Category: Saturday

  • Osun APC, Tinubu’s hand and the Ides of March

    Osun APC, Tinubu’s hand and the Ides of March

    Ahead of the 2026 Osun governorship election, it is incontrovertible that a consensus candidate has been chosen for the All Progressives Congress (APC). He is Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji (AMBO).

    While Oyebamiji’s emergence signals a strong, focused start for the APC, it might be interpreted – or perhaps, misinterpreted – that the disqualification of seven out of nine aspirants during the December 5, 2025, screening exercise is, without doubt, an indication of a wobbly institutional mechanism within the party. A revamp of the procedure used is worth undertaking to prevent a recurrence. A repetition should be prevented, going forward, to lessen the possibility of disaffection, which could lead to unintended consequences. As the Good Book warns, “… lead us not into temptation” (Matthew 6:13).

    We must account for personal sensitivities, commitments, and bruised egos. These are human beings, not robots. Every serious aspirant has gone the extra mile in pursuit of what he or she perceived as a legitimate ambition. Consequently, the APC must initiate a damage control act – and do so very urgently and unpretentiously!

    One particularly contested line of reasoning centres on the importance of a leader’s strong mandate in the governance structure. To this end, one must commend the party’s titular leader for using his influence as a soothing balm. So, the ‘kì-í-gbó-kì-í-gbà, (I-no-go-gree) aspirants who wear their egos on their sleeves should go and sit down! Yes, they should find something else to do!

    But what are the consequences of President Bola Tinubu’s endorsement of a consensus APC candidate? The answer is clear: it will be an overwhelmingly positive development for the party, mainly by consolidating power and silencing internal dissent. The sheer weight of a presidential intervention means those who had hitherto been contemplating leaving the party will no longer have the courage to do so – after all, who would dare challenge a decision backed by the ultimate power brokers?

    It will therefore be in the best interest of the less influential aspirants to quickly accept their fate and move on. If one or two juicy appointments, or contracts, come their way, they should swiftly accept and thank God. To do otherwise is to risk incurring the wrath of Aso Rock – and that’ll not be too good to contemplate!

    But that’s not all; and that’s not where I am headed! The governorship election in Osun is likely to be a three-way horse race and the possibility of a runoff cannot be discarded. For its own good, Osun APC must go into the race, which is just months away, as a united front. Complacency will be dangerous to the party. Nothing must be taken for granted in the twists and turns of a very unpredictable political situation in a politically savvy state.

    Read Also: Tinubu unveils new security, economic blueprint to harness Nigeria’s marine wealth

    Beyond all efforts, there must be intellectual humility and moral circumspection in the current sequence of events. To put it succinctly, the victor must demonstrate profound magnanimity. He must embrace genuine unity over triumph. It is to the eternal glory of Umaru Yar’Adua that he accepted that there were flaws in the process that threw him up as Nigeria’s 13th president and Head of State. He said so publicly and started to make amends, and Nigerians forgave him, even before death took him away.

    For Osun APC to stand strong against any challenges that might come its way, unity is paramount. The most critical lesson from the 2022 defeat was the devastating cost of internal wrangling, which, if repeated, guarantees loss of victory at the polls. Since only a fool gets burnt twice by the same fire, the party must be prepared to rise up against internal discord and destructive rivalries, for no organization thrives or wins a battle where there is division. A seed does not bear fruit unless it is rooted deep into the ground. Unity is not optional! It is foundational!

    In the Yoruba wisdom, “Kàkà kí eku má je sèsé, á á fi se àwàdànù” (Rather than the rat not eating the hard beans, it will waste it). A conciliation strategy is very key for the Tajudeen Lawal-led Osun APC, for some of the disaffected have influence in the local governments and the areas of contagion. The disaffected can, if not pacified, exact revenge, and that may be too toxic for the overall health of the party. The meaningful hymn is that the consensus candidate will be reconciling from a position of undeniable strength. It is left for those contacted to choose between the carrot of inclusion and the stick of isolation.

    A good historical precedent is the outcome of the contentious primary election of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 1992. Angered by what they thought was imposition, the members revolted, and the party imploded, which ultimately led to the election of Sir Michael Otedola as the Governor of Lagos State. No betting man could have thought in his wildest dreams that any National Republican Convention (NRC) candidate would have come close to being elected as the Governor of Lagos State, not even in a Nollywood movie.

    Otedola won because of a mass rejection within the rank and file of the SDP. So, APC would be well-advised to learn the critical lessons from the SDP’s debacle of 1992. History does not repeat itself. The problem is that human beings do not learn the lessons of history. At a time like this, Osun APC must save itself from a potential debacle. The preponderance of the Osun electorate is at the moment in a state of mind akin to what the late Bola Ige famously described as ‘siddon look’. There is everything to play for, and complacency will be ill-advised.

    Oyebamiji has to act with a strategic focus. First, he must, without hesitation, initiate a genuine peace accord with the disaffected to prevent the possibility of mutually assured destruction (MAD). Second, he must have a clear, effective media strategy to rally the support base of the unhappy members and, simultaneously, the electorate of the state around a programme offering a pro-people alternative to the present Dance-a-Thon contraption in the state. The media strategy must provide the medium to present the APC candidate as the champion of a hard-pressed people, suffering from an economic downturn and disenchantment.

    This means a strategic, data-driven, and creative media thrust is vital for the consensus candidate, replicating the successful model recently deployed by the APC in Ekiti State. That instance not only ensured immediate stability but also allowed the party to swiftly pivot and focus its energies, in earnest, on the core objective: rescuing Ekitis from the doldrums of degradation.

    The candidate must tailor the media message to specific focus groups across the three senatorial districts and the thirty local government areas (plus one area office). There cannot be a universal media campaign. The message must directly address the demographic bases of voter registration and be customized to ensure a maximum turnout. Furthermore, the choice of medium is key; the candidate has to work out which one will convey the message to maximum effect.

    Again, to dig up a Yoruba aphorism, Èhìnkùlé lòtá wà, inú ilé laseni ńgbé” (The enemy lives in the backyard, while the evil doer lives within the house). Those who do not – and will not – leave the party could be more dangerous operating as a fifth column to undermine the party from within. Beware of the Ides of March! Julius Caesar ignored the forewarning about the Ides and the enemies within to his immortal peril!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Recipe for paralysis

    Recipe for paralysis

    Those who make peaceful changes impossible always make violent changes inevitable. Nigeria‘s World Cup campaign was a fiasco even with browbeating tactics employed by the hierarchy of the supervisors to steal the thunder of the NFF at the concluded Africa Playoffs for the 2026 World Cup competition. The supervisors ran the errands associated with the playoffs including having to pay the players’, coaches’, officials’ and backroom staff’s outstanding entitlements arising from the team’s refusal to train ahead of the last playoff against the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    The supervisors and their lackeys sang, dance and shouted while pumping the air with punches which threatened to pull down the roof top. In fact, you could hear a background voice assuring listening to the noise from their drumbeats of personal aggrandisement that the federation won’t owe the contingent any form of outstanding allowances after Nigeria beat ‘customer’ Gabon 4-0. They had forgotten that Nigeria had never lost to Gabon, making the 4-0 defeat a routine than an achievement to be celebrated with such maddening displays.

    Behold, last week, like a thief at night the story leaked that Super Eagles manager, Eric Chelle was still being owed two months wages. No concrete denial has been made by those who did the payment to say he had been paid upfront as is the practice with such payments in the past or that mode of payment has been abolished.

    “According to a top @NatSportsComm official, speaking off the record, @NGSuperEagles head coach Eric Chelle is certainly owed wages. But the source says that it is TWO months and not three. “We have spoken to him and the money is going to be paid very shortly.”

    “According to this highly-ranked official, Chelle had been paid regularly since February, until things came unstuck around June/July. That was resolved until the current arrears, which he says is for “September and October.”

    “As for his bonuses, “that is an @thenff matter,” the source said. “They are responsible for that.”

    *But is this state of affairs good enough, for #Nigeria, that we repeatedly owe @NGSuperEagles coaches  wages? Is this not a shame and an embarrassment for the country? Nigerians, over to you…,” foremost Nigerian journalist Osasu Obayiuwana wrote on his social media handle, X.

    Pray, isn’t this debt story associated with Chelle’s wages another recipe for paralysis? Over time when such ill wind of debts emerges from the evil forest in the media, Nigeria loses the games. I ask, who should we ask if Chelle’s wages have been paid when those who ought to ask such questions are the ones doing the payment themselves? Nigeria, we hail thee …

    Don’t Nigerians deserve to know how much Chelle earns monthly? It isn’t enough for rumour mill to whisper that Chelle goes home with $55,000 monthly with the alibi that he pays his assistance out of the huge cash.  I’m not English but I know how much Thomas Tuchel, the England manager earns in his 18 months contract. Tuchel for the records is German. Ditto Carlo Ancelotti, the Italian manager who will bark out instructions to Samba Boyz of Brazil at the 2020 World Cup to be co-hosted by the United States (US), Canada and Mexico.

    Wait for it. Did they not say in the aftermath of the show of shame in Morocco mid-November that Mr. President graciously released to them N12 billion to offset all the debts associated with the team? If yes, how come they couldn’t pay Chelle’s wages for September and October with their allocations in mid-November whilst in Morocco? How about the money that would have been paid to the coaches, players, backroom staff and team officials had Nigeria beaten DR Congo in the final Africa Playoffs game on November 16, in Morocco? Couldn’t that money had been used to settle wages owed Chelle at the end of November?

    Well, it is good to note that Chelle would be paid soon. It is also worthy to state here that we have given the coach the alibi he needs when things go awry. What one finds very interesting is that nobody is talking about Nigeria lifting the trophy on January 18, 2026 unlike in the past. In fact, Chelle’s employers have given him a semi-final target at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations. They are also excited with the deliberate attempt by Chelle to rebuild a new squad, although the bulk of the team, especially the team’s spine would be populated by the experienced players.

    One of the debutants is 22 years old Salim Fago Lawal, a center forward, playing for Croatia-based side NK Istra 1961, who had a solid 2025 season, scoring 4 goals and providing 2 assists in 16 appearances at the SuperSport HNL (Croatian top league) and Cup combined by late 2025.

    He was part of the Nigeria’s U-20 Flying Eagles World Cup squad in Argentina in 2023. He played 5 matches, scored 1 goal, 0 Assists, 0 Yellow cards.

    Tochukwu Nnadi is a 22 years old Nigerian footballer who plays as a midfielder for Zulte Waregem of the Belgian Second Division. Nnadi has so far played 15 matches, no goal, with six yellow cards and one red  card flashed at him. He played five matches for Nigeria’s Flying Eagles at the 2023 World Cup in 2023 Argentina, with no goal and no assist.

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    Ebenezer Akinsanmiro, a young Nigerian midfielder, played for Pisa SC on loan during the 2025-26 season (as of Aug 2025), making 11 appearances. He was previously on loan at Serie B side Sampdoria during 2024-25, scored 1 goal in 35 appearances. He is 21 years old.

    Akinsanmiro started playing professionally for Remo Stars in 2020. He was part of the team that gained promotion from the Nigeria National League to the Nigeria Professional Football League at the end of the 2020–21 season.

    There is also Usman Mohammed (born 1994), a Nigerian midfielder, plays for Israeli club Ironi Tiberias, making 11 appearances and scoring 1 goal. He missed two games. He won Olympic Bronze Medal with the Nigeria’s U-23 squad in 2016 in Brazil.

    23-year-old Blackburn Rovers defender Ryan Alebiosu recently completed his nationality switch from England to Nigeria. Born in London, Alebiosu started his career with Arsenal, where he spent over a decade, signing his first professional contract with the London club in 2020, although his first taste of senior professional football came during a loan spell with Crewe Alexandra.

    He received his first call up to the Super Eagles when he was named in a 54-strong provisional squad for the Africa Cup of Nations last week.

    My worries include the invitation extended to goalkeeper Uzoho and the fact that no domestic league player was considered good enough for the 28-man squad. Pity, our people never learn from history.

    27 years old Francis Uzoho plays for Cypriot First Division club Omonia Nicosia.  So far in the 2025-2026, he has made three appearances, conceded two goals, kept one clean sheet and had one yellow card flashed at him. One only hopes that invitation extended to Stanley Nwabali isn’t ill-advised.

    Sport is a big deal. It unites nations and enchants people. Besides, it has a global appeal, pulling fans and sponsors in a unique force that impacts positively on businesses-and health. These positives can best be evaluated when the government has a template that makes it possible for businesses and philanthropists to key into the nation’s vision for sports.

    Governments of sports-loving nations entice the businesses with relief packages, such as tax rebates on their investments in sports. Given sports’ global appeal, governments effectively utilise the platform as their public relations tool to change people’s perception of their entities.

  • Our Ayatollah has gone mad again? (1)

    Our Ayatollah has gone mad again? (1)

    After what must have, for him, been a memorable spell on the stage of public prominence as Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) and later Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) in the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration, Malam Nasir el’Rufai went on to serve as governor of Kaduna State for eight years between 2015 and 2023. Those years would easily rank among the most troubled, violence-ridden, blood-suffused, intolerant and intemperate in the history of the State.

    Having been continually in the public eye as an occupant of various high offices for an unbroken period of no less than two decades, power has understandably become addictive for Nasir. Just out of public office for the two and a half years of the Tinubu administration, el’Rufai’s constitution is evidently still being wracked by tormenting withdrawal symptoms. He is bitter. He feels slighted. ‘Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned’, intoned the bard.

    Perhaps what irked the closet Ayatollah most was the manner of his seemingly ignominious exclusion from the present club of APC ministerial power elite. President Tinubu had nominated him for a ministerial appointment. He accepted. This was a Tinubu he had openly denigrated, insolently insulted and conspiratorially undermined. But he accepted to be a minister in his government. Power addiction.

    His name was forwarded to the Senate along with others for legislative confirmation. The Senators would most likely have given him the nod. But no, the security report said. Ayatollah was unfit for public office. And his bosom friend and fellow Fulani, Nuhu Ribadu, was NSA? He was dropped. The cut ran deep. The wound still bleeds. On television show circuits. In vitriolic outbursts on the Hausa Service of the BBC. In incendiary newspaper interviews. Then there were rumours of an alleged foiled coup attempt. Inexplicably, Ayatollah laid low for some time. Gradually he is regaining his mojo.

    This week, Nasir shared on his Facebook page an article by one Mohammed Bello Doka titled, ‘Is Tinubu waging a quiet war on the Muslim North – Or is it all a coincidence?’ It was an inflammatory piece deliberately designed to instigate the Muslim North against the Tinubu administration and draw a wedge between northern Christians and Muslims. Some language experts who have dissected the purported Bello Doka piece insist that the voice is that of Jacob but the hand, that of Esau.

    They insist that the caustic style and belligerent temper is that of Ayatollah. The fear of treasonable felony is surely the beginning of wisdom. Thus, Ayatollah ‘s pseudonymous retreat. Thank God, there are limits to reckless hubris, even for our fearless stormy petrel.

    Here, the opening of the piece shared by el’Rufai: “Two years after President Bola Tinubu rose to power on the back of a controversial Muslim-Muslim ticket, a growing unease is spreading across Northern Nigeria. The same region that absorbed political fire, international criticism, and domestic outrage to deliver victory in 2023 is now asking an uncomfortable question: has the pact been broken?”.

    The article continues, “One after another, key Muslim Northern figures exited strategic positions – party leadership, defence, security oversight – often replaced by Northern Christians, Middle Belt figures, or Southern allies”.

    First, no single region can solely produce the President of Nigeria. The constitution has been deliberately crafted in such a manner that the winner in a presidential election must have not just the highest number of votes but must score no less than 25% of the votes cast in each of at least no less than two-thirds of the 36 states and the FCT. He must have a pan- Nigeria spread of votes. True, the Muslim North played a critical role in President Tinubu’s 2023 electoral victory.

    But then Alhaji Atiku Abubakar ‘s Northern strategy also worked considerably. The Waziri Adamawa and PDP candidate won in the core Northern states of Kaduna, Katsina, Bauchi, Sokoto, Gombe, Adamawa, Yobe, Jigawa, Kebbi and Taraba states. However, Tinubu won in Borno, Jigawa and Zamfara States in the core North while also winning in Kogi, Niger and Kwara in the North Central. To the credit of the far North, even where Tinubu did not win, he came a close second and hauled a substantially higher number of votes in Kano, where Rabiu Kwankwanso won, than Atiku did. All these were critical factors in Tinubu’s electoral triumph and I am unaware that anyone in Tinubu’s camp denies this.

    But the obverse side of the coin is that until Tinubu teamed up with Buhari in 2015, the latter’s consistent haul of over 12 million votes did not give him victory in three successive elections in 2003, 2007 and 2011. It was the additional votes of the Southwest in 2015 that gave Buhari the pan- Nigeria support he needed to win a national victory and this was repeated in 2019.

    In the latter part of the piece under consideration, the writer claims that “Southern voices declare openly that Muslim Northern votes are no longer decisive. Some cheer Northern discontent as politically irrelevant. Others openly frame 2027 as a Southern consolidation project”. This is sheer mischievous propaganda to pitch the far North against Tinubu and the South. The writer mentions no known names making such assertions. He attributes no sources except the feral jungle known as social media. In any case, did el’Rufai not do a well publicized memo to President Buhari insisting that the contributions of Tinubu and the Southwest to his electoral victory was grossly exaggerated?

    The article shared by el’Rufai claims that President Tinubu is removing ‘key Muslim Northern figures’ from ‘strategic positions’ and replacing them with ‘Northern Christians, Middle Belt figures or Southern allies’. The insinuation here is that an anti-Northern Muslim agenda is at play. Nothing could be more dishonest and mischievous. He cites as an example the National Chairmanship of the APC where Alhaji Umar Ganduje has been replaced by Professor Nentawe Yilwatda from Plateau State.

    But was religion the issue here? The position of National Chairman had long been zoned to the North -Central. Thus, when Ganduje from the Northwest replaced Alhaji Abdullahi Adamu from Nasarawa State in the North Central in 2023, there were sustained protests from the latter zone that this perceived injustice be redressed. This has been done with the emergence of Yilwatda. Why does this irk Nasir?

    Again, reference is made to the replacement of former Defence Minister, Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, by General Christopher Musa, a Christian from Southern Kaduna in the Middle Belt. Is the issue here religion or competence and performance? If the buck stops at the table of the President and the blame for worsening insecurity ultimately rests on him, can he be blamed for appointing a Defence Minister he believes can achieve the desired results? Is Nasir questioning the competence of General Musa or is the problem with the highly regarded General’s faith?

    In any case, why do the likes of el’Rufai accept Northern Christians as part of the North for population count and electoral purposes but are bitterly resentful when they are given key public office appointments, which are then described as an affront on the Muslim North?

    Again, the Mohammed Dikko piece shared by el’Rufai gives the impression that the insecurity and violence in the North started in the last two years under Tinubu. According to the writer, “Villages are emptied. Farms abandoned. Schools shut. Entire communities negotiating their survival with armed groups. In some states, local governments barely function beyond state capitals. Yet critics increasingly point to what they describe as a lukewarm presidential posture towards Northern insecurity…A single road project in Lagos is measured in trillions of Naira. The combined security votes of all 19 Northern governors do not approach that figure”.

    This is brazen incitement predicated on falsehood that should ordinarily attract the attention of the security agencies both to the writer and the publicist because of the latter’s prominent position in society. In the first place, insecurity in the North can be traced to the extra-judicial killing of Mohammed Yusuf, the founder of Boko Haram, while in police custody in 2009 and has steadily worsened since under successive governments.

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    Under Tinubu, funding for the military has increased substantially and onslaughts against terrorists and bandits have been intensified especially through precision airstrikes. Scores of well known notorious bandits’ leaders and hundreds of their fighters have been eliminated and this onslaught continues.

    Again, several governors have publicly stated that under Tinubu, allocation to states from the Federation Account has more than tripled. State governors including those from the North thus have considerable much more to spend on security to reinforce the significantly increased budgetary allocation to defence at the centre. The statement that ‘A single road project in Lagos is measured in trillions of Naira’ is preposterous blackmail. Nasir should be challenged to name one such road or else apologize for sharing false information.

    The Lagos -Calabar Coastal Highway, for instance, is planned to physically connect the western and south -eastern regions of Nigeria and passes through through 9 states – Ogun, Ondo, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom States and ending in Calabar, Cross River State. The Sokoto-Badagry Super Highway extends from Sokoto through Kebbi, Niger and adjoining States and ultimately linking the Lagos -Calabar Coastal Road. Where does religion come in here except for those with a terroristic Ayatollah mindset like we know who?

    It is most laughable that Nasir can summon the temerity to share an article which states that “Equally troubling to many Northerners is the continued reliance on the same political middlemen to negotiate with bandits – negotiations that often end with cash payments, concessions and temporary…Who benefits? Does this approach pacify violence or institutionalize it?”. Luckily, we do not have to go too far for a response to Nasir. Let us resort to the ubiquitous internet which never sleeps or forgets.

    According to Wikipedia, “In December 2016, in an open interview the Kaduna State governor, Nasir Ahmed Musa el-Rufai, confessed to paying some Fulanis across the Sahel countries like Niger, Mali, Chad, Senegal and Cameroon, to stop killing Southern Kaduna indigenous due to grievances erupting from the killing of their cattles in the 2011 post election crisis in the state…In response to the above, the sitting senator representing Kaduna South Senatorial District, Danjuma Laah, said there was never a time in 2011 that Fulanis in those Sahel countries mentioned by the governor were killed with their cattle in the Southern Kaduna as the area is not a converging point for those countries and called el-Rufai ‘s claim a lie.

    “According to the Senator, “The Governor just invented this lie to make excuse for his imported murderous Fulani kindred to continue their extermination of our people and the occupation of our lands.”…In April 2021, el-Rufai made a turn-around and said anyone caught negotiating with bandits would be severely dealt with”.

  • Where’s the list?

    Where’s the list?

    Five days after the promised publication date, Nigeria finds itself in a familiar yet troubling position. Thousands of candidates who sat for the Computer-Based Test (CBT) for positions within the Civil Defense, Correctional and Immigration Services Board remain in anxious limbo, their futures suspended in haughty bureaucratic silence. The board’s deafening muteness on the matter has sparked legitimate questions about what transpires behind closed doors when employment opportunities meet political influence in Africa’s most populous nation.

    What could possibly justify this delay? Is it mere administrative incompetence, the familiar Nigerian affliction of “go-slow” that has become our unofficial national anthem? Or are we witnessing something more sinister—a carefully orchestrated mop-up exercise where the children of the high and mighty are being slotted into positions supposedly earned through merit by ordinary Nigerians who lack the brass, connections, or godfather necessary to secure their rightful places?

    These questions naturally demand answers and in saner climes, heads would roll as apologies would flow but this is Nigeria! This pattern is distressingly familiar. Nigerian recruitment exercises have historically been fertile grounds for corruption, nepotism, and the subversion of meritocracy. The 2015 Central Bank of Nigeria recruitment stands as a monument to opacity in public service employment. That exercise was shrouded in such impenetrable secrecy that even Lavrenty Beria, Stalin’s ruthless spy chief who perfected the art of clandestine operations, would have nodded in grim appreciation. To this day, Nigerians cannot access comprehensive information about how candidates were selected, what criteria were employed, or whether merit genuinely triumphed over connection.

    Then we have the documented case of a serving minister who brazenly cornered employment slots for members of his community, with his own family members prominently featuring among the beneficiaries. This wasn’t whispered rumor or unfounded allegation—it was a scandal that played out in public view, yet consequences remained conspicuously absent. Such impunity sends a clear message: the rules exist for the powerless, while the powerful operate in a consequence-free zone.

    Even within the current recruitment exercise, troubling inconsistencies have emerged. Candidates who wrote the CBT examination on the first day reported seeing their scores immediately after completing the test—a transparent practice that should be standard procedure. However, by the second day, this feature had mysteriously disappeared. Candidates completing identical tests under identical conditions were suddenly denied immediate access to their results. The reason for this abrupt change? Your guess is as good as mine. But in a country where trust in public institutions hangs by a thread, such unexplained alterations inevitably feed suspicions of manipulation.

    Let us be clear: the elite have every right to see their children and wards employed in the nation’s public service. They are citizens too, and their offspring should not be automatically excluded from opportunities. However, as Napoleon Bonaparte wisely observed, such employment must be done “without the distinction of birth or fortune.” Merit must be the sovereign criterion. Competence, not connection, should determine who serves the public.

    When we consistently second only the candidates of the rich and powerful, we construct a nation where merit becomes a quaint abstraction, sacrificed on the altar of “who knows who.” We entrench a toxic value system where hard work is jettisoned for political alignment, where brilliance loses to belonging, where diligence is defeated by dynasty. This is not merely unfair—it is fundamentally destructive to national development.

    Consider the bitter irony: most of the powerful men now allegedly foisting their wards into these positions were not born with silver spoons. They clawed their way to prominence through determination, intelligence, and yes, often through systems that rewarded merit alongside connection. Had the system been as comprehensively skewed in their youth as it appears today, would these men have reached the zenith of their careers? Would they occupy the positions of influence they now leverage on behalf of their children, wards and even mistresses? The answer is almost certainly no. They are beneficiaries of whatever meritocratic elements existed in their time, yet they now actively undermine those same pathways for others.

    This represents not just hypocrisy but a fundamental betrayal of the social contract. It perpetuates inequality across generations, transforming temporary advantage into permanent privilege. It tells brilliant but connected Nigerian youth that their excellence matters less than their surnames, that their preparation pales beside their parents’ positions.

    The solution requires both immediate action and long-term reform. First, the authorities must release the recruitment list immediately, as originally promised. Transparency cannot be optional in public service employment. Second, the current administration must seriously consider introducing artificial intelligence technologies into the recruitment process for public servants. AI-driven systems, properly designed and monitored, can dramatically reduce human manipulation, eliminate bias, and ensure that merit genuinely determines outcomes.

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    A nation’s public service remains the pride of any nation—or should be. We cannot continue wondering why Nigeria remains mired in underdevelopment despite our abundant human and natural resources when we employ “tiwa tiwa” (my own), “nkeanyi” (our own), and “na we we” (it’s us) as primary criteria for public service employment. These ethnic and familial loyalties, elevated above competence can only guarantee mediocrity in governance and perpetuate the very dysfunctions we claim to deplore.

    The candidates waiting for this list represent Nigeria’s potential. Many have prepared for months, sacrificed limited resources for examination fees, traveled distances for the tests, and placed their hopes in a system that promises fairness. They deserve better than silence. They deserve better than suspicion. They deserve a transparent process where their efforts matter more than their lack of powerful connections.

    The ball sits firmly in the board’s court. Publish the list. Restore faith. Prove that merit can still triumph in Nigeria. The alternative—continued silence and eventual publication of a suspiciously amended list—will only confirm our worst fears about who truly governs this nation: not the elected, but the connected; not the qualified, but the well-placed.

    Nigeria deserves better. Our youth deserve better. Merit deserves its day.

  • Osun primary: conmen on the prowl

    Osun primary: conmen on the prowl

    As All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirants warm up for next week’s primary in Osogbo, capital of Osun State, some of them are targets of swindlers.

    One of them – a serial contender – nearly fell prey recently in Lagos, when he approached a perceived middleman for help to shore up his chances.

    The scammer saw the desperation in the man he wanted to cheat when, in response to his request for a broader endorsement, promised to take him to the Abuja to meet the high and mighty in the party.  But on one condition.

    The impostor, who claims to have the ears of the leaders of the party requested for $70,000 for his service, to be paid upfront.

    READ ALSO; FULL LIST: Countries banned, excluded from FIFA World Cups (1938- 2026)

    Over N100 million for access money? Well, it could be more, particularly for the gullible. Afterall, it is the equivalent of the fee for the Expesssion of Interest form. More importantly, the road to Abuja is not ordinary. Only some big men can facilitate access to the high corridor.

    But the aspirant suddenly came into his senses after sleep-walking down to Lagos. He demurred after waking up from his deep slumber.

    The result:  No access, imaginary or real. But no parting with hard-earned money.

    At the end, there was no victor, no victim of executive 419, and no vanguished.

  • The Nigerian state as ‘a country without country men’? (2)

    The Nigerian state as ‘a country without country men’? (2)

    By Segun Ayobolu (PIX)

    At the commencement of his inaugural lecture titled ‘The Nigerian State: A Country Without Countrymen’, Professor Babatunde Olusegun Agara of the Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State, professed his guiding life credos of faith in God Almighty as a Christian, commitment to positive societal change beneficial to the masses and adherence to the Marxist tenets of revolutionary transformation in the realm of economics. His analysis of the different manifestations of disruptive violence in contemporary Nigeria combines the values, assumptions and outlook of radical political economy a la the late Claude Ake with a rigorous application of the theoretical framework and conceptual classifications of comparative politics and strategic studies.

    The most attractive, informative and useful feature of this inaugural lecture is his exhaustive interrogation of the identities, operational modalities, value-orientations and organisational structures, especially of the diverse non-state actors currently threatening the Nigerian state’s monopoly of the instruments and techniques of violence with negative consequences for the country’s territorial integrity, unity and political stability.

    He identifies what he describes as ‘the evil triad’ of insecurity, threats of secession and herders’ invasion’ as the prevailing most potent sources of danger to the security of lives and property in Nigeria. Surely, those who have taken up arms against the Nigerian State, snuffing out the lives of fellow citizens with impunity at will, do not see the victims of their violence as fellow countrymen or women. Understanding the nature, characteristics and motivations of the diverse individuals and groups involved in these largely asymmetric acts of violence is thus critical to finding enduring solutions to the protracted violence that has plagued the Nigerian State over the last decade and a half.

    This is partly why the content of this lecture should be of particular interest to Nigerian policy makers and those involved in various forms of conflict mitigation, conflict control, conflict containment and conflict management in Nigeria.

    Professor Agara’s interrogation of the phenomenon of insurgency encompasses features, manifestations and tendencies that include the entirety of Africa beyond Nigeria. One of the forms of insurgencies which he focuses his searchlight on is that of ‘States against citizens’. He avers that states can mount an insurgency against their citizens, including the enforcement of sanctions against those who violate their laws through extant legal processes or “through the clandestine use of illegal violence designed to intimidate and terrorise citizens with the intention of preventing them from opposing the government and disobeying or contravening the state’s laws”. The latter objective is achieved through psychologically and physically restricting and constricting laws, or more brazenly, the outright elimination of adversaries of incumbent governments in control of states’ apparatuses.

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    The second kind of insurgency examined in the lecture is that of citizens against citizens. According to him, “A major manifestation of this type of insurgency is by vigilante violence and ethnic or tribal conflicts. Although over 80% of the insurgency experienced in the world today is located within Asia and Africa, its manifestation has always taken the form of ethnic conflict. The vigilante type emerged primarily because of the inability of the police to control crime, and these vigilante groups, at least in Nigeria, later metamorphosed into ethnic militias…this type of ethnic insurgency has been further complicated by religiously motivated violence, thereby making the divide between ethnic conflict and religious violence difficult to delineate”. He attributes the eruption of ethnic insurgency to such factors as group loyalty and identity, feelings of marginalisation and alienation, struggle for access to state power and the quest for resource control.

    Professor Agara also examines another form of insurgency, which is the expression of discontent by citizens against the policies of a state or its leadership, leading to “either organised or spontaneous uprising or riots having neither clear political goals nor organised leadership”. This type of insurgency, he points out, is aimed at overthrowing the government and occurs largely within a state, although it may have violent repercussions that transcend territorial boundaries. Next, the professor focuses on the assorted means that insurgents can opt for in seeking to achieve their objectives. These include guerrilla wars, revolution and terrorism.

    He explains that guerrilla wars are preferred by insurgents when they face stronger, better-equipped enemy forces against which a diffuse type of war is more effective. “Thus, as a strategy, guerrilla warfare avoids direct, decisive battles and instead, opts for a series of protracted but small skirmishes where the insurgents’ inferiority in terms of manpower, arms and equipment can be turned to an advantage by adopting flexible hit-and-run tactics and style of warfare…guerrilla warfare employs raids, ambushes and sabotage from remote and inaccessible bases in mountains, forests, jungles or territory of neighboring states”.

    Another feature of guerrilla warfare analysed by Professor Agara is that of many modern states, which, in addition to their regular armies, train troops called special forces to confront non-conventional combatants in irregular warfare. He submits that “As a result of the special training in sabotage, explosives and selective destruction of targets and because cruelty and brutality unmodified and unsanctioned by rules of war under which regular armies operate are the enduring characteristics of irregular warfare, these elites’ military groups actually qualify to be called terrorists-in-uniform”. On the concept of revolution, the lecturer analyses it both as a means of achieving the objectives of insurgency or as an end of achieving far-reaching social and political outcomes often by violent means. Unlike social reform, a revolution aims at smashing “the existing status quo and replacing it with a better one while at the same time resolving the issue of class antagonism and contradiction.”

    Perhaps because of our contemporary experiences in Nigeria, Professor Agara examines at greater length the phenomenon of terrorism. He identifies diverse forms of terrorism, including state terrorism, which refers to the use of terrorism by a state against its own population or state-sponsored terrorism, which is international terrorist activity sponsored by states through the provision of arms, training, safe haven or financial backing. Distinguishing between religious-motivated and politically-motivated terrorism, he notes that, although both employ the use of violence, the latter seeks to challenge the authority of the state without affecting the private rights of innocent parties, while the goals of the former are essentially “trans-temporal and the time limit of their struggle is eternity”.

    Professor Agara identifies other features of religious-motivated terrorism to include choosing the targets of violence not for military values or reasons but rather for their impact on public consciousness due to the degree of brutality or element of surprise or suddenness; portraying the perpetrators of religious-terrorism as pursuing the cause of a ‘god’ and their opponents as consequently evil; and the propagation of the divine nature of religious terrorism, which is perceived as a struggle between good and evil.

    Acts of terrorism, Professor Agara points out, are particularly deliberately geared to make the most damaging impact in order to draw the widest possible attention to the demands and exploits of the terrorists. He explains this thus: “Coupled with this is the fact that terrorist actions would be useless if not directed to attract attention, the attention of a specific in which a particular mode of fear is sought to be created. The violence of terrorism is not an end in itself. Rather, violence is employed precisely to create a sense of fear, terror and uncertainty in the people who are the audience of terrorism”.

    Another interesting aspect of this lecture is the professor’s exhaustive examination of the nexus between terrorism and organised crime. He argues that the transition towards a more closely knit, globalised economy has also facilitated “the emergence of a transnational form of organized criminality, which has increased the possibilities of terrorists becoming involved in illegal business”. Insurgents increasingly exploit the opportunities provided by improved communication, advances in information technologies as well as greater mobility of goods and services across countries, among others, to participate in purely criminal activities.

    At the level of operational modes of operation, the convergence between terrorist groups and organized crime cartels, according to Professor Agara, includes involvement in the trafficking or use of drugs; engaging in illegal trading activities through, for instance, the use of the black market to sell gold, diamonds and other precious minerals to fund their activities; the facilitation of their operations through forging documents such as traveling documents, passports and credit cards to ease their movements across different countries and kidnapping for ransom as the fastest and perhaps the surest way to acquire funds for criminals and jihadists”.

    Other areas of convergence in the mode of Operation between terrorist groups and criminal gangs, which the author illuminates, include the use of intimidation, aggression and threats to extort money from members of the public including the payment of money by victims in turn for protection by the criminal elements; creation of front or screen companies to launder and legitimize laundering of and movement of money or funds acquired through shadowy sources of organized crime or other illicit activities.

    Two forms of convergence by terrorist groups and criminal syndicates, pointed out by the Professor, include direct collaboration between criminal cartels and terrorist groups especially where both share similar religious ideology and beliefs or where such collaboration is a function of meeting a mutually beneficial economic activity or practical need.

    Comparing the areas of convergence as regards the organizational methods of terrorist groups in contrast with criminal cartels, Professor Agara notes that these include the primacy of the pursuit, first and foremost, of pecuniary and monetary interests to the detriment of overtly political goals; an essentially hierarchical organizational structure by both; an organizational structure premised on a cell-like formation with each cell consisting of not more than 10 members and each cell enabled to function independently of each other. Furthermore, Membership into organised criminal groups and terrorist organisations is never advertised or announced, nor are written applications invited, with applicants shortlisted for interview. By virtue of their exclusivity, the membership is also exclusive, not open, but significantly limited with strict qualification or criteria such as ethnic background, kinship, race, criminal record, religious affiliation (particularly in the case of religious terrorism like ISIS,al-Qaeda and Boko Haram).

    On recruitment of members, he notes that both members of terror groups and criminal gangs demand, in addition to basic qualifications in either criminal proclivities or extremist ideological bent, “potential members would also require to be sponsored by a high-ranking member of the group and must prove qualified by their willingness to perform any acts required of them, obey orders and keep secrets”. Ironically, although both terrors groups and criminal gangs are essentially lawless elements by definition, Professor Agara notes that the activities of members are guided by rules and regulations which they are expected to follow; both terrors groups and criminal cartels claim monopoly over particular territories over which they strive to maintain dominance; both types of groups do not hesitate as regards their willingness to exploit the use of illegal violence while both organized criminal gangs and terrorist organizations constitute an ongoing criminal conspiracy against the society but designed to persist through time and even after and beyond the lifetimes of the present members”.

    In the last three sections of the lecture, Professor Agara rigorously interrogates the phenomena of secession and herders’ invasion, which he had earlier cited as components of the ‘triad of evil’ currently afflicting the Nigerian State. And in conclusion, he examines the implications of the widespread violence for the efficacy of the Nigerian State in performing its obligations, particularly of maintaining the safety of the lives and property of citizens. He argues that failed states are characterised by an implosion of states’ structures, which results in the incapability of governmental authorities to perform their functions, including providing security, respecting the rule of law, exercising control, supplying education and health services and maintaining economic and structural infrastructures”. Does he then arrive at the conclusion that Nigeria is a failed state?

    Rather, he argues that the concept of State failure is a gradual unfolding of loss of state efficacy, which can be measured along a continuum, “as the state becomes progressively less capable of performing its functions and as a result becomes more and more ‘failed’. Complete state collapse is the ultimate, but rare result, while different stages of state failure can be encountered along the continuum”. Since he argues that the defining characteristic of state failure lies in the implosion of government institutions and the inability of any group to constitute the governing authority by effectively replacing the government in power, Professor Agara introduces a new category between failed and collapsed states to depict the Nigerian situation.

    Of the Nigerian case, he submits thus that “While this may not be categorical, the fact that the institutions of the state still function, and are periodically contested for, may be believed to be the fact and reality of a failed state where such institutions have crumbled and, in some cases, are no longer in existence. Hence, the need to introduce another concept- to describe such states – as fractured states. Nigeria may be described as a fractured state since the institutional pillars on which the state rests are still ‘operational’ and visibly contested for, even though it has not adequately provided the public with the necessary goods and services, including security of lives and property”. How do we stem the complete slide of the Nigerian State from a fractured polity to a failed one or a collapsed State? That is a critical question facing both the operators of the Nigerian State, as well as those with specialisation in the study of complex, plural, federal societies like Nigeria such as Professor Babatunde Agara.

  • Battle for Osun

    Battle for Osun

    Attention is shifting to Osun State, where political parties are expected to conduct governorship primaries next month to produce their candidates for next year’s poll.

    Four parties are effectively in the race to produce the governor: the highly polarised and decimated Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the All Progressives Congress (APC), where no fewer than eight aspirants are battling to get the ticket, the uproarious African Democratic Congress (ADC) that is tearing itself down with intra-party conflicts, and the Accord (A), which the “partyless” governor may adopt as an emergency platform.

    In Osun, the PDP has lost power without an election or a coup. Governor Ademola Adeleke stepped aside from the party, which his supporters described as a sinking ship. He is said to be on his way to the Accord, as previously speculated. It is a way of rescuing himself from the disaster the PDP brought on itself.

    The main opposition party is facing a worsening crisis. Its national leadership is gasping for breath to swim out of the ocean of disputes within. The party’s top hierarchy is a subject of litigation in the court. This is the fallout of the acrimonious presidential convention of 2022, which threw up Atiku Abubakar as the presidential candidate for the 2023 poll.

    Since then, the  party’s centre has been falling apart, and nothing appears potent enough to fasten it up. It is being decimated daily by the gale of high-profile defections. The party, which occupied Aso Villa for 16 years, is experiencing an accelerated diminishing returns never envisaged by its founding fathers.

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    The majority of PDP members are with Ede-born Governor Adeleke in his search for a new platform. That he is seeking refuge in a borrowed platform is discomforting and demoralising. Despite the turn of events, the PDP remains a brand. It needs no introduction, even if its structures are now distressed. Adeleke is not a seasoned politician, like his illustrious brother, “Serubawon” Isiaka Adeleke, although he has achieved the double accomplishments of becoming a senator and governor, like the deceased. But Ademola never imagined being entrusted with the huge political responsibilities, which his limited education and exposure never prepared him for. He danced his way into the National Assembly and the Bola Ige House in Osogbo, the seat of Osun State government, to the envy of seasoned actors who could not make it to those levels.

    Now, Adeleke faces a novel test of leadership, a brewing challenge he never anticipated. This is the challenge of nurturing any mushroom party he may adopt into prominence and wider acceptability.

    His exit from the PDP underscores his battle for survival. He faces a major election next year and the hurdles are real, although he wields an incumbency power. But he was not influential enough to wield that power of incumbency to prevail on three Osun PDP senators from defecting to the APC months ago. How formidable is also the incumbency factor that made “Ade Dancer” to apply to the APC for defection?

    Since his request to join APC was turned down, much ego has been deflated, and subsequent partisan moves were laced with tension. Neither could the governor rescind his decision to campaign for the APC ahead of the 2027 presidential poll nor withdraw his statement of support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s re-election bid.

    Yet, it was dangerous to stay on in PDP, now polarised into two factions that are preparing for renewed legal fireworks in court next week.

    Adeleke does not openly belong to either of the factions. Also, he lacks the capacity to broker reconciliation. He never participated in the Adamasingba picnics. He is also not seen around the man the late Ondo State Governor Rotimi Akeredolu called ‘wicked Wike’, the acclaimed PDP albatross.

    No doubt, Adeleke’s exit from the PDP has created a vacuum, and nature abhors a vacuum. Thus, during the week, Adedamola Adedayo, a lowly party chieftain, became the governorship candidate of the former ruling party that instantly became a toothless bulldog. It means that not all the chieftains subscribe to Adeleke’s defection project.

    The PDP flagbearer is said to be enjoying the backing of Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, although he is largely perceived as a placeholder. Many Osun PDP stalwarts who objected to Makinde’s overtures in Osun State accuse him of nursing a territorial expansionist agenda. Predictably, the flagbearer would merely appear as a venerable spectator on poll day. No other PDP governor would like to invest in his candidature.

    Adeleke will fly the ticket of any party he finally adopts. Nobody really bothers about his scorecard. He looks formidable, not for his dancing steps but because of the circumstances that brought him to power.

    Zoning is key in the State of Living Springs; this is why the parties are looking in the direction of Osun West.

    The zone, particularly Ede, is the stronghold of the governor. Its population is huge. Besides Adeleke’s incumbency power, he has a deep purse, courtesy of his wealthy family, which is ready to again bankroll the second term project. When the campaign train rolls into town, even his nephew, eminent musician David (Davido) Adeleke, may be a major anchor.

    But the governor can be stopped if the APC assembles a formidable team. This time calls for unity and sacrifice, as demonstrated by the Marine and Blue Economy Minister Gboyega Oyetola, who declined the urge to throw his hat into the ring.

    APC aspirants include Kunle Adegoke, a legal luminary; Senator Ajibola Basiru, Doctor of Law and promising National Secretary of the party; Senator Iyioola Omisore, a former deputy governor and rugged predecessor of Basiru at the national office; Benefict Alabi, the immediate past deputy governor; Senator Babajide Omoworare, a former presidential aide; Senator Mudashiru Hussein; Dotun Babayemi, a popular lawyer and defector from the PDP, and Bola Oyebamiji, a financial expert and former finance commissioner, who is likely to get the ticket if the permutations are right.

    But the Osun APC is not cohesive. Besides, the elders, called ‘Agba Osun,’ who traditionally are disposed to consensus, have not been able to persuade some of these aspirants to make sacrifices by stepping down. They may not be able to wield the big stick, where necessary, or apply persuasion, when this psychological tool would be most effective.

    Next week, the APC national leadership, after linking up with the state chapter, would unfold the mode of primary, either consensus, direct, or indirect.

    What should be avoided is a post-primary crisis. The only way to avoid danger and damage is to conduct a substantially free and fair shadow poll.

    If the primary is not credible, one or two contenders may defect to either the Social Democratic Party (SDP) or Labour Party (LP).

    In Osun, ADC of Rauf Aregbesola is roaring like a lion, but there is no prey to devour. The former governor and minister is intensifying mobilization. Crowds at rallies are uncritically confused with huge popularity and perceived as an expansion of the coast.

    Cracks have appeared on the wall, which are not easy to mend. The loyal deputy leader of the ‘Omoluabi Progressives,’ Alhaji Moshood Adeoti of Iwo, twice dumped by the leader, left the group in anger this week. His grouse is that the caucus may not endorse his governorship ambition. His next line of action is unknown.

    Adeoti, an experienced grassroots actor, suffered bruises as Alliance for Democracy (AD)/Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) state chairman. He saw the handwriting on the wall but could not decipher it. He may not be as soft as Dr. Najeem Salam, a former Speaker from Ejigbo, if power lands on his palm.

    If the calculations of the political parties do not change, then eyes are on Adeleke of Accord, or any party he may adopt; Oyebamiji of APC and Salam of ADC to weather the storms of the primaries. Even then, only one man will become the governor next year.

  • What path to elite consensus?

    What path to elite consensus?

    So alarming and concerning did this column perceive President Donald Trump’s recent threat to invade Nigeria militarily to check what he described as ‘Christian genocide’ that, over the last three weeks, we have examined diverse dimensions of this warning and its implications. Our central contention has been that this undisguised threatened violation of Nigeria’s sovereignty constitutes not just a danger to the incumbent administration of President Bola Tinubu but an indictment of Nigeria’s ruling class as a whole. Those members of the political elite, who thus gloat over Trump’s categorisation of Nigeria as a ‘now failed’ State and feel surreptitious vindication by the American leader’s contemptuous disdain for Nigeria, are as much an object of his scorn and ridicule as those in power at the centre today on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is instructive that over the last week in the United States, there have been incidents of fatal attacks on innocent citizens by trigger-happy gunmen, resulting in several deaths. One of such killings took place in the vicinity of the White House, leading to the death of at least one National Guard officer and another being injured. In another instance in California, four school children were said to have died in a mass shooting at a child’s birthday party, with several others suffering from various degrees of injuries. Such tragedies have become routine in America where deaths from senseless mass shootings have become endemic. But such failings do not justify the overgeneralized categorisation of that country as a ‘now failed’ State.

    In the same vein, Nigeria’s challenges with insecurity do not necessitate its being depicted in derogatory and pejorative terms. This is particularly so as the accusation of ‘Christian genocide’ in Nigeria completely misses the mark and successive Nigerian governments have not been indifferent or insensitive to the need to tackle the assorted acts of insurgency threatening the country’s territorial integrity and cohesion. It is instructive that various Nigerian groups and individuals in the diaspora actively peddled the propaganda of ‘Christian genocide’ in the country, which President Trump and other far-right Republican ideologues enthusiastically bought into. The harm which disaffected members of the political elite can inflict, directly or indirectly, on their own country reinforces the imperative of forging a viable and enduring elite consensus as a necessary condition for national stability, peace and progress.

    Incidentally, America today also suffers from the plague of a lack of elite consensus. The greatest military and economic power on earth today, despite evident signs of a gradual weakening, is described in the media, academia and other platforms of public discourse in that country as a badly divided society torn right through the middle between the liberals and the more conservative Republicans. Indeed, the degree of polarisation in America may be far deeper than the variant of elite fractiousness in Nigeria as is evident in the bitterness of recent electoral contestations in that country with President Trump instigating an insurrection at the Capitol, a symbol of American democracy, protesting his loss in the 2020 presidential election, which he described as a fraud.

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    However, America has the advantage of strong and resilient institutions capable of safeguarding democratic tenets, principles and values, particularly through Judicial intervention, as is the case during Trump’s ongoing second term, when he has stretched the constitutional limits of Presidential powers to their utmost bounds. So far, various courts at the lower levels have blocked the Trump administration’s policy idiosyncrasies and acts of executive over-reach even though he has generally had his way on appeal at the Supreme Court, where he succeeded in getting a majority of conservative judges appointed during his first term. Yet, this has not prompted anyone to label America as a ‘now failed’ State, nor have aspersions been hurled at judges who understandably base their Judicial decisions on facts before them, interpreted within the context of their worldviews and value-orientation.

    But the central point of this piece is the urgent imperative for the political elite in Nigeria to forge the necessary class consensus across political party, ethnic, regional and religious divides without which there cannot be any basis for stability, peace, progress and development. This does not mean that the various factions, factions and tendencies of the Nigerian elite should forget their differences and create an artificial and unnatural commonality. That would be the perfect recipe for a one-party State, which would be detrimental to the continuous nurturing and consolidation of a genuine democratic order, which is a necessary condition for economic development and national cohesion. Rather, forging an elite consensus involves members of the elite recognising their differences and identifying those areas where they must work in unison and accommodate each other, even while vigorously maintaining their differences as regards ideological orientation, policy articulation and philosophical disposition or worldview.

    One area of critical importance for cultivating viable elite consensus among the various factions and tendencies that constitute Nigeria’s ruling class is reaching a common agreement on the indispensability of a transparent, credible and efficient electoral process as a cardinal element of an inclusive democratic system. This implies that both elected officials and their ruling parties, as well as those in opposition, develop a common commitment to the sustenance of democracy. Those who lose elections will not clamour for military intervention or external invasion because of their disenchantment with electoral outcomes while those in power will not undermine or render the opposition ineffective. The elite in power and those in opposition are two sides of a coin that are both critical to the sustenance and continuous development of democracy.

    But then, those in opposition cannot expect the party in government to enforce cohesion within their ranks or help them to devise political strategies to strengthen their parties. That is a responsibility they must undertake on their own. Thus, the continued lamentations of leading opposition politicians on the plight of their parties such as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP), which they blame on deliberate destabilization by the ruling APC, is unnecessary and unproductive. There is absolutely no basis for former Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, to have deserted the PDP with his supporters for the emergent All Democratic Congress (ADC), all in a quest for a platform on which to contest the next presidential election. In further bifurcating the PDP, which already has roots in all 774 Local Government Areas across the country as well as the 8,809 Registration Areas/Wards, Atiku has weakened the possibility of a stronger, more viable opposition arising to effectively challenge the APC at the 2027 polls.

    The ADC is still largely inchoate and is unlikely to become a political machine capable of effectively challenging for power at the centre come 2027. It will also be recalled that it was Atiku ‘s intransigent refusal to allow the PDP national championship to revert to the South after his emergence as presidential candidate of the party in 2023, in violation of its zoning principle, that provided for rotation of power between the North and the South, created the grounds for the fragmentation of the PDP, its loss in the 2024 election and it’s unfolding catastrophic implosion. Indeed, the concession of the presidential tickets of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in alliance with the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the PDP to the Southwest in 1999, to compensate the Yoruba for the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election won by Chief MKO Abiola is the kind of elite consensus necessary to stabilize democratic governance to promote economic progress and political stability in Nigeria.

    In the case of Mr Peter Obi, he has proven to be utterly clueless in resolving the protracted crisis in which the LP has been immersed. Surprisingly, even his running mate in the 2023 presidential election, Mr Datti-Ahmed, appears to have deserted his erstwhile boss and aligned with a different faction of the LP. Part of the problem is that Obi, just like Atiku, is more interested in finding a platform to actualize his presidential ambition rather than helping to build a solid opposition front irrespective of whether or not he emerges as the presidential candidate. With this kind of individualistic approach by these key opposition leaders, it is unlikely that they can build a formidable front to meaningfully challenge the ruling party for power at the centre in 2027.

    Another area where there must be a consensus on the part of Nigeria’s political elite is the need to join hands across partisan divides to fight the deep-seated and long-standing endemic poverty and grossly unjust inequality that are at the root of Nigeria’s current chronic insecurity challenge. This will entail elite unanimity on fighting the industrial -scale corruption that pervades our national life such that humongous funds criminally diverted into private pockets can be made available to boost food production, provide affordable but qualitative healthcare, generate jobs for millions of our youth, improve access to qualitative education and properly as well a  equip and motivate our security agencies in the ongoing do-or-die struggle against diverse forms of terror against the Nigerian State.

  • Insurance policy, please

    Insurance policy, please

    Some unthinkable things happen in the administration of sports in Nigeria. One of such is the reported neglect of Ola Aina to treat himself for an injury he sustained playing for the country. Aina is threatening to dump the country in future international competitions over the shabby manner in which the NFF’s and indeed the NSC’s leadership abandoned him to his fate to treat his injury.

    Aina, in his report stated categorically that his English Premier League club, Nottingham Forest FC of England underwrote his medical expenses from the time he underwent a successful surgery till his current recuperating condition. Indeed Nottingham Forest FC’s Manager told the international media in a pre-match interview on Monday night that he is expecting Aina back in the team’s training session next year. Is this writer shocked by what has befallen Aina? Certainly not.

    The NFF and indeed the NSC showboating attitude to the players’ welfare is legendary, so much so that there is a lack the trust and confidence in these two bodies whenever they make promises to change for an improvement in subsequent tournaments. In fact, the players have had to down tools to get their entitlements, the last of such shows of shame happened in Morocco, mid-November during the CAF Playoffs where Nigeria was edged out of the 2026 World Cup on penalties by DR. Congo.

    Aina’s outcry and threat not to honour Nigeria’s invitations raises the poser if our sportsmen and women have serious and binding insurance policies, for instance? I’m not an insurance broker, so permit me to ask our sports chieftains if indeed our athletes have insurance policies which can be accessed, especially in situations like the one Aina found himself. Reading Aina’s comments rightfully suggested that the immensely talented defender was asking for some form of compensation. This is a legitimate request.

    Otherwise, on what premise is Chelle or any of our football or sports chieftains expecting Aina to join the Nigeria side in camp, ahead of the 2025 AFCON matches in Morocco? To whom much is given, so much more is expected. We need to prioritise our athletes’ welfare packages because there can’t be sports administrators without the athletes who win the laurels.  The reason foreign clubs get our players’ support on the thorny club versus county imbroglio.

    Yes, NFF President visited Aina after Nigeria’s ouster from the 2026 World Cup, but that visit was more to ameliorate the setting which the defender complained about. Curiously, in this drama was the story that Chelle was waiting to find out if Aina and Agu would be fit for AFCON. The question would be what happened with the talk of Chelle being in close contact with our players, so much so that he presented a 55-man squad for Nigeria, although another story claimed he has his 28-man squad ready for submission to beat the December 10 deadline set by CAF.

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    Chelle has picked Aina and Agu while his submission that he got assurances from the players that they will be fit hence his decision to include them in his squad remains to be seen – although he is also aware that they might also not make it.

    His explanation was taken by the NFF technical committee, with Chelle also saying that the doubts over the availability of one of the duo, was why he handed a first time call up to young LASK defender Emmanuel Michael.

    According to Chelle: ‘’Michael will serve as a cover for the two senior left backs in the team in Zaidu Sanusi and Bruno Onyemaechi respectively.”

    However, if Aina walks his talk of not honouring Nigeria’s matches, Chelle’s headache would be worrisome since Fredrick is also out of AFCON with a very serious hamstring injury while Aina’s manager stated that he would be back in January.

    Chelle appears to have learned a few lessons from the ill-fated 2026 World Cup qualification series with his choice of players. Unfortunately, FIFA has inadvertently thrown spanner in the works of coaches like Chelle who are thinking of rebuilding the Super Eagles, using younger players.

    FIFA chiefs in their argument published on Thursday morning said: ‘’Clubs will only be obliged to release players for the Africa Cup of Nations from December 15 – a week later than the standard international window – following a decision by FIFA on Wednesday in Zurich.”

    ”FIFA said the shortened release period, the same approach used for the 2022 World Cup in Qatar, was agreed after consultations with the Confederation of African Football (CAF) and other stakeholders to “reduce the impact on various parties”, without elaborating.

    ‘’The 2025 window of the men’s UEFA Champions League runs until December 10. The governing body added that national federations and clubs involved in continental tournaments over the release period are being encouraged to hold bilateral talks to agree “appropriate individual solutions” where scheduling conflicts arise.”

    Countries going to Morocco for AFCON have been given the shortest part of the stick, like Nigeria which are eager to pacify their citizens by lifting the AFCON trophy like they did in South Africa in 2013. The African Nations Cup will run from December 21, 2025 to January 18, 2026, leaving national teams less than a week to prepare once all players are available, in what is likely to be another logistical challenge for coaches and organisers at the continent’s flagship international competition.

    Thumbs up to William Troost Ekong for announcing his retirement from international duties on Thursday, drawing international applause for knowing when to quit the game which brought him fame, opulence and wealth.

    According to Troost-Ekong:  “None of this would have been possible without the people around me. To every coach, member of staff, and most importantly, my teammates, past and present who have been part of my international journey, thank you!”

    “To the Nigerian fans—the heartbeat of Nigerian football. Your support has carried me through every high and every challenge. I will stand with you as you stood with me.

    “This isn’t a final goodbye. My work within Nigerian communities continues, just as my love and passion for this team will never fade. ‘’

    One only hopes that the rebuilding exercise of our national teams is enduring. Only the best should be selected. Our national teams have lost the fear factor such that hitherto soccer minors now beat Nigeria in competitions. Our sportsmen and women should always be rewarded after each feat.

    It is true that there is a global recession. But the spiral effect of rewarding our athletes is unquantifiable when they move from amateurs to professionals. A handsome reward in cash and kind will reinvigorate the desire of most sceptic parents to allow their kids earn a living as sportsmen and women.

    Indeed, athletes who win laurels for Nigeria are children of the hewers of woods and drawers of water. In fact, every time these kids sneak out to do sports, they return home to be flogged and at other times denied their meals to serve as deterrent to other kids who would want to toe their path. Some of these parents beat their children because they want them to be educated. They always point at their relations and neighbours whose kids are educated and doing very well in society. They want to produce as many graduates as they can afford to send to school, not sportsmen and women whose life span in the industry is between one year and 10, barring any injuries.

    For some other parents, its boundless joy if their kids sneak out for games. It means fewer people to cater for when the meals are ready. Of course, these lads are not bothered. Their target is to get recognition from clubs or national teams’ scouts, which they know will open a new vista in their lives.

  • Insecurity: Again, how did we get to this pass? (2)

    Insecurity: Again, how did we get to this pass? (2)

    A school of thought contends that Nigeria’s current crisis is rooted in three interrelated factors: the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, the expansion of Sharia law in several Northern States, and the abandonment of Sir Ahmadu Bello’s vision of a secular penal code. Proponents argue that this shift coincided with a period in which some strands of international Islam turned towards militancy. A good example was the emergence of Osama bin Laden and the broader “war on terror” that reshaped global alliances.

    This school of thought, which includes figures like Ayo Osunloye, also points to the perceived alignment of NATO members with Israel’s policies towards Arab and Muslim peoples. They suggest that such external dynamics have reverberated within Nigeria’s borders. According to this view, the 1999 Constitution imposed a largely unitary system that concentrates power at the centre.

    =Furthermore, they argue that the dominance of a particular religious and ethnic bloc in government, the weakening of independent intelligence institutions, and the absence of egalitarian principles have further eroded the social contract. The result, they say, is a cascade of symptoms – insurgency, poverty, religious intolerance, ethnic oppression, and discrimination – that have failed to – and cannot – be solved by security measures alone.

    The tragedy of our situation is a complex one, as it finds expression in the failure to address key allegations, such as the “clear sabotage” claim raised by Governor Bello Idris of Kebbi State regarding the Maga matter. This silence forces a deeper question: Are we content to remain paralyzed by inaction?

    Well, those whose flexible heels have been oiled by the speculative notion that Donald Trump’s ultimate interest was Nigeria’s oil exhibited their hypocrisy by overlooking the fact that our country was a disaster waiting to happen. Trump, in fact, merely drew attention to the calm before an inevitable storm. Had Nigeria acted with the required political will years ago, we would have already tackled the social miasma currently threatening the national fabric. Now that the consequences have materialized, the focus must shift entirely to domestic defense and reform, not to seeking external saviours or breeding scapegoats.

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    In his Farewell Address on January 17, 1961, former President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned against the military-industrial complex – the immense, intertwined power of the defense industry and the military establishment. Eisenhower cautioned that its unwarranted influence could threaten democratic processes and liberties. He urged an alert and knowledgeable citizenry to maintain balance between security and freedom.

    After Eisenhower’s speech, John F. Kennedy, who succeeded him, decided that the only way the country could have an effective Defence budget was to bring in Robert McNamara from Ford Motors as Secretary of Defence. McNamara was not a General in the American Army, but he was one of the best managers of his generation. At that time, leaving Ford Motors as President/CEO to become the Secretary of Defence (a post he held from 1961 to 1968) was a pay cut of around 99%. But McNamara accepted the offer. 

    Remember also General Sir Frank Kitson, formerly the Commander-in-Chief, UK Land Forces, who authored the influential book, Low Intensity Operations. This work details the complexities of guerrilla warfare and describes the various functions the British Army employed to contain insurgencies in different theaters. Because of its practical insights, the book is strongly recommended reading for Ministers Christopher Musa and Bello Matawalle, and, indeed, the entire rank and file of the Nigerian Defence Forces.

    A lasting solution, Nigerians argue, requires a new constitution that guarantees equal citizenship regardless of religion or ethnicity and that fully embodies federalism – not in garb but in reality; both in letter and in practice. Such a framework, they claim, would address the underlying structural imbalances rather than merely treating the outward manifestations of the crisis. Even at that, the nation must seek, first, superior strategic thinking to manage the ongoing security crisis.

    ● Concluded.