sentimental, they will appreciate the fact that he is the most investigated politician in our clime.

    He even submitted himself for trial in a law court but they could not find anything against him beyond the conjectures by certain individuals who are simply envious of his accomplishments.

    “I cannot say whether the new President will go out of his way to set up probe panels for former public office holders, but I am certain that in terms of how government resources are handled, it will not be business as usual.”

    But while former public office holders are apprehensive of their fate with the new administration, the opposition is jittery over the growing popularity of the President after his first few days in office. Such has been his popularity that Amobi Ogah and Obi Aguocha, two members of the House of Representatives elected on the platform of the rival Labour Party, could not help hailing his brilliance after a meeting he (Tinubu) held with newly elected lawmakers ahead of their inauguration.

    It would not come as a surprise to keen political observers that the LP swiftly issued a statement disowning the lawmakers, knowing how much his comments could further enhance a growing popularity that could eclipse the party in no time.

  • In Remembrance of Professor Ayo Olukotun (2)

    In Remembrance of Professor Ayo Olukotun (2)

    In the first part of this tribute to the memory of the eminent political scientist and engaging public intellectual, Professor Ayo Olukotun, whose tragic passage we were confronted with at a time we should have been savoring the commencement of a new year, we X-rayed his inaugural lecture as the Awujale of Ijebu Ode, Oba (Dr) Sikiru Kayode Adetona Professorial Chair of Governance situated in the Department of Political Science at the Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago Iwoye, Ogun State. In that cerebral offering, the engaging scholar interrogated the nexus between the media and governance in an emergent democracy with particular emphasis on the role, record and changing profile of the Nigerian media between 1999 and 2017 when that lecture was delivered.

    In his second lecture in the series which was delivered at the Adeola Odutola Hall, Ijebu Ode, on May 10, 2018, the eminent specialist in political communication and governance shifted his characteristically clinical and rigorous scrutiny to the not unrelated topic of ‘Civil Society and Governance in Nigeria’s Evolving Democracy: 1999-2018’.

    It comes out in the lecture that in the course of his academic career trajectory, Professor Olukotun had paid as much attention to the interface between the media and governance as to that between civil society and governance. The media and civil society are indeed intimately related and both loom large in his expansive publications on governance reforms with the aim of deepening democracy and promoting, from the intellectual prism, pro-people regimes characterized by accountability, the rule of law, openness and respect for human rights among other features of good governance.

    Like many other scholars, he defines civil society as the non-governmental sector which occupies the vast terrain between the family as the most microscopic unity of the polity and the state, which defines the public sphere. In the same way, he makes a distinction between government which connotes public institutions and state actors and governance which encompasses civil society as well as non-state actors and institutions.

    He traces the trajectory of civil society’s evolution in Nigeria from the anti-colonial revolts of the pre-independence period featuring women uprising, workers’ strikes, rebellious student agitations through the courageous and pivotal roles played by Civil Society Organizations in the struggles against military dictatorship in the 1980s and 1990s up to the somewhat less fervent and passionate involvement of these CSOs and NGO’s in deepening the province of human rights and substantive democracy in this dispensation since 1999 and offers the reader invaluable insights into the character, temper and complexity of the terrain of civil society in post-colonial Nigeria and especially in the current political dispensation.

    The concept of civil society he avers is far more nuanced than the simplistic and misleading depiction of CSOs as those associational groups formed to oppose dictatorship, deepen good governance, strengthen constitutionalism or fight human rights abuses. For instance, he notes that there were indeed also some NGOs which were formed and worked in close collaboration with the military dictatorships of Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Abacha for instance. He cites such examples as Daniel Kanu’s ‘Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha’ (YEAA) or Arthur Nzeribe’s ‘Association for a Better Nigeria’ which worked for the perpetuation of military dictatorship in Nigeria. They are component parts of civil society.

    Professor Olukotun notes that “What is interesting is the persistence of this syndrome into the current diplomatic dispensation as well as the weakening of civil society either through seductive government appointments or the winning of elections by former star civil society activists”. We will recall that the scholar in his first lecture on the media and governance made a similar point about the weakening of the media by the incorporation of some of its brightest hands as members of the governing elite through appointments as press secretaries or as Commissioners of Information or Special Advisers on Media.

    He wonders if in the wake of the country’s transition to democracy, civil society has not gone to sleep and lost the democratic fervor it demonstrated under the military. In his words, “The question assumes salience with respect to the incorporation of many civil society activists into functioning parties or governmental sinecures in some cases to shut their mouths or buy-off their activism. Of course, there were some civil society activists such as Abdul Oroh of the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO), Ms Ayo Obe, Dr Kayode Fayemi of the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), Professor Julius Ihonvbere, who was a presenter on Radio Kudirat, Professor Chidi Odinkalu, to mention a few who either contested elections and won or were given political appointments”.

    Of course, the sober and careful scholar that he was, Professor Olukotun does not entirely write off the invaluable contributions of civil society in strengthening democracy in Nigeria over the last 24 years. He adopts a more nuanced position on the issue. The lecturer does not discountenance the value of the exertions of such groups as pastor Tunde Bakare’s Save Nigeria Group (SNG), or Charly Boy’s ‘Our Mumu Don Do’ as commendable efforts at strengthening and making civil society relevant in the never ending quest for deepening good and responsible governance. He also notes the persistence of the coalition of NGOs under the rubric of the Media Rights Agenda (MRA) over a 12-year period that culminated into the signing of the Freedom of Information Act (FOI) into law – an epochal achievement of civil society in this Fourth Republic.

    While acknowledging that in a democracy, civil society can no longer be the informal parliament or opposition which it was under the military since many activists are now members of political parties, he insists that much more can be done to nurture a kind of civil society that can more effectively “countervail state impunity or that can genuinely restrain predatory behavior on the part of state officials”. His suggestions in this regard include sustained campaigns to get people to own democracy beyond perfunctory participation in periodic elections, drawing up enforceable codes of conduct to regulate the behavior of CSO activists as well as enhanced collaboration and bridge-building among NGOs to make for better national impact.

    Olukotun laments, however, that all too often, civil society is as factionalized as the political public sphere noting that “Ethnic and religious conflicts, partisanship, corruption, cooptation by state actors and the locational concentration of civil society activities in the South-West are all factors that come into play” and that “A divided nation has merely produced a divided civil society “. Does he agree then with the view that civil society in Nigeria is dead? His terse response: “I don’t think so, but it is obviously in a state of stupor and requires reawakening”. May this incisive scholar’s soul rest in eternal peace.

  • Akpabio, Yari and triumph of democracy

    Akpabio, Yari and triumph of democracy

    The 10th National Assembly kicked off yesterday on a good note. Both chambers built on the culture of democratic choice, parliamentary etiquette and due process during the election of presiding officers. There was a display of political maturity as Abdulaziz Yari, former Governor of Zamfara State, who lost to his colleague, Godswill Akpabio, congratulated the new Senate President.

    Governors Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Yahaya Bello (Kogi), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), Hope Uzodimma (Imo), AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Biodun Oyebanji (Ekiti), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), who observed the proceedings from the gallery, nodded that it was democracy at work.

    Also, in the House of Representatives, where 359 members chose Tajudeen Abbas as Speaker, the session was not rowdy. His rival, former Deputy Speaker Idris Wase, accepted defeat, despite his initial pre-election bravado.

    The election of Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu followed the same pattern. While 63 senators voted for Akpabio, contrary to the projected 72 which Senator Ali Ndume had brandished, 46 senators opted for Yari. The difference of 19 statistically drew the line between victory and defeat. The winner dares not deride the loser. The loser cannot proceed to rock the boat anymore.

    After his inauguration, President Bola Tinubu declared that the election was over, adding that it was time for governance. In the same vein, Akpabio’s speech was conciliatory. The summary was that after almost four months of scheming, consultations and intense mobilisation, presiding officers have emerged and it is now time for legislative business. The election has two implications.

    The National Assembly chairman and his deputy share the same vision as the President. This may herald a harmonious working relationship. Conversely, the acrimonious Legislative/Executive imbroglio that permeated President Muhammadu Buhari’s first term may be absent in Tinubu’s time. Akpabio emerged through a competitive process.

    Although the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) had endorsed the four who eventually became principal officers, certain APC senators refused to toe the party line. The reasons were not far-fetched.

    In the Senate are old political warhorses -former governors, ranking senators, former House of Representatives members and other big people – who cannot be pushed aside. The scenario that was enacted on the floor was also not new.

    In mature climes, including the United States, the executive has not always succeeded in ensuring that party colleagues emerge as Senate President and Congress Speaker.

    Remarkably, in 2011, the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) caucus caused a stir in the House of Representatives when it aided Aminu Tambuwal of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) with votes against Mulikat Abiola, who was tipped for Speaker by the then ruling party. President Tinubu was apparently not oblivious to the political dynamics. Having endorsed the candidates put forward by the APC, he summoned a meeting of all senators, irrespective of party affiliations. The meeting paid off as some senators agreed to pitch tent with Akpabio/Jibrin and Abbas/Kalu in the spirit of party supremacy and discipline.

    Read Also: VIDEO: Senate President Akpabio visits ex-Rivers Gov Wike

    However, some pro-Yari supporters were not swayed by presidential weight. Sources alleged that they stuck to the former Zamfara governor due to selfish reasons. Yari ran for Senate President as if he was running for a general election. He threw his networks and resources into the race. Propagandists rationalised that the religious consideration that underlined zoning of the slot to the Southsouth never mattered. Supporters of Akpabio had pointed out that since the President, Vice President Kashim Shettima, House Speaker and Chief Justice of the Federation are Muslims, the number three citizens should be a Christian. But, the power distribution mirrored the Muhammadu Buhari era when the former President, former Senate President Ahmed Lawan and CJN Tanko Mohammed were Muslims from the North.

    Despite the conflict that preceded yesterday’s intra-parliamentary polls, which was normal, the election supervised by the Clerk to the National Assembly was devoid of intimidation and victimisation. The events in the highly populated House of Representatives were devoid of tension, contrary to fears in some quarters. Abbas nearly got all the votes in an atmosphere of consensus.

    Yesterday’s inauguration of the National Assembly brought to the fore two puzzles. Party supremacy is key. But, it can also be threatened by other variables in a highly heterogenous country characterised by ethnicity, religious divides and the clash of personal and regional ambitions. There can be a shift of allegiance, sometimes, from the party to other centres of influence.

    Zoning, which is premised on convention nurtured by an understanding of the criteria of fairness and justice, should be politically sacrosanct as a tool for equitable distribution of power and maintenance of balance among competing zones.

    After the emergence of the first set of principal officers, attention will now shift to the choice of majority and minority leaders, chief whips and their deputies in the Red and Green Chambers.

    Much later, the jostling for chairmanship of Senate and House committees will commence. Akpabio has promised to provide an ‘uncommon’ leadership. A lawyer, he comes across as a charismatic leader. The onus is on him and Abbas to play unifying roles in the parliament. The Senate President and Speaker should make “inclusiveness” their watchword.

    They should shun vendetta and embrace those who had opposed them as partners needed in a National Assembly that is expected to collaborate with the Executive to drive the vision of a better Nigeria but in an atmosphere of separation of powers and checks and balances.

  • Leader of socio-political body gets share of Senate election bonanza

    Leader of socio-political body gets share of Senate election bonanza

    THE curtain will be drawn on the race for the four top offices of the National Assembly on Tuesday. New lawmakers are expected to be sworn in and immediately elect their leaders, namely the Senate President and his deputy, and the Speaker and Deputy Speaker for the House of Representatives.

    Aspirants to the top offices have stepped up their campaigns. Abuja is a beehive. Nigeria’s most luxurious hotel, Transcorp, is the centre of action for the Senate race. An aspirant holds court in the hotel, doling out cash in local and hard currencies. 

    Prominent figures from different states are trooping there to “obtain” – apologies to a politician from Delta State in the General Ibrahim Babangida era. The abode of the newbreed politician, as Babangida called them, who was campaigning for governor, had turned into a collection centre for anybody, relevant and irrelevant, who desired thousands of crisp naira notes.

    At the Transcorp last week, a chieftain of a socio-cultural group whose kinsmen are known to protest perceived marginalisation in governmental affairs, visited an aspirant with the deepest of pockets to pledge support. A senator-elect and kinsman of the chieftain ushered him into the aspirant’s suite.

    Read Also: Senate shifts valedictory session as Tinubu meets Senators-Elect tomorrow

    Once they got into the suite, the Senator-elect showered praises on his kinsman. He spoke of his towering stature as a politician, businessman and leader of the socio-cultural organisation. With him, he assured the aspirant, senators from the zone of the chieftain will vote for him. A senator present almost shouted “Chineke!” that is “my God!”

    Satisfied that he had secured the commitment of every senator from the zone, he thanked the chieftain for his coming and support. Of course, that came with a massive envelope containing some bundles of the much sought-after dollar notes.

    PDP plot against APC

    The main opposition party is plotting to take control of at least a chamber of the National Assembly. Its plan is to get its member to win the race for either Speaker of the House or President of the Senate.

    Alternatively, it is plotting to back a recalcitrant APC member, thereby torpedoing the zonal arrangement of the ruling party.

    The worst case scenario for the PDP is a re-enactment of the 2011 episode when Aminu Tambuwal defied the PDP and aligned with the then ACN to defeat Mulikat Akande for the office of Speaker.

    The arrowheads of the PDP onslaught are Bukola Saraki, whose wings have been clipped in Kwara, Tambuwal who failed to install his preferred candidate as governor in Sokoto and some erstwhile journalists-turned consultants and strategists.

    The PDP chiefs are queuing behind Yari and keeping their choice for Speaker close to their chests. Their resolve: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must not have his way.

  • June 12: Thirty years after

    June 12: Thirty years after

    On Monday, some civil society groups will gather to celebrate ‘June 12,’ the anniversary of denial, deprivation and crude manners by military conquerors, oppressors and exploiters.

    Many youths will turn to their parents to ask questions, since the study of history has been downplayed in most schools. They are likely to be taken aback that a free and fair election held on June 12, 1993 was cancelled by despots.

    It is a story of great betrayal. It happened on two fronts. The first was disloyalty to the cherished values of friendship. That was an unresolved personal matter between former military President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), the Evil Genius, and his friend, the late business mogul, Bashorun Moshood Kashimaawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, who died in the struggle to reclaim his mandate.

    The second was infidelity to the bewildered nation-state that was thirsty for a new order. There is still lamentation over what had amounted to a waste of time and public resources on a transition programme that led to nowhere, and the resultant illusion of hope.

    The casualty was democracy, as the long and tortious journey to the envisaged popular rule was truncated. The Army Generals and their befuddled treacherous collaborators loomed large on the nation’s administrative stage back then. They caused mischief, wreaked havoc and unleashed terror on the people’s psyche. They wallowed in the illusion that there would not be a tomorrow.

    Read Also: NAPOC, others hold global June 12 Day in U.S.

    Key actors and those who witnessed the dark period cannot forget the treachery and the inhumanity of man against fellow man. Apart from the destruction of the federal principle, the criminal annulment of the historic, credible and transparent June 12, 1993 presidential poll won by the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate, Abiola, would have been the greatest legacy of military rule.

    The pain has lingered for three decades. The scars have not totally healed. Life became short, brutish and nasty in Nigeria as the soldiers stood against the people, turning the thriving country into a banana republic without caring a hoot.

    As protests in defence of the people’s mandate turned bloody, innocent souls were wasted through the smoking guns of foot soldiers. Homes of pro-democracy crusaders were bombed. Their families were molested. Their businesses were crippled. Fear became palpable.

    Scores were hounded into detention where they were subjected to inhuman treatment. They lost their freedom. Many others were exiled. Even those who escaped through the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) route suffered deprivations. They never planned for the nightmare of sojourning in foreign lands without sources of income and minimal comfort.

    Tribes were played against tribes. National unity was sacrificed. What mattered to Babangida before he stepped aside in shame was self-perpetuation in power. He obviously underrated the complexity of Nigerian society. His inglorious agenda collapsed. But, sadly, the collective goal of an orderly transfer of power was not realised.

    The same script of regime protection and sit-tight prognostics were acted by the late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, following the collapse of the interim contraption headed by frontline economic manager but political naive Chief Ernest Shonekan of blessed memory.

    Regrettably, June 12 was a failed battle. The efforts of freedom fighters were in vain for three reasons. First, the annulment of the poll result was never reversed by the annullers. Second, the symbol of the legitimate struggle, Abiola, died mysteriously in detention without realising his ambition to govern. With him also died his agenda to abolish poverty in the country.

    Third, when civil rule was restored in 1999, power eluded true democrats at the centre. The beneficiaries were majorly military lackeys and confederates.

    But it is now gratifying that 30 years after, a key witness, pro-democracy arrowhead and democrat, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, who was instrumental to the proclamation of ‘June 12’ as Nigeria’s ‘Democracy Day’ by former President Muhammadu Buhari, is now in the saddle as President and Commander-in-Chief.

    The surviving NADECO warriors may take solace in the fact that they may still have a unique opportunity at the twilight of life to contribute ideas to the reshaping of Nigeria through constitutional reforms under the leadership of a trusted ally and dependable comrade.

    If the political class had heeded Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s admonition to exercise caution about jumping at the deceptive transition programme, perhaps, the polity would not have been taken for a ride. In his letter to the Political Bureau, chaired by Dr. J. S. Cookey, the sage observed that Nigeria had embarked on an deceptive search for democracy, warning that when people had imagined that the new order had arrived, they would be terribly disappointed.

    Babangida converted Nigeria into a political laboratory for endless experimentations. After banning, unbanning and banning politicians, he advised them to form political associations. None of the 14 associations was registered as a political party. Instead, the military regime imposed two parties – the SDP and National Republican Convention (NRC) – on new breed politicians. The military also wrote manifestos for the two federal agencies christened political parties.

    Twice, the handover date was shifted, thereby elongating the dubious transition programme that IBB, a wily political gambler, had designed to fail. The nation endured his antics. Politicians went through the hurdles of Option A4. When Abiola and Bashir Tofa of NRC were named the candidates for the contest, the coast became clear.

    Nigerians, who were already fed up with military rule, trooped out on poll day to elect Abiola. The election was not shaped by ethnicity and religion but by the determination of Nigerians to draw the curtains on military rule.

    The election was free and fair. There was no report of violence, rigging or any unruly behaviour among voters. It was a festival of choice and change. The National Electoral Commission (NEC), chaired by Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, had accomplished a big task. Results were being released in trickles. Suddenly, NEC stopped further release of the results, following an “order from above”. It was the end of the exercise.

    Read Also: Between June 12, 1993 and February 25, 2023

    A judge had been instigated at midnight to give an order restraining the NEC from conducting the poll. The infamous Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), led by maverick Senator Arthur Nzeribe and a phony character called Abimbola Davies, mobilized forces and resources to discredit the poll. But it was futile.

    Abiola, the clear winner of the election, was derided by former Military Vice President Augustus Aikhomu, an Admiral of the Navy, saying the rich were not necessarily philosophical kings. In utter insensitivity to the wind of change, Babangida became more imperious. He said although he did not know who would succeed him, he knew those who would not.

    The military became divided. Majority supported the conclusion of the political process. But the few who opposed Abiola were more powerful.

    June 12 became a big battle of the people. Amidst the melee, there were clear barriers. Abiola had jetted out to rally the support of the international community for his mandate. Former Information Minister Uche Chukwumerije mocked him, describing him as the first Aare Ona Kankanfo of Yoruba land to run from a battle.

    Abiola returned to Nigeria only to meet a divided and rancourous SDP. His business was ebbing away. Government had clamped down on his newspaper, Concord, and other media sympathetic to his cause. While NADECO, Afenifere and other pro-democracy groups stood firm, prominent members of the political class changed their allegiance.

    When Abiola declared that he had won the poll, IBB yelled like a power-drunk ruler on the National Television Authority (NTA). People shook their heads as the military president was staggering after he alighted from the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) meeting. Asked by reporters to react to Abiola’s declaration, he said: “We know how we declare our president.”

    Babangida vowed to deal ruthlessly with protesters who demanded his exit on August 27, 1993, warning that “we are not only in office, we are in power”.

    But the protest became more sporadic. He was forced to hand over, but to an unelected government, thereby forfeiting a honourable mention in the history of democratic transition.

    However, IBB wreaked havoc beyond August 27, 1993. He set up an interim government without a specific tenure. He said it was meant to exist within a reasonable period. The status and powers of the interim Head of Government were suspect. It appeared the Minister of Defence, Abacha, who he left behind, was the actual Commander-in-Chief.

    Rationalising the interim option, General Olusegun Obasanjo, an ardent critic of the Babangida regime, said although it was regrettable, it was nevertheless understandable. Later, he even said Abiola was not the messiah Nigerians were expecting.

    Yet, Abiola himself played into the hand of Abacha, who shoved Shonekan aside, after Justice Dolapo Adesanya had declared the ING illegal. In his naivety, he collaborated with the maximum ruler, deluding himself into thinking that he would later hand over to him.

    There was a parting of ways. At the Epetedo declaration, the die was cast. Following Abiola’s declaration of himself as president, the military authorities started to hunt for him. He went into hiding. He was later arrested and detained for five years. He did not come back alive. The rest, as it is said, is history.

    What are the gains of June 12? The first lesson is that a free and fair poll is possible. Nigeria requires electoral reforms. It is an unfinished business expected to be undertaken by the Tinubu administration.

    The second is that only a cross-ethnic support or votes from diverse parts of the people can install a president for all Nigerians. That was the reality in the days of Abiola. It was also demonstrated on February 25 when Tinubu was elected by popular votes.

    Third, the electoral commission of the Third Republic embraced its duty with passion and patriotism. The method of voting involved lining up and straight counting. It is now old-fashioned. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of Prof. Mahmood Yakubu era has come up with innovative methods, including BIVAS. It should only be fine-tuned for future polls.

    Fourth, those who lose elections should embrace the reality and wait for another day. Remarkably, many NRC chieftains accepted Abiola’s victory.

    Fifth, the same-faith presidential ticket is possible in a highly heterogeneous country with diverse religious inclinations. The option can be dictated by inevitable circumstances. These were exemplified in Abiola/Babagana Kingibe ticket in the 1993 poll and Tinubu/Kashim Shettima ticket in the 2023 election.

    Sixth, the message in 1993 was that military rule was outdated. Nigerians yearned for civil rule and political stability. Since 1999, civil rule has been in place. But, it is just one element of democracy, which is broader.

    Abiola’s associate, Tinubu, is now in the saddle. It was “Hope” then; it is “Renewed Hope” now. The greatest tribute to Abiola’s memory is for the President to implement the agenda of poverty abolition across the country. That was the late Abiola’s plan for Nigeria. This is what the poor masses expect from their capable and trusted President Tinubu.

  • Yum Yum FC, etc

    Yum Yum FC, etc

    When you see kids of the same age bracket participating in any sport, what strikes you are the younger ones among them whose talent raises the hope of a greater future for watchers of the game. These younger ones tickle your fancy with how they struggle with their playing kits while playing games.  The Italians at the ongoing FIFA U-20 World Cup reminded me of their ages. Nigeria beat Italy 2-0 at the group stage but it was apparent that the Italians were the better side technically, given the way they despatched the Brazilians 4-2 in the first Group D game.

    The Flying Eagles bullied the Italians, especially with how we scored the second goal. It was almost the same Nigeria scored her second goal against Argentina. Flying Eagles which beat the Italians are at home while the European kids are improving on their game with every match. The price you pay for fielding adults as kids in a kiddies tournament. Would I be surprised if the Italians get to play in the finals of the World Cup in Argentina? No.

    Listening to commentaries during the matches, one is thrilled, informed and educated about the composition of most of the nations who partook in the World Cup and those still there until the end of the competition. The commentators repeatedly give you a brief history of the players particularly those who transited from U-17 to U-20. These commentaries help identify who the young lads, especially those taking after their fathers who are legends of the game.

    The beauty about those kids of football stars is that they necessarily didn’t play for the fathers’ clubs, although a few of them did. The simple implication is that there is hardly any club in Europe without thriving soccer clubs or should I say sports for cadets – meaning getting young boys and girls to learn the rudiments of the sport peculiar to where they come from. A few of these soccer clubs also have basketball teams, hockey teams etc using their academies as the foundation to assemble the junior boys and girls for training. These academies strikingly encourage the kids to combine school work with playing the beautiful game, for instance.

    The commentators drop the names of the clubs the young boys play for including those who have played for the countries as fringe stars. This kind of reminder helps listeners to realise that such countries have a pool of talents which they identify, nurture, train and expose to big tournaments such as the World Cup. One wasn’t shocked to hear that one of the Nigerians plays for Yum Yum FC. The cynical laughter among the commentators told the story. It could have been that the commentators typical of their jobs would have fact-checked Yum Yum FC and discovered that such a name is strange to the annals of Nigeria football.  Did I hear you say what was it about, dear reader? As for this writer, Yum Yum FC has come to stay. It is the only good thing about Nigeria’s expedition to Argentina.

    The Nigerians and the Brazilians are out of the competition. Still, my appetite to continue watching the games arose from the clinical manner in which debutants in the competition, Israel ran the rule over the junior samba Boys. The Israelis came back from a goal down twice before clinching the win with final scores of 3-2. It was a game filled with drama with the theatrics getting to its crescendo, six minutes to the end of the game which ran into extra time. The rookies from Israel had a penalty in their favour. Twice the kick was missed which incidentally was missed by two different players. The two boys who missed the penalty kicks were naive and couldn’t control their nerves. Will you blame them? No way.

    On Thursday evening the Israelis showed clearly by their ball distribution and cohesive style of play that beating Brazil wasn’t a fluke when they held the Uruguayans to a barren draw in the first half. Of course, the Uruguayans raised the game to ward off the Israelis’ attacking forays otherwise they would have been eliminated.  When the Uruguayans scored the goal that separated both countries in the 61st minute, they ensured that they blocked off the Israelis with every Uruguayan on the pitch covering the spaces knowing that their opponent on the night have a rich history of cancelling slim leads such as the 1-0 difference.

    Read Also: FIFA U-20 World Cup: Flying Eagles didn’t disgrace Nigeria, says NFF

    Definitely, European clubs’ scouts enjoyed every moment that the Israelis played knowing that they won’t be paying too much to lure them to the European leagues. Again, this new squad member has raised the pool of talents available to the head coach of Israel’s senior team. He also doesn’t have to persuade any big star to play for the country. Mention must be made of the witty decision of the Israeli FA chiefs to look for a coach, Ofir Haim with a good pedigree in handling club players to pick a good team at the cadet level.  Some food for thought for NFF board members on how to recruit coaches for Nigeria’s soccer teams. The tardy idea of recycling failed coaches by the NFF should be stopped forthwith.

    Coach Ofir Haim has opened a new vista for the game. It wouldn’t be inappropriate to ask Ofir Haim to graduate with his boys to the senior level, especially as the next edition of the senior World Cup is just a few years away. Besides, Ofir Haim could also assemble a slightly older team by infusing into this squad much older boys who qualify to participate in the football event in 2024 in Paris. The prize for hard work and proper planning, if you ask. For all that anyone would say, Ofir Haim is a World Cup coach and is available to the highest bidder.  Indeed, the essence of the FIFA age competitions is to take the game to the grassroots to occupy the youth and take them off the social vices.

    Again, the transition of players of one lower age grade to the bigger boys group fulfils one of FIFA’s goals and objectives. The Israelis have a future. What they need is exposure to competitions and getting to believe in themselves. Certainly, Israel isn’t a rookie in the game at least in the U-20 category. Congratulations welcome to the club.

    With Uruguay playing in the final game of the 2023 FIFA U-20 World Cup against Italy in Argentina on Sunday, the Uruguayans can heave a sigh of relief that their ageing senior soccer team can be re-energised with some of the emerging stars in this U-20 side. The Uruguayans will play in the final against Italy, with the junior Azurris beating South Korea 2-1.

    I don’t intend to write anything about how Nigeria fared in Argentina nor do I want to praise or chastise anybody for his role with the team.

    In the last week, there has been nothing outstanding to celebrate in Nigeria’s sports. Sports have been taken to the courts while the participants wait in abeyance. Of course, the scheduled competitions must hold whether Nigeria is ready or not. Unfortunately, we remain a country without a football calendar which makes the game rudderless. For us to have a seamless soccer season, the organisers should develop a calendar that can’t be tampered with.

  • Will ghosts of Evan (s) Enwerem, Salisu Buhari return to 10th assembly?

    Will ghosts of Evan (s) Enwerem, Salisu Buhari return to 10th assembly?

    The first Senate President of Nigeria was the late iconic Owelle Nnamdi  Azikiwe who was there between January 1, 1960 to October 1 of the same year.. He later went on to become the Governor-general of the newly independent country. The Senate President is the chief presiding officer of the senate and second in line to the presidency after the vice president. It is a very influential and important position.

    The apex legislative house in the Nigerian democracy, the National Assembly is made up of the House of Representatives with 360 members and the Senate made up of 109 senators, three senators per state and one representing the Federal Capital territory, Abuja.  As in all democracies, the legislature is an important arm of government. However, the legislative duties are not very often well understood by some of those who seek legislative seats in a developing economy like Nigeria.

    The legislature is a very strong arm of government due to their duties in a democracy; lawmaking, oversight functions and being lobbyists for their constituencies.  Many people in Nigeria tend to misunderstand the duties of a legislator. Sometimes even the voters cannot draw a line between the functions of the executive and the legislature. Because of the dysfunctional system where even the executive seems very unaccountable, the expectations on both arms are often blurred largely by ignorance and the dire needs of a largely illiterate and poor population.

    Reps scaling gate

    The Roundtable Conversation however believes that just like ignorance is not an excuse in breaking the law, same ignorance cannot be accepted as an excuse by those elected as legislators at both state and federal assemblies to abdicate their duties in any form. But we have seen such subtle and brazen abdication of duties by the legislators across the country and that seems to be the bane of our democracy.

    However, the apex legislative house in Nigeria, the National Assembly has been a mixed grill since the return of democracy in 1999.  The first Senate President in 1999, late Evan (s) Enwerem was dogged by scandal and was replaced by late Chuba Okadigbo who himself was swept off the seat by the axiomatic ‘banana pill’. He was succeeded by Anyim Pius Anyim who in turn was succeeded by Adolphus Wabara after whom Ken Nnamani took over before a David Mark presided over the 7th assembly.

    Senator Bukola Saraki’s tenure as the president of the 8th assembly started in a seeming blaze of political intrigues and power play that had the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) reeling in shock due to the drama that trailed the emergence of a Saraki and an Aminu Tambuwal as the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The tenure of the national assembly leadership in the 8th assembly was a very challenging one to the principal officers on a personal level, the APC as the ruling party and the country in general. The recovery of the political disequilibrium of the period seems to be ongoing still.

    The 9th assembly more than ever has been in the consciousness of the Nigerian people and has the political lexicon, ‘rubber stamp’ assembly often used to address  their tenure. This tag might be deemed unfair given that the two chambers had some successes despite not fully meeting the expectations of the people. But the challenges of a developing economy should be in learning from mistakes of the past.

    The 10th assembly is coming into the political terrain that is as edgy as it is expectant. Many of the legislators in the two chambers of the national assembly did not win their re-election bids. About eight ex- governors that sought to be elected as senators did not get the nod of their constituencies through the ballot box; ex-governors Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia, Samuel Ortom of Benue, Ben Ayade of Cross River, Darius Ishaku of Taraba, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu, Solomon Lalong of Plateau and Atiku Bagudu of Kebbi state.

    Read Also: 10th NASS: Shelve your ambition to become hero, Natives tell Yari

    The failure of these governors to win elections into the senate is profound and historical. In the past, most ex-governors who wished to become senators had some easy ride. The fact that some of them easily manipulated the processes in their favor made some public affairs analysts to christen the upper legislative chamber as ‘ex-governors’ retirement home’ due largely to the fact that most of them saw the senate not as a place to render service because more often than not, they denied even their states some impactful service but surreptitiously proceeded to the senate as a mere political trip for relevance and influence-peddling.

    Given the political dynamics of the 2023 elections, most of the ex-governors could not survive the tidal wave of a more enlightened and dissatisfied populace eager to get the iconic pound of flesh from governors and other legislators who failed to serve the people appropriately. In a way, the election was almost a referendum on most candidates and their political parties.

    For serious political watchers, the 10th national assembly is coming into a very volatile political scene based on the socio-economic and political problems in the land. The national assembly is coming with many new and inexperienced members. There are less than 20 women in the two chambers. The senate has just three women while the House of representatives have just above ten women as opposed to the 9th assembly with almost two dozen women and the senate with seven female senators. All eyes would be on these very few women but more attention will be on the whole 10th assembly.

    The Roundtable Conversation finds it curious that since after the elections, the focus of the elected legislators has been solely on who becomes the Senate President and the Speaker of the House. The horse-trading and lobbying have been epic with all the fireworks and intrigues throwing up debates and permutations. The political games of tribe, region and religion are in the works too. Not enough is being dug into the competence and integrity of those vying for the different leadership positions of the 10th National assembly and that exactly is where the problem lies and that is why many Nigerians are seemingly worried that may be no lessons have been learnt.

    The first Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1999, Salisu Buhari climbed to the seat on a ladder of lies, he was forced to resign. As if that assembly was under some spell, the then senate president, late Evan (s) Enwerem also became a victim of his own alleged distortion of personal records. He lost his seat to a late Chuba Okadigbo. 

    Make no mistakes about it, there are no saints anywhere in the political turf but as the African proverb goes, it is he whose hand is caught in the cookey jar that is deemed guilty. Leadership in any sphere of life demands that the actors must, like Caesar’s wife be above reproach.  The leadership of any institution carries with them the integrity of all members and as such a lot of care must be taken in electing the leadership.

    The legislature Nigeria must be the one that are as patriotic as they are knowledgeable about their roles. We have seen over time how the Nigerian legislators are almost the most highly paid in any democracy in a country with a minimum wage of a mere thirty thousand naira (N30.000) and a 133million people living in multi-dimensional poverty. There must be a paradigm shift in the ways business is done in the national assembly.

    As President Tinubu has advised, let the 10th assembly choose their leaders amongst themselves to demonstrate their independence from the executive or political party structures. Nigerians therefore expect that given that all those elected to the apex legislative house are all adults, they must get down to work for their constituencies and the election of their leaderships will be the true test of the character of the 10th assembly.

    The legislators at both the state and national levels must realize that the political awareness of Nigerian is at an all-time high. The outcome of the elections that had political parties lose in their hitherto political strongholds must be taken beyond the surface. The people might not be totally literate as in some other developed democracies but they sure know the indices of lethargic institutions and arms of government.  The people now know better and are now more than ever before ready to hold all elected officials accountable unlike in the past.

    The 469 members of the national assembly must realize that they are carrying the hopes of the citizens of Nigeria. Individual, group, ethnic or religious sentiments must be subsumed under the patriotic verve that puts the country first. The legislative arm across the country must stand for the people at all times as their closest representatives in the political space. Only the best is good enough for the people.

    For all those vying for leadership, there must be an understanding that Nigeria would not want to ‘go back to Egypt literally. They want a more responsible and responsive leadership of the national assembly that would not play politics with the welfare of the people and best of all be in a position to be truly independent as an arm of government whose loyalty is to the people and not some political party or ethnic interests. We advocate a mutually functional executive/legislative harmony on a bi-partisan basis because Nigeria is seemingly on a socio-economic life-support and needs all the arms of government to work together to achieve a hitherto elusive development.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Biafra: What was her identity (2)

    Biafra: What was her identity (2)

    Last week, I harped much on what I believe was then Biafra’s identity as a preamble to what I intend to postulate today. Having fought a war and paid so much in blood and in a number of other aspects that we today can unanimously agree that the Igbo Nation remains marginalized in the Nigerian Federation, now while we are all seeking ways to correct such a situation, it should dawn on any right thinking person that NdiIgbo will be the biggest losers in any secession scheme, whether it is by force or negotiated. What we should rather seek is the restructuring of Nigeria towards a free and fair nation where every ethnic group that makes up the Nigerian nation will flourish without fear oppression.

    So, I have decided to dedicate this week and the next of my writings to the remembrance of the war, its actors as well as the sufferings and finally legacies of a war that was fought by brothers. I write this as a Nigerian and as an Igbo lacing this piece with a futuristic warning that we as a people must avoid repeating the same mistakes that led to the war, a second war should it be fought God forbid will not be restricted to the East and contingent parts as was witnessed in the first, modern warfare has certainly buoyed man’s capacity for destruction, another war would see mutual destruction, that we cannot have.

    So who’s Biafra do I want to remember? Should I start from the heroics or should I first examine the gory moments? Do I recount the feel good moments of the war and then proceed to distasteful or vise versa?

    Let me first punt on the heroics, and I will do that on all sides. I will recall the sheer brilliance of the Biafran Army and her people; her ingenuity as well as her resilience in the three years of fighting against such odds leaves her a worthy place in the annals of chilvary and warfare.

    Read Also: Biafra: What was her identity? (1)

    I cannot forget the nations that recognized us, Nyerere’s Tanzania, Kaunda’s Zambia, Boigny’s Cotedivoire, Omar Bongo’s Gabon and Papa Doc’s Haiti, nations that saw the genuiness of the Biafran ordeal and thought that a diplomatic form of recognition was its own way of attaining justice for us.

    To the aid groups that provided help and assistance of food and relief in the war, such as Catholic Relief Services, Cannairelief, Caritas International,World Council of Churches, Holy Ghost Fathers and a number of other groups airlifted food and supplies following the blockade of Biafra in order to save millions of children who were starving.

    To the mercenaries, who came to fight for Biafra, history will be kind to your memory, I single out Count Von Rossen, the Devil Pilot who fought for Biafra for free! I hope to some day visit Sweden and lay a wreath at your graveside.

    To the academia, the press and the intellectual movement within and outside Biafra, that drew the attention of the world to the struggle of a people for freedom, giants like Uche Chukwumerije, Cyprian Ekwensi, Chinua Achebe, Christopher Okigbo, Ezekwe, Modebe and Frederick Forsyth. Forsyth, a former BBC journalist resisted efforts by the BBC to do a news management of the war, staying back to report the news from the Biafran perspective, though his recent revelations that he had also spied for the MI6 calls into question the credibility of his support fro the breakaway republic.

    The Biafran scientists and administrators who gave the new republic then technological miracles, building weapons such as battle tanks, rockets and guns deserve celebration. Even, with the fall of Bonny and Port Harcourt which delivered a crushing blow to our fuel needs, Biafra still refined fuel to meet the nation’s war needs. A shame that the Nigerian nation nor the nine states that made up the old Eastern Region and the defunct Biafra has not been able to leverage upon!

    Obviously, they are a number of untold struggles and localized heroics that never saw the light of day, they may not have been on the war front, but they too contributed immensely to shaping the war, we remember them, whoever they are and wherever they may be.

  • With 133m in multi-dimensional poverty, the governors Nigeria needs

    With 133m in multi-dimensional poverty, the governors Nigeria needs

    On May 29th, eighteen new governors and ten re-elected ones were inaugurated across Nigeria. Eight other states; Anambra, Bayelsa, Edo, Ekiti, Imo, Kogi and Osun are the off-season states whose previous elections slipped off the general electoral timetable due to reasons bothering on either pre or post-electoral litigations. These states stand as testimony to the aberration in Nigeria’s electoral processes. It is curious that such a huge number of states have had the judiciary intervene to determine the right governor for the people.

    While the judiciary is expected to do its duties in a democracy as the third arm, those who fashioned the democratic system might never have factored in the peculiar Nigerian situation that seems to burden the judiciary with so much about elections. The expectations are always that the mandate should lie with the people. The number of litigations around Nigerian elections must tell us that some things are just wrong about the electoral processes and there must be efforts to correct them as the country matures in its chosen system of government. That could pave way for a more accelerated development.

    Since the return of democracy in 1999, a lot of observations have been made about the roles of governors in the development or lack of same in the Nigerian story. In a very curious political paradox, governors often seem to be under the radar while the presidency seems to get most of the blame for either bad policies or dysfunctional implementations that have resulted in Nigeria becoming the poverty capital of the world with about 133 million  people living in multi-dimensional poverty.

    The people seem to give the governors a free pass while seemingly holding the presidency responsible for every  and all problems in the country. Not many are literate or politically enlightened enough to realize that there are duties constitutionally assigned to each tier of government in a democracy; the federal, state and local governments. Curiously though, the state governors in Nigeria almost exercise imperial powers and through their regional and national associations like the South East, South West, South-South and Northern governors’ Forum and the general governors’ forum formed a formidable force against the federal government, the legislature and other government institutions that might be in any way opposed to their individual and group interests.

    The Roundtable Conversation has followed the activities of most governors in Nigeria since the return of democracy in 1999 and believes that if Nigerians expect a leap out of the recent past in terms of lack of development, governors must step up their game and in the same vein, the people must begin to hold each governor accountable. It is a jaded cliché to always lament about the actions and inactions of the federal government but ignore the lethargic attitude to development by most state governors.

    The average age of most of the governors elected newly or as returning governors is about 52 years. This means that they are all relatively mature but young enough to be aware of the development needs of the people. Most of the governors flaunt chains of degrees and years of experience in the public and private sectors. It is therefore expected that they are in both a mental and physical state to understand the implications of the jobs they have been inaugaurated to do on behalf of the people.

    In the usual Nigeria fashion, some might be carried away by the euphoria of victory. Most governors in Nigeria wield so much power and revel in the influence they have over the people so much that not much gets done in eight years that is the maximum tenure  for a governor. In more than two decades of continuous democracy, no state can boast of very remarkable development owing to the vision and works of a governor. The often over-publicized building of roads, bridges and renovation of schools with tax payers’ money must give room to real development that can improve the lives of the people.

    Governors must realize that the campaigns are over and the oath of office they just took or renewed is a covenant with the people. There must have been a clear vision of the things that made them decide to vie for the office and the onus is on them to get down to business and assemble a team that can assist them get the job done. The style of elected executive in Nigeria is often to see appointments as favour and as such, minions and incompetent people get positions they often have no competence for. The result is the cycle of incompetence that yields no tangible developmental results.

    Governors must realize that leadership goes beyond winning elections and that means that the ability of each governor to recognize competence and make appointments based on merit is a sine qua non to development. This is 21st century and governance is not synonymous with mere politicking for its own sake. Development stems from choices leaders at each time in a nation’s history is knowledgeable and competent enough to make. Leadership goes beyond the optics and razzmatazz of office. It is the ability of one so honored by the people to serve and in so doing understand what truly matters.

    Nigerian governors must realize that the democracy they are part of is one that is about the three arms; the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. Since 1999, most governors seem to surreptitiously subsume the roles of the legislative arm under the executive. There  are allegations that they often coerce the state assemblies to abdicate their oversight functions making them very unaccountable.

    This attitude has often been mischievously hidden under either party allegiance or legislative/executive harmonious relationship. While the Roundtable Conversation supports a cordial legislative/executive relationship at both state and federal levels, it would be anti-democratic to strip the legislature of its constitutional roles that strengthens democracy for the benefit of the people. While the arms of government must work together for the success of democracy, the different constitutional roles of each of them must not be compromised on the altar of either party loyalty or extracted through executive subterfuge for very pecuniary interests.

    Nigerian governors must understand their duties to the people. Education of Nigerian children is in three stages, basic, secondary and tertiary levels. Governors must understand that education is one of the most important tools of development so they must go beyond the repainting of colonial and other school buildings to comprehensively rejigging the public school system to what it was and which given their ages, they enjoyed as young people. The advent and dominance of private schools was made possible because of failure by successive leaders to address the problems of education holistically to enable public schools return to what was formally very functional.

    It is really sad that almost 63 years after independence, no Nigerian woman has been elected governor. On the contrary, Kenya recently swore in seven female governors because there was a constitutional amendment in 2010 that made it unconstitutional for any gender to occupy more than two third of any elective position in the country. Nigerian successive governments, both military and civilian have maintained the patriarchal streak and the country has the poverty index to show for it.

    Curiously, while men dominate most elective and appointive positions at both federal and state levels, it has been discovered that in sectors where merit is the criteria for selection, Nigerian women have always excelled. In the academia, sports, entertainment and the corporate world, women are in very top positions. However, when it comes to politics, money and violence are deployed by men to disenfranchise women. The Roundtable conversation hopes that more women can be appointed by governors to do what they know how best to do, lead and manage economic variables.

    About 90% of the non-formal sector is reportedly controlled by women. It therefore amounts to cutting a nose to spite the face when men assume wrongly that competence in leadership is about gender. The poverty in Nigeria is a direct result of a lopsided system that excludes women. Governors must realize that women are the worse victims of poverty in the land. They must appoint more women to strategic positions beyond Women Affairs and other stereotypical ministeries.

    For too long, most Nigerian governors have neglected the primary healthcare sector. We just hope that the governors recently sworn in across the country understand that health is wealth and as such take the health sector as a priority sector. The people do not want governors using tax payers’ money to jet out to other countries to take care of their own health while neglecting that of other Nigerians they are supposed to be serving.

    Nigeria has one of the highest child and maternal mortality rates in the world. The Roundtable conversation wants to see the governors prioritize healthcare not just for children and women but for all citizens. The essence of development cannot be achieved without a healthy and fit population. This also means that they must also take food security serious by doing everything possible to encourage and support  agriculture beyond what the federal government can do. 

    We equally hope that the governors realize that the people are today more politically savvy than ever. The fact that about seven governors who sought tickets to the senate failed in their bid must have spoken to the governors in clear, unambiguous terms. Performance is being monitored and the people seem to be at the barricades in different forms. The voters are taking notes and the time starts now…

    The dialogue continues…