Category: Saturday

  • Adewole: New Diocesan, New Diocese

    Adewole: New Diocesan, New Diocese

    On Thursday, September 18, 2025, at the Cathedral Church of Emmanuel in Okesa, Ado Ekiti, the Standing Committee Meeting of the Anglican Communion elected the Ven. (Dr.) Ebenezer Ajayi Adewole as the pioneering Bishop of the new Diocese of Lagos South West, with his seat at the Cathedral Church of the Pentecost, FESTAC, Lagos.

    Adewole was one of the fifteen newly elected bishops. He was consecrated on November 9, 2025, at the Cathedral Church of the Advent in Life Camp, Abuja, while he and the new Diocese were inaugurated and enthroned, respectively, on November 25, 2025, in the new Cathedral.

    A total of fifteen new Dioceses were created – five full Dioceses and ten Missionary Dioceses. With the latest addition, the Lagos metropolis now has six Anglican Dioceses, with Badagry and Ota Awori joining the existing ones. Nationwide, the Church of Nigeria’s total has risen to 176 Dioceses after the recent 15 Diocese expansion.

    The Diocese of Lagos was created in 1919; Lagos West, in 1999; Lagos Mainland, in 2006; and Lagos South West, in 2025. The new Diocese comprises the FESTAC, Amuwo-Odofin, and Iba Archdeaconries, with a total of twenty six churches. Crucially, the Diocese covers a fast and densely populated area with significant land allocated for further church expansion.

    Having been spiritually empowered, Adewole has since rolled out his vision and mission statements for the new Diocese. This vision is deeply rooted in the mandate to spread the faith and the promise of divine guidance, aligning with Jesus’ command that “we are called to be witnesses, starting from our own community and extending to the ends of the earth.”

    To fulfill this mandate, his mission outlines a comprehensive strategy focusing on how the Diocese intends to execute this vision. Beginning right within the Diocese itself, the strategy focuses on four key areas of ministry: Proclaiming the Gospel of Christ, Aggressive Discipleship, Growing and Empowering Church Sub-Groups, and Engagement with the Government at all Levels.

    Immediately following his enthronement, Bishop Adewole appointed Barrister Mrs. Modupe Akinwande, who previously chaired the Proposed Diocese Implementation Committee, as the new Diocese’s Chancellor.

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    Born in Kano on October 12, 1971, to parents of Ondo origin, Adewole has dedicated his life to service. He was made a Deacon in 2001 and ordained a priest a year later. He served curacy in Ifon-Osun before his brief transfer to Ekusa in Osun State.

    By 2003, his ministry started gaining recognition for its revival, spiritual depth and pastoral care, which took him to All Saints’ Cathedral, Osogbo, and eventually, to the demanding Diocese of Lagos West, Lagos. There, he worked tirelessly, first at St. John’s (the Evangelist) Church, Akowonjo.

    His commitment earned him the appointment as Administrator of Satellite Archdeaconry and Vicar of St. John’s Church, Satellite Town, under the See of the Rt. Rev’d (Dr.) James Odedeji. Following a brief stint as the Archdeacon of Opebi Archdeaconry, he became the Dean of the prestigious Archbishop Vining Church Cathedral, G.R.A., Ikeja, Lagos. He served in this capacity until his eventual election as Bishop of the Diocese of Lagos South West.

    He is married to Dr. (Mrs.) Mercy Folasade, and their marriage is blessed with children.

    A stalwart of spiritual and community life, Adewole has been doing a stellar job not only in the upliftment of souls spiritually and mentally but also in getting them to be enthusiastic about community living and contributions. It is important to state that the congregation has been enamoured of his activities.

    May the Stone of Israel grant the Rt. Rev’d Ebenezer Ajayi Adewole the courage to lead, the discernment to govern, and the humility to serve!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    • Email: ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk. Mobile: 08033614419 SMS only.

  • Time to fish out the non-Fulani bandits in our midst

    Time to fish out the non-Fulani bandits in our midst

    Nothing can be more cheering than the news that after the initial dust raised by President Donald Trump’s threat to invade Nigeria with American soldiers gun-a-blazing, the United States of America is willing and ready to work with the Nigerian government in the effort to rid our country of Boko Haram, ISWAP, bandits and other terrorist groups responsible for the unrest and disorder that have been the lot of the country in recent times. Trump’s threat had been hinged on the belief that the killings, kidnappings and other violent acts in the country were targeted at the Christian population. But after days of dialogue between the leadership of the security agencies of the two countries, President Trump and America appear now persuaded, if not convinced, that the entire population is at the mercy of bandits and Islamist groups.

    The widely held belief before now was that the killings and kidnappings around the country were being perpetrated exclusively by a particular ethnic group, namely the Fulani. Recent indications, however, are to the effect that any genuine hunt for the perpetrators of these violent acts must not overlook the reality of internal collaborators in the various communities where the killings and kidnappings are taking place. For instance, from the Okun (Yoruba) part of Kogi State, which has lately become a hot spot for the evil practices, I have grown weary of complaints by concerned residents that many of their young men and women are now actively involved in the malady.

    Worried callers from the affected communities have hinted at least three incidents in recent times, which would convince any doubting Thomas that banditry is no longer an exclusive activity of a particular tribe or ethnic group. The first concerns the alleged killing of a young woman alongside suspected kidnappers by security agents who were combing one of the Kogi bushes believed to harbour bandits and kidnappers. Strangely, the death of the young woman was said to have attracted even a scintilla of sympathy for the slain woman or her family because it was generally believed that she met her Waterloo in the process of supplying food to bandits in their camp.

    In another suspicious development, a pastor based in Ayetoro-Gbede, an Okun (Yoruba) community in Ijumu Local Government Area, was said to have been abducted together with his Lagos-based wife, who had come on a visit. But while the couple was kidnapped around Ayere, their abductors directed that the N21 million raised for them as ransom should be kept at a particular spot in Ayetoro-Gbede, where the pastor was based and which is more than 50km away from the place where they were abducted.

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    In yet the third and most intriguing proof, a young man abducted with 17 other travellers around Oshokoshoko, a community between Kabba and Obajana where Dangote has a cement plant, managed to escape after two horror-filled days of a long trek through bushes and rivers, and finally found himself in Kabba town where he met three men chatting and decided to share his experience with them. But to his utter shock, one of the men, oblivious that the escapee understood enough Yoruba to know what he was talking about, picked up his phone and started asking the person at the other end why they allowed one of their abductees to escape!

    “He spoke in their local dialect. But even though I am an indigene of Benue State, I understand enough Yoruba to get what he was saying. It immediately occurred to me that the people I was telling my story to were part of the kidnapping ring. I told them I wanted to urinate and seized that chance to escape,” the young man said in a viral video.

    Before now, there had been testimonies by some victims of kidnapping in Yoruba land that their abductors were not Fulani but fellow Yoruba who were dressed like Fulani men. As far back as 2021, Suleiman Akinbami, an oil dealer abducted by kidnappers in Ekiti State, told newsmen after regaining his freedom with payment of an undisclosed sum as ransom, that his abductors were either Yoruba or they had lived long enough in Yoruba land to speak the Yoruba language with such fluency and grace.

    Akinbami said, “They spoke good Yoruba and good English. I want to believe that they have been in Yoruba land for a long time, if they are not Yoruba. They spoke good Yoruba. They spoke good English as well. They claimed to be jobless graduates.”

    The foregoing merely underscores the point that has been made by security experts for years: that security issues are not the exclusive preserve of security agents. Whether we know it or not, it is everybody’s business. We abandon the responsibility to security agents only at our own peril. Kidnappers are not spirits. They have kith and kin and live among people. The onus is on the members of the communities where they live to raise the alarm once they suspect their ways are short of the expectations of honest or upright people.

  • The tragic collapse of Nigerian football

    The tragic collapse of Nigerian football

    The night of November 16, 2025, in Rabat will remain etched in the consciousness of Nigerian football as a monument to institutional failure. Nigeria, a one time pride of African football and a nation of over 250 million people lost to war-torn DR Congo 4-3 on penalties following a lackluster 1-1 draw in which the DR Congo did most of the playing while the Super Eagles or should I say Super Chickens just ran aimlessly round the pitch.  This loss condemned the Super Eagles to miss a second consecutive World Cup—an unprecedented failure for a nation that once dominated African football.

    Surely, Eric Chelle deserves commendation for his tactical acumen in the semifinal against Gabon, and for getting the team to such a place following a very shambolic start to the qualifiers under Finidi George. However, his team selection for the Congo match was nothing short of catastrophic. Chelle made two changes to the side that beat Gabon, bringing in Semi Ajayi and Frank Onyeka for Bright Osayi-Samuel and Akor Adams  . While Onyeka scored early, giving Nigeria the lead within three minutes, the overall performance was not merely disappointing—it was a horror show of epic proportions. Players looked disjointed, lacked cohesion, and appeared mentally unprepared for the magnitude of the occasion.

    Nigerian football seems to be performing a vanishing act, I recall there was a time when Nigerian youth teams were the undisputed kings of world football. Nigeria’s U-17 team is the most successful in international football for their age group, winning a record five FIFA U-17 World Cup titles , while the U-20 team has won a record seven African U-20 Cup of Nations titles.  Those glory days now feel like ancient history with the current reality humiliating. Nigeria’s U-17 team, the Golden Eaglets, has failed to qualify for the African U-17 Cup of Nations three consecutive times. The Flying Eagles recently lost 4-0 to Argentina in the round of 16 at the FIFA U-20 World Cup . These aren’t just losses—they represent the systematic destruction of Nigeria’s once-formidable youth development pipeline.

    Even when these teams qualify, the selection process has become so politicized and compromised that one wonders whether merit plays any role whatsoever.

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    If there’s one word that defines the current state of Nigerian football, it is corruption. The Nigeria Football Federation, NFF has become what one observer aptly described as a crime scene that must undergo total overhaul.

    The House of Representatives established a Special Investigative Committee to probe how the NFF handled financial grants amounting to $25 million from FIFA and CAF and these  details are staggering: a physical inspection of the Birnin Kebbi facility, built under the FIFA Forward Programme, a facility  meant to symbolise progress in grassroots football has been described as  a substandard facility that cannot justify the sum of $1.2 million claimed to have been spent by the NFF.

    Also, despite President Bola Tinubu’s approval of ₦12 billion in January 2024 to settle outstanding national team debts, players still went unpaid, with debts dating as far back as 2019. Can we sit and assimilate this? Players representing their country are owed money from six years ago, despite billions being released specifically to settle those debts. In pidgin parlance, one is forced to ask “Where the money go?”

    Former Sports Minister Solomon Dalung attributed years of decline to corruption and impunity, recalling an encounter with a ministry cleaner who told him: “We work harder for failure than for success,” because officials benefit when teams fail early in tournaments as unspent funds go unaccounted for. This is the depth of the rot we seem to be  dealing with—a system where failure is more profitable than success.

    The administrative chaos extends to coaching appointments. The revolving Super Eagles coaching door in the last four years saw the exits of Gernot Rohr, Austin Eguavoen (twice), Jose Peseiro, and Finidi George ( Both Eguavoen and Finidi have no business coaching any team playing football in this 21st Century) How can any team build continuity with such instability? Three coaches managed the team in six qualifying matches , a recipe for disaster that predictably led to catastrophic failure.

    The domestic league, which should serve as the foundation for national team success, is in complete disarray. The NPFL, the primary talent pipeline, is plagued by corruption, poor officiating, and lack of structure. Without a functional domestic league, Nigeria has become overly dependent on foreign-based players, many of whom only discover their “Nigerian roots” after failing to break into European national teams.

    Only the Uyo and Abeokuta stadiums are qualified to host CAF matches in the whole of Nigeria, while even the National Stadium in Abuja, which was built with N85 billion of taxpayers’ money, was downgraded by CAF . This infrastructure deficit is a national embarrassment that speaks volumes about misplaced priorities.

    Perhaps the most disheartening aspect of Nigeria’s decline is the visible lack of passion many players display when donning the green and white. Watch these same players for their clubs—Manchester United, Napoli, Chelsea, Leicester, Galatasaray—and you witness transformation, commitment, and desire. But when they wear Nigeria’s colors, too often we see lackluster performances, half-hearted runs, and a disturbing detachment from the national cause.

    This is particularly galling when one considers that representing Nigeria at youth level is precisely what gave many of these players their breakthrough opportunities in European football. Without the visibility gained from playing for Nigeria, many would never have secured those lucrative club contracts. Yet they seem to have forgotten this debt of gratitude. When the national team calls, they should respond with the same fervor they display for their clubs—anything less is a betrayal of the jersey and the millions of Nigerians who live and breathe for the Super Eagles.

    The road back to dominance requires radical, comprehensive reforms:

    1. Total Administrative Overhaul: The NFF requires transparent budgeting, merit-based hiring, zero tolerance for interference, external audits of tournament spending, and clear KPIs beyond short-term qualifications,it’s  current leadership must be dissolved and replaced with individuals who have demonstrated integrity and competence.

    2. Adopt the Babangida-Westerhof Model: During Nigeria’s golden era in the 1990s, Dutch coach Clemens Westerhof enjoyed unhindered access to the presidency under General Ibrahim Babangida, allowing him to work without undue interference. Under Westerhof, Nigeria won the 1994 African Cup of Nations after winning silver in Algiers 1990 and bronze in Senegal 92 whilst also qualifying for the first time to the FIFA World Cup with a brilliant second round finish, an impressive feat for a first time appearance.   Westerhof is credited with turning Nigeria into a powerhouse in African football, discovering the likes of Jay-Jay Okocha, Sunday Oliseh, Dan Amokachi, Finidi George, Emmanuel Amunike and Rashidi Yekini.

    The next coach—whether Nigerian or foreign—must have direct access to the presidency, insulated from the meddling and corruption of NFF bureaucrats. This model worked brilliantly in the past and can work again if properly implemented.

    3. Rebuild Youth Development From the Ground Up: Nigeria needs regular youth competitions at U13, U15, U17, and U20 levels, with a consolidated national pathway for converting unrefined talent into elite football .Names such as  former Golden Eaglets captain Nduka Ugbade emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive development structures and proper football development systems from the grassroots level.

    4. Establish Coaching Continuity and Football Philosophy: Nigeria must establish a consistent football philosophy, adopting long-term four to eight-year planning cycles, investing in youth pathways and coaching stability . Countries like Morocco, Senegal, and Egypt have pulled ahead precisely because they build from the ground up with clear long-term vision.

    5. Revitalize the Domestic League: Massive investment in the NPFL is non-negotiable. Better officiating, improved stadium infrastructure, commercial viability, and zero tolerance for corruption must become the norm rather than the exception.

    6. Demand Player Accountability: Players must be made to understand that representing Nigeria is a privilege, not a right. Those who cannot commit fully should be excluded, regardless of their club pedigree. Create a culture where passion for the national team is non-negotiable.

    7. Engage Private Sector Leadership: Let’s have business leaders like Aliko Dangote, and others who have already succeeded in life partner with the NFF, Let’s have former football players like Jay Jay Okocha and Sunday Oliseh run the NFF,  they can add immense value to the football culture just as the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah did and just as former players in other nations are doing.

    Nigeria’s failure to qualify for consecutive World Cups is not merely a sporting disappointment—it is a national crisis that exposes decades of systemic rot, corruption, and institutional decay. In a world where countries like Curacao, Haiti  Panama and Jordan are heading to the world cup we have squandered yet another  generation of talent in African football history through administrative incompetence and moral bankruptcy.

    The question facing Nigeria is stark: Do we have the courage to implement the radical reforms necessary to reclaim our rightful place at the summit of African and world football? Or will we continue down this path of mediocrity, content with excuses and empty promises while our rivals forge ahead?

    Anything less is unacceptable. The time for excuses is over. The time for action is now.

  • Southwest’s response to security emergency

    Southwest’s response to security emergency

    When the six governors of the Southwest states of Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Osun, Ekiti, Lagos converged on Ibadan, its regional headquarters, for strategic security deliberations during the week, they were taking a cue from the wisdom of their forefathers during the pre-colonial and colonial days.

    Then, kingdoms were being conquered and chiefdoms subdued. Land and crowns were factors in the inter-tribal wars of yore. But later, the sea and the economic advantages it conferred on Yoruba land drew the envy of some powerful warmongers from distant tribes.

    Yoruba, the vast territory of the then Alaafin, came under siege. The tormentors depended on the powers of their horses, spears, bows, and arrows. They coveted the land they saw flourishing with the best of nature. Few among the Yoruba warriors had horses too. They could only face the onslaught with Dane guns, cutlasses, and well-crafted sticks called ponpo. Both sides were also known for possessing charms.

    Everybody’s attention, from Lagos to Akoko, Igbomina to Egba, Ebolo to Ijebu, and Oyo to Ondo, was in the war of resistance. Led by the brave Ibadan warriors, the Yoruba of Ekiti, Oyo, Akoko, Remo, Ijebu, Igbomina, Ijesa, Popo, and Isabe put their minor differences aside and confronted their common enemy, who wanted to annex their fatherland and impose an alien religious and political administration on their towns and villages.

    It was the battle of Osogbo in 1840 when the ambition of the jihadists to expand their territory collapsed. The Yoruba army from Ibadan was strengthened by their strong will, capacity, unity, and resolve to preserve their identity, their history and heritage. The soldiers fought with ideas and knowledge, propelled by the desire to defend their nation with the last drop of blood. The rest, as it is said, is history.

    Politically, the Southwest of today is not one, but the threat to the zone does not discriminate. It is gratifying that the Southwest Governors’ Forum (SGF) is proactive. This is not a time for rhetoric. The governors, like their illustrious grandsires who took their destiny in their hands, are taking the bull by the horns. But speed is required as any further delay could jeopardise the existing arrangement.

     If the ideas canvassed by its former leader, the late Rotimi Akeredolu, had seen the light of day, the region would today boast of a formidable regional security outfit capable of rising to the occasion.

    Nevertheless, the legacy of Amotekun has endured, reminding potential interlopers of a resistant apparatus that can marginally withstand a dosage of security challenges in regional interest.

    Governors Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos State), Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), Lucky Aiyedatiwa (Ondo), Biodun Oyebanji (Ekiti), and Ademola Adeleke (Osun), who was represented by his deputy, Kola Adewusi, were in sober reflection, conscious of the fact that the region can only sleep on guard to its peril.

    The Yoruba kith and kin suffer in Eruku and Isapa in Kwara State, which is contiguous to Ekiti, Ondo, and Osun. It is a signal that danger is looming in the neighbourhood.

    The governors know that the bandits are not Yoruba. The total agenda of the evil men is unknown but bold. There is concrete evidence suggesting that the kidnapping business is booming. Others insinuate that the region’s vast natural endowments are the targets. Yet, others speculate that banditry and terrorism come with a message of religious subjugation. The Yoruba are the most religiously tolerant people with attendant peace across the region. They would never allow the merchants of chaos to occupy an inch of their land for a purpose that breaches the ethos of the region’s religious finesse.

    If the identities of the bandits, their sponsors, sources of funding, and other motivations are known in some quarters, it would be relatively easier to devise solutions.

    Yet, these cannot be said to be too hidden in a troubled country where some people have boldly come out to present themselves as negotiators and advocates of amnesty for terrorists and other known killers. The basic fact is that those who have pushed the country into a war have internal collaborators who maximally profit from insurgency.

    Compared to other regions, particularly the three northern zones, there is relative peace in the Southwest. The zone has plans for regional progress and prosperity, and the people look forward to the commencement of operations by the Southwest Development Commission, which is expected to be a model to its counterparts in the remaining five regions.

    The peace in the Southwest, therefore, should not be allowed to be compromised. The region is one, unique, and indivisible entity with a history of political accommodation and religious tolerance. The cohesion of the region is underscored by its conglomerado, Oodua Investment, jointly owned. Other regions can only copy this primal model.

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    What Sanwo-Olu and his compatriots have done is to embark on a bold, pre-emptive, and strategic move to forestall terrorism incursion into the Southwest from the contiguous region.

    If there is a crisis in Ekiti, Ondo, or Osun, it has implications for Lagos, Oyo, and Ogun, and vice versa. That is why the leaders are mobilising ideas and resources to invest in prevention instead of cure.

    That Southwest is now setting up a Regional Security Fund under the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) Commission is salutary. The initiative is just beginning to catch up with the proposals envisioned by Lagos State over a decade ago. Nigeria should acknowledge the reality that a regional security outfit, once halted by the Muhammadu Buhari government but now bolstered by the right technological equipment, can indeed make a difference.

    This proposed regional security architecture, backed by a ‘Joint Security Intelligence Sharing and Communication Platform,’ would enhance early detection of threats, strange movements, and intended onslaught. The establishment of a live, digital intelligence-sharing platform among the six states would also enhance a collective surveillance due to the exchange of threat notifications, incident logs, and traveller and cargo alerts, resulting in a coordinated state-to-state rapid response.

    Also, an improved forest surveillance by the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), hunters, Amotekun Corps members and other security agencies is likely to flush out criminals who hide in the bushes.

    Terrorists do not strike without first spying on the targeted environment. They plan and assess their chances of escape ahead of carrying out their evil enterprise. Thus, vigilance is key.

    Since the Southwest is ready to provide the required personnel, the Federal Government should not wait any longer before deploying the forest guards.

    In the Southwest are strange faces, including herders whose identities and missions are unknown. There is freedom of movement, but this emergency time calls for the regulation of interstate migration, as proposed by the governors. If not well checked, it could actually snowball into a conduit for insecurity. As highlighted, it would involve stricter border or boundary monitoring, data collection and self-identification. This is why each of the six states would now work with the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) for proper identification.

    A contributory factor to banditry is the porous borders. Over 1,000 of them are unguarded, serving as easy routes for systematic invasion by foreigners who come in to torment Nigerians in their land. Some of the foreigners are involved in illegal mining activities, which “threaten environmental safety, public health and security”.

    If there is a comprehensive licensing framework, monitoring mechanisms, and strict enforcement actions, as proposed by the governors, violators who want to perpetrate violent crimes under the guise of mining would be effectively checked.

    There is also the policing of the land, which is a critical issue. Almost three decades ago, the Southwest led the way in the clamour for restructuring and decentralisation of the security apparatus. Under the Buhari administration, the governors established a regional security outfit that was watered down by elements who uncritically perceived it as a signpost to regional autonomy within the federation.

    The presidential nod for the creation of state police has validated the claim of critics who have pointed out that the current defective and centralised policing structure is inadequate for a vast federal country like Nigeria. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s position on the issue makes state police optional. But it is an answered prayer for the six governors who are now expected to seize the opportunity, following the accelerated constitutional review by the National Assembly.

    It also implies that at the state level, more Southwesterners would be recruited, trained, and deployed within their region of birth to provide security and have a sense of patriotism and emotional attachment to their region and the nation-state.

    The anticipated constitution review is to pave the way for multi-layered policing. The relationship between the centralised and state police would have to be determined, and measures to guard against abuse at the sub-national level put in place.

    The Southwest appears to be rising to the occasion and the governors deserve the support of all and sundry – traditional rulers, who once lost four members to banditry in Ekiti; religious leaders whose colleagues have been victims in the North; security agencies who deserve continuous praise for facing the fire on the battle field; corporate organisations that need a conducive atmosphere to thrive; community development associations, and youths who are the future leaders of the nation.

  • The ex-minister and his interests

    The ex-minister and his interests

    These are not the best of times for a noted All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain from the South-South geopolitical zone. The man who also used to be a state governor and one-time minister is on the ropes as it were. But it’s not only his economic interests that are threatened, those of his loyalists are under pressure as individuals with  federal connections are angling to take over their existing surveillance contracts.

    They are moaning that moves to hijack the surveillance contract of loyalists to the Niger-Delta born politician were politically motivated,  and warning that cancelling their meal ticket would be counter productive.

    Already, certain youth groups within the ruling APC are accusing the administration in this South-South state of collaborating with vested interests in the state to undermine our man’s interests.

    The youths lamented that the only offence of the targeted surveillance contractors was their steadfast loyalty to the under-fire politician. They insiste that executing what they claim is a  witchhunt against founding  members of APC who had given their all to the party would hamper peace in the state.

    The youths said: “Any attempt to wrest these contracts from them, if true, would represent not only an act of political victimisation but also a direct threat to the economic stability of hundreds of youths who rely on these engagements for their survival.

    The APC youths said allowing such a plot  would be deeply regrettable and could further inflame existing tensions in a state already grappling with economic and political strain.

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    “It would be disappointing, and indeed unnecessary, for individuals in such privileged positions to seek control over the modest enterprises that sustain many ordinary citizens.

    “What is playing out, in our view, reflects an increasingly intolerant and overreaching political culture—one that seems driven more by insecurity and resentment than by genuine public interest. Having already manoeuvred to dominate political structures built through the sacrifices of others, one must ask: what more is there left to take?

    They called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to use his good offices to ensure fairness and restraint in the handling of matters affecting peace, livelihood, and cohesion in the state.

    “We urge all actors to remember that the essence of leadership is service, not conquest, and that governance should never descend into a zero-sum contest of personal interests.

    “We remain committed to pursuing every legitimate and peaceful avenue to resist any unjust or economically harmful action against our members”, they said.

  • Insecurity: Again, how did we get to this pass? (1)

    Insecurity: Again, how did we get to this pass? (1)

    The roots of the current crisis stretch deep into the past. To truly discern these origins, one must look all the way back to the Justice Alexander Ovie Aniagolu Report on the Maitatsine Riots in Kano (1981), whose findings clearly harbingered the events that were to come. Four decades later, we are facing the fatal consequences of unheeded warnings.

    Between 1980 and 1985, the Maitatsine Riots encompassed a series of violent religious uprisings in Northern Nigeria. It was initiated and led by Muhammad Marwa (Maitatsine), whose followers belonged to the militant Islamic sect, Yan Tatsine. The conflict began in Kano and spread to other cities, resulting in thousands of deaths before it was suppressed by the Nigerian military.

    The crisis Nigeria currently faces was foretold in the Maitatsine and other Reports. The deepening poverty and woes in the North and parts of Nigeria were largely caused by the destruction of the agricultural value chain. This destruction was exacerbated by the termination of the 1963 Republican Constitution in 1966, and the irresponsible fixation on a misplaced depiction of an oil boom. The inability to reverse the destruction of the rural economy in Northern Nigeria, alongside the failure to make education free and compulsory from the age of 16, starting around 1977, ultimately led us to where we are today.

    Former Military President Ibrahim Babangida’s misconceived and now-discredited Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) also added salt to the North’s festering injury. And, as if the gods were angry, SAP deconstructed its nascent industrial base, wiping out fundamental industries such as textiles. Nobody should be surprised, in view of this, that we landed in the era of Boko Haram. Indeed, it would have been absurd had we not landed in that era. Having landed in that era, the political will to tackle the root cause was lacking. Instead, what became depicted as an insurgency opened a vast new avenue for making money by members of the connected political and military establishment.

    The military industrial complex arose out of the war against terror. Without parliamentary oversight worth the name, a never-ending war found a stool and sat comfortably in the country. Sadly, the Return on Investment (ROI) for those profiting from this war might be as high as an investment in Oil and Gas. Even a primary school student can do a Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) of the profiteering and conclude, beyond any reasonable doubt, that Nigeria has been badly defrauded in the pursuit of what is now a phantom war against terror.

    The National Assembly must now, as a way out of terror, do a forensic audit into spending on the war against terror, stretching back fifteen years. This will reveal everything and show conclusively that even if we quadruple expenditure on Defence spending, the war will go on ad infinitum. This is simple common sense, for no turkey votes for an early Christmas. We have an entrenched business encompassing the high and the mighty, and dismantling it would be a determined Herculean task. If we do not dismantle the business framework, we will be fighting the war against terror until the Year 2050, and beyond.

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    Worryingly, Nigeria does not have the much needed Unexplained Sources of Wealth Act, even though, commendably, Senator Ali Ndume from Borno South is proposing one. It is only by asking people to account for their wealth that we can really get to the root of the profiteering and racketeering industry that has arisen from the war against terror over the past fifteen years.

    In addition to the forensic audit, the country must now have the intellectual humility to admit that it’s been fighting the war in a wrong way. Faced with guerilla warfare, we need to develop a framework centered on Special Forces as well as an increase in specially-trained ground troops to destroy the terrorists. For example, it is clearly absurd to pursue fleeing terrorists on motorbikes with heavy armour. We should have developed our own Special Forces with their own specially-configured motorbikes, perhaps even using electricity, to pursue, overtake and dismantle them.

    It is clear that the development of Special Forces is not in sync with the profiteering and racketeering in Defence expenditure. We must now quickly develop Special Forces as well as strengthen the intelligence framework at the local level and use technology to monitor the movements of the terrorists. Satellite sensors could have monitored the movement of scores of motorcycles moving symmetrically. We must also investigate the failure of intelligence.

    Nigeria is in a very terrible situation and the entire sector of the war must now be configured in order to defeat terrorism. The top echelon of the Nigerian Defence system must study unconventional warfare, dating back about eighty years, to see how modern armies had to configure their methods to fight insurgents.

    A key example is Dien Bien Phu in Vietnam. Seventy-one years ago, on the paddy fields of Vietnam, a lightly-armed, barefooted guerrilla army, led by a lawyer named Võ Nguyên Giáp, not only defeated but also destroyed the French Army, which had air power, armoured tanks, and the most modern weaponry at its disposal.

    The Battle of Dien Bien Phu (March-May 1954) was the decisive engagement of the First Indochina War. Apart from changing the conception of warfare forever, it also showed that a revolutionary ragtag army can defeat one of the best armies in the world. Most importantly, it showed that guerrilla warfare is fundamentally different from state-on-state wars like Nigeria versus Ghana or Togo versus Niger Republic.

    The French surrender ended its colonial rule in Vietnam and led to the country’s temporary partition. We must therefore study this as well as other examples of asymmetric warfare to resolve the ugly situation we now face. To put it succinctly, there must be a complete overhaul, for it is now clear that the constant changing of personnel is not the issue. The issue is that the strategy must change! It means that we must have a different force structure within the army!

    It must also be noted that an insurgency movement mutates. When insurgents quarrel, which is not unlikely, divisions set in and the groups mutate, moving into different sectors. This means that, instead of fighting three groups, a country may eventually face ten or eleven. So, a country worth its vision and mission on security must anticipate this and nurture its strategic plans.

    Eni tó kàn ló mò! (Only the wearer knows where the shoe pinches!). For yours sincerely, the argument that heightened insecurity is merely a pre‑election narrative for 2027 is too lazy to sound as an excuse. Do we think the parents whose children were kidnapped care a hoot about any election? Have we counted how many of the Chibok girls’ parents are still alive? What of the parents whose children were abducted from St. Mary’s Catholic School in Kebbi: do we know how many have ended up in the hospital?  For God’s sake, when will this madness come to an end?

    Again, consider the ancient wisdom: “Àgbàrà òjò kò l’óun ò n’ílé wó. Onílé ni kò níí gbà fun.” (The intent of a heavy storm and flood is to wreak havoc, and that of those to be affected is to prevent it.) This dynamic defines all conflict. It stands to reason that nobody has ever waged unconventional, or even conventional, warfare without successfully infiltrating the security apparatus of the opposition. Unfortunately, this tactic takes a sinister turn in a religious war. Here, there are people who view it as a divine calling, making infiltration a sacred duty.

  • School abductions: letter to Northern governors

    School abductions: letter to Northern governors

    The world has moved on from the historical past. While humanity remains, development in all sectors of human life has changed how humans live and engage. Traditional education by families and communities can sustain cultures but modern education does much more to enhance human flourishing. The level of development of each nation is undoubtedly tied to the level of education of all of its citizens.

    The United Nations through its agencies has been a veritable tool in enhancing global development. Given the value of children to the sustenance of humanity, the UN, through UNICEF and UNESCO promotes child welfare, child rights and education while advocating for global cooperation in education, science, culture and communication to foster global peace and development.

    Every child, no matter their geographic or economic situation has the right to quality education. Sadly, in Nigeria statistics show that one in every five of world’s out-of-school children is in Nigeria. Ironically, even though primary education is officially free and compulsory, more than 18.5 million children aged 5-14 years are not in school.

    In Northern Nigeria, the situation is even more dire. A huge number of children in Northern Nigeria are out of school. The North East and North West seem the worst hit given a lot of variables; poverty, gender, child marriage, insecurity, socio-religious beliefs and some other factors well beyond the control of the children who depend on adults to make the best decisions to enhance their welfare and secure their future.

    The Chairman of Northern Elders Forum (NEF), Prof. Ango Abdulahi, former Vice Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, lamented the fact that 80% of the 20 million out-of-school children in Nigeria are in the Northern part of Nigeria. While he advocated more budgetary allocation to education as one of the solutions, it is a known fact that Nigeria has never met the UN 26% budgetary benchmark for education. But a lot more introspection and actions need to be done at both federal and sub-national levels.

    The past few years and the litany of school kidnappings in Nigeria has again rekindled the fear that the Northern part of Nigeria might be laying foundation for  future of more illiterate and uninformed children in a world driven by technology and ideas. From Buni Yadi boys’ massacre of February 2014 in Yobe state to Chibok girls abduction of April 2014 in Bornu, to Dapchi abductions that still holds Leah Sharibu in Yobe to the more than 100 abduction of students in Zamfara state to that of the school of agriculture in Kaduna and in the last two weeks the abductions in Kebbi, Niger and Kwara states.

    Dear Northern governors, as you meet today for an emergency meeting possibly with some of your traditional rulers, the Roundtable Conversation wishes you all a very successful meeting. However, there are serious actions to be taken by each and every one of you governors. Understandably, the recent spate of insecurity in the country would be top on the table but we also know that this is not the first of such meetings since the return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999.

    We all know that besides the national Governors’ Forum through which successive state governors unite to seek for the welfare of you all the governors including but not limited to political interests, federal allocations and all other individual and collective interests, you have kept the 19 Governors’ Forum alive and well. In the usual politically expedient associations, all these national and sub-national fora defy political leanings. When it comes to such associations, political parties, tribe and religion dissolve into nothingness. You all speak with one voice.

    So, the Roundtable Conversation would be glad to see the 16th Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II reiterate the developmental guidelines he had over the years advocated for on different platforms across Nigeria. There is no Northern elite that has been as transparently and honestly realistic about the value of education especially of the girl child as the Emir in the last two decades or more. For the avoidance of doubt, the emir is well educated and so his words about the value of education can be trusted.

    He has a PhD in law from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University f London, he holds Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees in Economics from Ahmadu Bello University Zaria. He equally has qualifications in Islamic Studies and Sharia from the International University of Africa, Khartoum, Sudan.

    Recounting the educational qualifications of the Emir, one of the leading traditional/religious leaders of northern extraction is important in this circumstance. He is an Islamic leader, he understands and deeply studied the Islamic religion, he also studied economics so the issues of both macro and micro economics of development are well known to him. He was once the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria and under his leadership of the bank, he appointed more female directors than any other CBN governor and those ladies have added value that stand as proof of the value of female education and equal opportunities.

    Realistically, Northern Nigeria as a whole has the most illiterates of any region in Nigeria. However, the illiteracy graph keeps rising with the increase in child marriages and school abductions. These two hydra-headed problems are solvable if you, the governors of the region make conscious efforts to solve the problems. According to Emir Sanusi II, “…girl child education is a ‘single silver bullet” that addresses various socio-economic issues, including child-marriage, anti-natal care, nutrition and inter-generational poverty”. He had proposed for free education for girls from primary to tertiary levels pointing out the impact on maternal, new born, and child health.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that the fire service approach by most governors being very reactive cannot solve any problem in the North. The talk-shops are getting repetitively exhausting and very ineffectual. Obviously today’s meeting is coming on the heels of the multiple cases of school kidnappings across the region. However, what is needed is real action. Each governor must think of the legacy he wants to leave behind. Politically expedient actions can be as ephemeral as they can be ineffective in the long run.

    Read Also: Tinubu, First Lady, Shetimma, hail PFN at 40

    Dear governors, education is the key to the future. Insecurity has become one of the worst issues of our times. The impact is as diverse as it is far reaching. It is a social menace that has left a huge trust deficit on leaderships at all levels. It has impacted food security, social life, economic prosperity and education. These issues are too damaging to a developing country like Nigeria and even more so to the region.

    If truth must be told, insecurity is as much a global issue as it is also a national albatross to Nigerians in general but yet, the Northern governors must take steps to address the issues that seems to be sinking the economy of the region. The huge ‘security allocations’ to the governors across the country has not been seen to have been deployed effectively to impact the people. The Northern governors can do better by being more proactive.

    The sad impact of the new wave of school kidnappings especially of female students is an ill-wind that blows no one any good. Abduction of female students is not just a mere coincidence. It stems from the socio-religious fixation that has for centuries objectivized the girl child and women across all religions. Time has come for those who know better like governors and traditional/religious leaders to create more and better awareness of the value of human development.

    The impact of school abductions is in the danger inherent in parents choosing between illiterate children and kidnapped children. Reports show that most parents are withdrawing or even refusing to enrol their kids in schools. On the state level, School safety issues can be arranged to augment the federal school-safety programmes. What seems to be lacking is the will power to address the school security issues. The consequences are better imagined.

    For a region with the world’s highest number of out-of-school children, you, Northern governors must urgently take decisive actions by collaborating with each other to seriously address the issues that are exacerbating insecurity in the region. Attacks on schools would definitely create more illiterates and as women become targets, what would the future hold? What would an abducted girl become as a woman? A Leah Sharibu and all the unreleased Chibok and St. Mary’s Catholic school in Niger state and many other un-named, unaccounted for abductees are the lost children of Nigeria’s future.

    There is no culture or religion that can enhance human flourishing holding on to some un-progressive socio-religious issues. Citing socio-cultural or religious excuses for not making positive changes to the governance structures for better human development should not be acceptable in a 21st century world where the world is welcoming the innovative values of technologies like AI.  Northern Nigeria cannot afford to lag behind for any reason. Enjoying the benefits of democracy while clinging to un-progressive socio-cultural values is the bane of development.

    Dear governors, as you meet today, look at your political parties, your houses of assembly, your cabinets, your civil service, how many women are stirring the ship of leadership? Why is the North that produced a Queen Amina, a Gambo Sawaba, Dudu Waziri, Sultan Bello’s mother,(Hajia Maiurno) and Gogo Nwabueze all great women of impact and influence in Northern Nigeria not concerned about the development of women and girls today? We at the nation would want each of you to account for what you have done to uplift women and girls in your state.

    • The dialogue continues…    
  • Trump’s wake up call

    Trump’s wake up call

    By his enthusiastic endorsement and approval of the contemptuous and derogatory language with which President Donald Trump couched his recent threat to intervene militarily in Nigeria to check alleged ‘Christian genocide, ‘ Mr Peter Obi, presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 presidential election, obviously believes that the American leader’s tirade was targeted solely at the President Bola Tinubu administration. And the new factional National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Kabiru Turaki, who recently unabashedly invited Trump to undertake a Messianic role of salvaging democracy in the country, which he perceived to be under threat, also sees the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) as the sole target of external umbrage at the challenges of insecurity in Nigeria.

    Unfortunately, this is a gross misreading of the import of President Trump’s threat to unilaterally violate the country’s sovereignty in an all-out onslaught against Islamic terrorists. Indeed, the reactions of Obi, Turaki and other opponents of the Tinubu administration to Trump’s warning reinforce once again one of the reasons for the latter’s undisguised loathing for the African political elite as a whole. Some attribute Trump’s attitude toward Africa generally to a racist, supremacist outlook. That may not be entirely true. In reality, countries earn respect rather than seek that it be conferred on them gratuitously. Given the abundant resources with which she is endowed, should the African continent be in the pathetic situation of abject underdevelopment, economic misery and political retardation in which she finds herself today? Can we blame outsiders who treat her with condescension and utter derision in the global community?

    Most African countries run what the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo described with characteristic brutal frankness as ‘street beggar economies’. Thus, despite being perhaps the most blessed portion of the globe in terms of mineral and natural resources as well as arable land and clement climate, the vast majority of the peoples of Africa are immersed in dehumanising poverty while their societies are plagued by debilitating and dysfunctional inequality that pits a microscopic, obscenely wealthy elite against the rest of the downtrodden populace. President Trump may have been misled by mischievous lobby groups with surreptitious agendas into mischaracterising the nature of violence and insecurity in Nigeria. But his warning is an indictment not just of the incumbent administration but of the political class as a whole.

    It is unlikely that the American leader will be impressed by a political elite which supinely accedes to the insulting denigration of their country by outsiders or one which solicits external political saviours to fix their country over six and a half decades after independence. The insurgency, which has laid large swathes of northern Nigeria in particular prostates and metastasised to encompass banditry, herders-farmers bloodletting, religious extremism, incessant communal savagery, among others, has lasted over a decade and a half. The assorted non-state actors pitched against the Nigerian State have, over this period, acquired greater proficiency, access to increasingly more sophisticated arms, enhanced operational flexibility and dexterity, while the efficacy of the undoubtedly valiant Nigerian armed forces is impeded by debilitating elite factionalism, a pervasive culture of corruption and structural defects of a polity that undermine and sabotage national security.

    Thus, political actors across factional partisan divides and political parties, who have been in power at one time or the other at different levels of government, are responsible for the current existential fragility of the Nigerian State, including the deteriorating insecurity that elicited Trump’s combustible response. It would thus be naivety of the extreme kind for elements of the opposition to gloat over the threat from Trump, thinking that it is only the ruling party and President Tinubu that are on the defensive. No, Trump’s action indicts the political class as a whole. It is a wake up call for the political class to get its act together and face more seriously the challenge and responsibility of running the affairs of a sovereign polity in an ever increasingly complex, fragile and unpredictable global order or disorder?

    In an emergent world in which the canons of international diplomacy and conventional standards of international behaviour are being turned upside down, particularly in the ‘Trumpian’ era, political elites face the real possibility of losing control of their territories to aggressive outsiders if they prove to be inept as well as lacking in vision and patriotic fervour. It is only a reasonably competent ruling elite committed to the continuous and steady development and progress of their polities that can actualise the latent potentials of countries, gain the fervent support of their people and earn desired respect in the global community.

    The language employed by Trump in his communication with Nigeria shows a mindset that will readily violate the sovereignty of another country, especially when the latter is perceived as weak and vulnerable. We can see the impunity with which the Trump administration has been launching attacks on vessels allegedly carrying drug peddling syndicates from Venezuela, killing scores of people in what international law experts describe as extrajudicial executions with scant regard for legal due process. Yet, we can see the deference with which Trump treats Vladimir Putin’s Russia or even Kim Jong Un’s North Korea. The state of a country’s military preparedness, especially the possession of nuclear capability, is clearly a key determinant of how nations are perceived and treated in global relations.

    But military strength is also largely dependent on economic viability, and where the degree of corruption, for instance, among a country’s political elite is of a magnitude that undermines military efficacy, the political elite as a whole – both the ruling elite and the opposition – are on the ruinous path of communal class suicide. When the opposition seeks to destabilise and bring down an elected administration through surreptitiously inviting military intervention, for instance, simply because it is dissatisfied with the outcome of elections, then it undermines the possibilities of its ever ascending to power in future through the ballot box. In the same vein, it is not in the long run interest of ruling parties to deliberately seek to sabotage, undermine and render the opposition impotent and ineffective. That was the path chosen by the PDP during the imperial Chief Olusegun Obasanjo presidency, and it is partly responsible for the dismal fate that has befallen the former ruling behemoth today.

    Right-wing ideologues of the Donald Trump mould are resurgent across the West today, and this tendency blames mass migration of people from the crisis and poverty-ridden parts of the world into their more prosperous countries as partly responsible for the deep-seated socio-economic contradictions of capitalism. Hence, the unprecedented aggression and fervour with which the Trump administration has been tackling what it perceives as the menace of immigration in the US. This is likely to be the pattern in several other advanced countries, including Britain and France, as far-right ideologies gain political ascendancy. As bad governance persists in Africa, particularly with the intransigence of sit-tight leaders for life and the resurgence of military coups, there will be increased clamour in the West for external interventions to promote a modicum of good governance on the continent and thus address at source the root of the mass exodus from Africa that has become a major problem in the advanced capitalist world.

    Read Also: JUST IN: Nigeria secures Category C IMO seat

    There are those who believe that, if there is no fundamental change of course by Africa’s ruling elite, we may be on the path of a full-blown recolonisation of the continent, and there is no guarantee that the majority of Africans will be opposed to any such tragic historic reversals on the continent. It will not be surprising if many of those who belong to the hard-headed realist school of power in the West believe that badly governed African countries, which are cesspits of poverty, violence and varying degrees of state failure, have become liabilities to the world. Their societies are plagued by mass hunger, disease, poverty and joblessness even when they are situated atop some of the most precious mineral and natural resources on earth. Those who belong to this school of thought may well believe that external intervention to provide good governance in Africa may be in the interest of the vast majority of Africans and even humanity as a whole. It is time for Africa to stop being a liability to the world.

    To decisively address the country’s security situation, President Tinubu has announced a raft of measures to improve the country’s security architecture, one of which is to accelerate the process of actualising state police. It is unfortunate that Trump’s threat of military intervention to combat religious terrorists and the inexplicable spike in attacks on schools and churches in some parts of the North have come at a time when the administration’s economic reforms have begun to yield concrete dividends. It will be naive and shortsighted for the opposition to welcome anything that will derail the reforms, destabilise the polity and threaten democracy. That will only play into the hands of anti-democratic elements, with the entire political class, not just the incumbent administration, being the ultimate losers.

    President Trump’s threat must thus be seen as a timely wake up call to the political class. It is time to forge a greater elite consensus around a new commitment to the tenets of democracy, the rule of law and a higher level of governance that promotes prosperity and progress. The menace of rampant corruption, waste and misuse of public resources that compound the problem of poverty, deepen inequality, undermine national security and have become an existential threat for the nation must be more fundamentally tackled across political parties and tendencies.

  • They have started again

    They have started again

    The air within sports circles in the country has been fouled. The stench emanating from the broken calabash is suffocating with stampede, arising from people clutching their nostrils while they search the surroundings for unpolluted areas for breath of fresh air. As people ran for cover, having inhaled a high dosage of unhygienic air, the recurring question has been, ‘who dun nit?’ NFF, NSC or the Federal Government? Is anyone surprised that Nigeria won’t be at the 2026 World Cup?

    Serious soccer bodies who would be at the competition began their preparations since the last edition four years ago. They only heightened their plans after grabbing the individual qualification tickets, including knowing who their group opponents are. In between these preparation periods, real title contenders have played highly competitive friendly games and have used several training sessions to correct flaws noticed in their teams before another friendly game. That is what is called planning, not what we have here – failure of leadership at the NFF and NSC. Not again.

    Those who sang, drank and backslapped each other howling at the top of their voices in Morocco mid-November, sneaked into the country in batches without the fanfare arising from grabbing the intercontinental playoffs’ ticket for the 2026 Mundial in the wee hours from Morocco. These hitherto experts of world soccer now snake their way around the country with sealed lips. In their characteristic style of buck passing,  their hitherto conference aimed at stealing the thunder from the NFF had Nigeria returned with the intercontinental ticket to fight for the remaining two slots for the 2026 World Cup, became a platform to mock Nigerians. So, they knew what to do for the good of the game here? Of what use would the solutions offer us when we won’t be at the Mundial? How do you discuss the 2026 World Cup in any form with the soccer federation chieftains absent? What struck one here is that the quest for the next set of NFF board members may have begun. But it should be stressed here that any soccer federation election without resort to the suggestions of the 10-year development plan for the game would be a façade.

    Are we not tired of organising a post mortem after each shambolic outing? What the game in Nigeria needs today is a complete departure from the past in terms of those to help find the proper template for the game to be beautiful here anytime it is being played. We are perhaps the only country in the world without a discerning pattern of play unique to us across genders and age cadres. And flaws come from the fact that we don’t have standardised soccer academies with qualified coaches, trainers, teachers of coaches and less self-serving administrators driven by the desire to change the face of soccer from its present ugliness.

    The dearth of credible soccer nurseries in the 774 Local Government Areas in the country is one of the reasons coaches employed in the country insult our sensibilities by inviting as many as 24 foreign-based players to our national teams. For instance, Super Eagles Head Coach, Eric Chelle has invited ten new players for the country’s AFCON preparations with only Sporting FC of Lagos’ goalkeeper, Ebenezer Harcourt as the known face sprouting from the domestic game here. Yet, our administrators at the federation and their supervisors expect the blue-chip companies, deep pockets and sports lovers to support the sports industry with their goods, cash and service. It won’t happen. No chance.

    The names being bandied include Anthony Dennis (Goztepe SK, Turkey), David Moses (Slavia Praque, Czech Republic), Chibuike Nwaiwu (Wolfsberger FC, Austria), Rafiu Durosinmi (Viktoria Plzen, Czech Republic), Dapo Afolayan (St. Pauli, Germany), Ryan Alebiosu (Blackburn Rovers, England), Tochukwu Nnadi (Zulte Waregem, Belgium), Onuche Ogbelu (Esperance, Tunisia), Tebo Franklin (Crvena zvezda, Serbia) and Ebenezer Harcourt (Sporting Lagos).

    The obvious question would be why we worry ourselves trying to run our domestic league matches around the country, if its products can’t be chosen to represent the country in big competitions such as the World Cup, AFCON, Olympic Games, CAF inter-club competitions e.t.c . All the catch-them-young programmes targeted at the youth in the grassroots are extinct. Our administrators aren’t worried. They have forgotten that these catch-them-young competitions serve as the package to document the data of participants which could be referenced in the coming years.

    Sadly, our nurseries have been hijacked by shylock agents who can’t be challenged since those who can, already have their hands soiled as players’ scouts or agents. In many cases, both. Kids who represent us in age-grade competitions in the 21st Century use sworn affidavits as attestation of their ages, not original birth certificates. The win at all costs mentality of our officials has made it impossible for us to right the wrongs of our sports.

    Read Also: JUST IN: Nigeria secures Category C IMO seat

    No country’s football grows at the senior level. Growth in any soccer side starts from the nursery, which is situated at the grassroots. Nigeria’s case can be found in the 774 Local Government Areas in the country, only with proper organisation. Sadly, all manner of people including some of the federation’s chieftains have corrupted the nurseries such that youth clubs now loan players to professional teams in the country. Youth clubs owned by top federation chiefs dominate the country’s age-grade squads with the squad coaches filling the few spaces left with their mercantile choices. Isn’t this why we don’t know how much the domestic leagues are worth in the country despite the Star Trek to Europe of our youth who strive to earn a living from playing the game?

    We can’t be talking about growing talents at the nurseries without standardising the academies that abound in the country. The fraud committed by some disgruntled folks in the name of soccer academies can only be curtailed if the NFF through its state affiliates compel all such bodies to register with it. That way, the authorities can identify who the fraudster is if such allegations arise.

    The countries that excel in sporting events have systems that guarantee enough funds for the sportsmen and sportswomen to compete with the best, such as tax rebates on sport-friendly firms, lotteries, and businesses owned by wealthy nationals who know what is in such a sponsorship that benefits them by the sitting government. Such financial taxes are spelled out to companies and wealthy citizens after agreements have been reached. These cast-in-stone policies are binding to all the parties to such an extent that breaches are adequately addressed to allow either of the parties to seek redress in court.

    We have lost budding talents to mismanagement, even after the Federal Government had directed that past soccer federations nurture their future. Our administrators bask in the euphoria of being recognised in the world, leaving the game’s development in the lurch for shylock European scouts to exploit to the disadvantage of our young ones.

    Civilised countries develop their sports through the neighbourhood system where facilities are built to engage the youth and push them away from social vices. Nurseries serve as the bases for storing the data of those discovered. Such information helps to nurture and monitor the good ones to stardom. Besides, nurseries lay the foundation where the athletes are taught the rudiments of the game. It is at such factories that playing styles and patterns unique to such countries are evolving.

  • Osun 2026: APC and the zoning question

    Osun 2026: APC and the zoning question

    The 2026 Osun State gubernatorial election readily presents the All Progressives Congress (APC) with both a challenge and an opportunity. While some have advocated zoning the ticket to Osun West, a detailed examination of political realities, party performance data, and the current administration’s failures reveals that the Osun East Senatorial District represents the APC’s most strategic path to victory.

    Since assuming office in 2022, Governor Ademola Adeleke’s PDP led administration has failed to advance Osun State despite substantial resources at its disposal. The evidence is stark:

    Education in Crisis: Osun State University (UNIOSUN), once a beacon of academic excellence, has deteriorated to subpar levels compared to peer institutions in the region. Also the governor’s decision to sack 1,500 teachers without replacement has created a vacuum in the education sector that undermines the future of Osun’s children.

    Employment Scandals: Successful job applicants who paid application fees remain in limbo, with the administration delaying their employment indefinitely. This betrayal of young Osun residents speaks to a government more concerned with political optics than delivering tangible results.

    Health and Security Decline: Both sectors have witnessed measurable deterioration under the current administration, with citizens feeling increasingly vulnerable and underserved.

    Governance by Performance: While Governor Adeleke has earned the moniker “dancing governor,” his penchant for celebration has not translated into policy substance. Allegations of crass hedonism and lack of focus have overshadowed any meaningful governance achievements.

    Read Also: Fresh posers as 315 confirmed abducted from Niger school

    This record of failure creates an opening for the APC—but only if the party makes the right strategic choice.

    As the countdown to Osun 2026 draws nigh, several opinions have reared their heads or rent the political atmosphere. A minority like analysis have sprung up in favour of zoning the ticket to Osun West where the wobbling incumbent hails from. These yesmen naively tout the “ Edo Template” but have failed to see that the factors which favoured a Monday Okpebholo’s  emergence as Edo State Governor is lacking or non-existent in the Osun scenario.  I will give a few examples here.

    First, Governor Adeleke will definitely run for a second term as the constitution permits him, in the Edo Template, Okpebholo was running not against an incumbent but a newbie in Asue Ighodalo, even a five year old can differentiate between the two scenarios. In addition to this, let us note that Senator Okpebholo was a sitting senator, something Osun West APC presently lacks.

     Third, is the fact that Obaseki was at war with the powerful Oba of Benin, his estranged predecessor, Adams Oshiomole and his erstwhile loyal deputy, Philip Shuaibu amongst many other interest groups within the PDP at both national and state levels( Wike and Dan Orbih respectively), the same cannot be said of Adeleke who maintains strong traditional relationships and controls the party machinery.

    Then there is the reputed voting strength of the Adeleke’s in Osun West, particularly in Ede North and South, such voting patterns witnessed in the days of the late Isiaka Adeleke( Serubawon) in 1992 , 2007, 2011, 2014 and then in 2017,  both Isiaka and Ademola Adeleke have  dominated Osun West with overwhelming margins.Both figures did consistently deliver crushing victories with massive margins which resemble some sort of cult following, the verdict is simple:  any APC candidate from Osun West would face Adeleke’s home advantage without any meaningful end result. The APC has no strong man from Osun West,  who can match Adeleke’s gubernatorial incumbency advantage.

    While it is agreed that the principle of zoning exists to ensure equity for politically disadvantaged areas, however, Osun West has produced two governors since state creation—both from Ede Federal Constituency. Now,  if fairness guides zoning, the logical approach would be: Zone  to other areas within Osun West, either  to Ikire or Iwo Federal Constituencies (never represented),and  yet even with the number disparity,  the stark reality is that Adeleke’s dominance in Ede and Osun West as a whole will readily take the wind out of such sails. In addition to this, why would the rest of Osun readily vote another son from Osun West for a possible tenure of eight years when they can pitch their tent with Adeleke, and have power shift to another zone or district?  After all 4 will always be better than eight!

    Again, the principle of zoning exists to ensure equity for politically disadvantaged areas. Osun West haven produced two governors since state creation—both from Ede Federal Constituency should require that another zone be presented for the election proper. If indeed fairness guides zoning, the logical approach would be to recognize zones or constituencies  that have not produced a governor. Constituencies like —Ile-Ife, Ijebu-Jesa and Osogbo. This makes the equity argument favor Osun East much more stronger than  any claim from Osun West, since another term for Adeleke will give Osun West three stints in Government House Oshogbo, Osun East would have only had two compared with Osun Central which has also had three stints.

    The Omisore Factor?

    Senator Iyiola Omisore as a political juggernaut embodies the required  experience and structure to give Adeleke a good fight and return Osun APC to power.  A one time deputy governor, senator,  two time guber candidate and party scribe, we can readily recall how as the ‘beautiful bride’ in 2018, he helped rescue Oyetola and the APC from the jaws of defeat and it did not just end there, Omisore’s Osun East Senatorial District was the only district that delivered victory for APC in 2022 with the same Oyetola winning five local governments in Osun East.

    In addition to this, readers must note that Osun East is the only district where all National Assembly members belong to APC—the senator and all representatives; why should APC then reward another zone that cannot boast of such credentials with a guber ticket?

    Osun East also boasts of huge voter populations with Ife East ranking second  (114,404) and Ife Central (113,232) ranking third respectively in voter strength statewide, trailing only Osogbo, a combination of these factors and

      decades of Omisore’s commanding presence in Osun’s politics is the fillip for an Osun APC victory in 2026. An Omisore candidacy should guarantee that all 10 local governments in Osun East would be in the APC ‘ s kitty and serve as a springboard to the party’s victory.

    In conclusion, the APC must nominate an Osun East candidate, specifically Iyiola Omisore, to defeat the incumbent in 2026. Osun East offers not only strong APC institutional presence across all legislative seats, but also proven party loyalty, electoral resilience, and high voter concentration in strategic areas. The zone can maximize margins while competing effectively in Osun  Central and making inroads in Osun West.

    In contrast, Osun West presents Adeleke’s overwhelming incumbency advantage in his home zone, weak APC infrastructure, and the risk of splitting the home district while failing to dominate elsewhere. Omisore has likewise demonstrated unwavering APC loyalty through total commitment and unequivocal sacrifices, along with the ability to mobilize Osun East while building coalitions in Central and West districts.

    The victory formula requires maximizing margins in Osun East to create an insurmountable lead, competing strongly in Osun Central by leveraging senatorial and ministerial influence, and targeting disaffected voters in Osun West by exploiting Adeleke’s performance gaps. Drawing lessons from past elections, the APC must prioritize strategy and political realities above zoning sentiments. These considerations are indeed  essential for reclaiming Osun State via an Omisore candidacy.