Category: Femi Orebe

  • President Buhari’s 2nd term: where will the votes come from? – the inevitability of power devolution

    I am sure that today, nobody needs tell President Buhari that there is no more time

    Within the last decade or so, I must have deployed over a million words, on these pages, canvassing restructuring. I have not only  written my hands sore on the subject, I have, under the auspices of AGBAJO YORUBA AGBAIYE, a pan Yoruba cultural organisation then under the interim leadership of Lt. Gen Alani Akinrinade, actively participated in planning, and attending several summits at which restructuring was the main theme. Ditto at some  Afenifere Renewal Group retreats where the subject came under serious interrogation. Many of the events were reported on these pages.

    That, incidentally, was long before the likes of President Goodluck Jonathan bought into restructuring after Afenifere goaded him into convoking the 2014 confab.

    That was aeons before some people, even a whole geo political zone now shouting restructuring on rooftops, turned it to a weapon of political opposition, intent on using the non implementation of the recommendations of the 2014 opportunistic talkshop, which the convener himsef did nothing about, as a weapon in their effort to de-market President Muhammadu Buhari ahead of the 2019 Presidential election.

    Amongst my several articles on restructuring are: “The increasing call for true federalism” 17 October, 2015 and, “That June 12 recognition may not be a hollow ritual” of 17 June, 2018. Of the two the more relevant for our purpose today is the latter. In the piece, I wrote, inter alia:

    “But lest we get lost in the euphoria of the moment, ( I e June 12 recognition), it is time to let the president understand that rather than June 12 being the closure, it is just the beginning of telling truth to ourselves; the starting point of very vigorously confronting the many demons tearing into our whole being as Nigerians . The first of  the demons is the fact that Nigeria is presently nowhere near a federation, and that when we so describe it, we are merely repeating the type of lie the Nigerian constitution tells against itself when it arrogates its birth to : ‘we the people”.

    The question then arises, what is a federation? To answer this million naira question, I will, very respectfully, press my two- time teacher, Professor (Senator) Banji Akintoye, into service.

    Writing on the topic: ‘What is restructuring’, in his column in The Nation of 6 January, 2018, the respected historian and statesman, who we shall quote at great length, opines : “The basic idea of a federation is that the various distinct parts of a country should be made a federating unit. Each state should have the constitutional power to manage its unique problems and concerns, to develop its own resources for its people, to manage its own security, and to make its own kind of contributions to the well-being of the whole country. The central entity should manage common matters like the defence of the country, the relationship of the country with the rest of the world (or international relations), the country’s currency, the relations between the states of the country, and general principles like defence of human rights. That, in his words, was essentially, the federal arrangement which Nigeria’s founding fathers agreed upon in the 1950s.” Continuing, he wrote: “But since independence, our leading politicians, and our military leaders, have gradually destroyed this structure and replaced it with a structure in which the federal government is the controller of virtually all power and all resources as well as the power to develop all resources, and in which the states have no control over their resources and must, therefore, depend on federal allocations to exist at all”

    “As a result, he writes, “the federal government is over-burdened, controls too much money, has become egregiously inefficient and corrupt and, essentially, is destroying Nigeria because the states have become impotent, cannot develop their resources, cannot fight poverty in their domains, and cannot make their contributions to the progress and prosperity of Nigeria. The cumulative effect of all these, he concluded,  is that Nigeria and Nigerians have become horribly poor, most public facilities (roads, electricity, water installations, public administration, etc.) have degraded, and are not working with the result that most of our  youths are unemployed and hopeless.

    Professor Akintoye has clinically presented the critical situation Nigerian is in today and it is an Augean stable President Buhari must buckle up and clear ahead of the February 2019 Presidential elections, if he seriously desires victory. After enumerating the factors which could work against his victory in 2019, I wrote:”Happily, however, the president still has some time on his hands if only he will now rouse himself. He just must change tack, see every part of the country, especially the agonising Southeast, as equally deserving of equitable treatment. He must abandon his insularity and let other parts of the country also have dividends of democracy”.

    I am sure that today, nobody needs tell President Buhari that there is no more time. He must, therefore, judiciously deploy the few months between now and January, 2019, a mere four months, to attend to the two issues Nigerians are mostly concerned with: the poverty roaming the land untamed, and restructuring.

    Concerning the former, President Buhari has put in place well-structured social welfare /poverty reduction intervention programmes to which, for the first time ever in Nigeria, a whooping sum of N500B has been committed. When people complain about poverty in the country, they should endeavour to turn their inner mind to the likes of Obasanjo, Babangida, Danjuma and, of course, the rapacious PDP.

    That done on poverty alleviation, President Buhari must now tackle Power devolution frontally. I remain certain, however, that no Nigerian  President of Northern extraction would ever restructure Nigeria the way professor Akintoye defined it here, not Buhari, not Atiku; or they would instantly go into perdition amongst their own people who enjoy such outlandish advantages over the rest of us from the present inequitable status quo.

    All I am calling President Buhari to do is fulfil his party’s promise to Nigerians on Power Devolution. Given the little time remaining, he should retrieve the recommendations of his party’s committee on Power Devolution which were approved by the party’s NEC. President Buhari must not, because of his excessive love for Northern Nigeria allow that report to die in the technical committee to which it was cleverly referred.

    I laugh when candidate Atiku grandstands on restructuring. The Fulani that he is, he will never restructure Nigeria the way we in the Southwest have always defined it. It is a good thing that Igbos have asked him to define what he means by restructuring in addition to his signing a mandatory one term in a manner that should make it actionable should he, like President Good luck before him, try to be too smart.

    Good thing is: Atiku has brought restructuring to the front burner by making it a campaign issue. President Buhari would toy with it only if he wants to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory as I have already given him 52% of the Presidential election tally in February, 2019. Let him who have ears, hear.

  • His eminence Olorunfunmi Bashorun’s refreshing take on restructuring – Honouring a titan on his 80th birthday

    Now that restructuring is fast becoming a tradeable commodity , as has become the norm at election cycles, I reproduce below my article of 14th October, 2017 in honour of His Eminence, Reuben Olorunfunmi Bashorun on the occasion of his 80th birthday.

    I once called him the Exemplar in an article on these pages when he demonstrated that he was so different from the Lagos PDP goons amongst who he had, unfortunately, found himself. Even as the pioneer Chairman of the party in the state, Bashorun couldn’t help quitting the party. Reference to him in the column today is a consequence of the ongoing dialogue between ace columnist, Segun Ayobolu of The Nation, and the respected Hon Wale Oshun, Chairman, Afenifere Renewal Group which Chief Ayo Adebanjo, the highly regarded Afenifere chieftain, was reported to have described as the Afenifere Rebel Group at a recent public outing. It’s funny now to imagine that  our Afenifere elders  were all  there with us then at ARG’s maiden outing at the IITA, IBADAN RETREAT, where they ALL, without exception,  undertook to let bygone be bygone.

    How time changes!

    Let us capture the two disputants’ point of departure as to what they believe would have been Awo’s position on the recent Ibadan Summit. Hon Oshun in his piece contends that there are two main planks in Ayobolu’s article: first was the call for a return to parliamentary system of government which Awo is known to have shot down on basis of the limited ‘ladder’ theory, while the second deals with the call for a return to a regional structure of government which, in his view, he would have also jettisoned for the French system.

    Arguing, pro or con, is not the intent of the column today. I shall therefore go straight to Chief Olorunfunmi Bashorun’s highly refreshing views on restructuring, as captured in a recent interview (The Sun, 6 October, 2017).

    According to him, the first subject in his memorandum to the APC restructuring committee was on devolution of power which he describes as  transferring some of the functions on the Exclusive list to the Concurrent, to enable both  the state, and the local governments, have more responsibilities. He spoke of areas where the National Assembly should make relevant laws, an example being power generation and distribution. To this he adds: fingerprint identification and criminal records, labour and industrial relations, as well as determination of  minimum wage which  he says should be removed from the Exclusive list  as fixing N18,000 as minimum wage for workers  in Lagos  and states like Kebbi, Nasarawa, or  Ebonyi, is  grossly unrealistic. Tourism, and federal roads, he suggests, should also go to the concurrent list with the additional responsibilities being reflected in a new revenue sharing formula.

    He emphatically holds that there should be nothing like going back to regionalism as it will unduly overload the system with new expenditure items like the office of the regional governor or administrator, one or two regional administrative houses, or bodies, with all their retinue of appointees. There will, of course, also be the judiciary arm of government with all its paraphernalia.  Much more troublesome he says, however, is the current statutory structure of states. For instance, he asks: in the Northwest, will the man from Sokoto or Kebbi, or the one from Zamfara like to go and report in Kaduna? We in Lagos, he says emphatically, will never go to Ibadan, nor would people of Ogun, Ekiti, or Ondo. In the East, he further asks, will those in Abakaliki now head to Enugu? In the North East, he continues, will they all head to Maiduguri, and those in North-central to Jos? Regionalism, he concludes, will just not work. Rather, the six geopolitical zones should be included in the constitution to serve as the unit of sharing national preferments.

    On local governments, he queries the rationale behind states having to go to Abuja for confirmation, otherwise called listing, after creating Local Government Areas.  He holds that under the extant constitution, there are already provisions for the administration of local governments under the supervision of the respective state Houses of Assembly. In his opinion, if we want the local government system to function properly, states should create them according to extant constitutional provisions. He is emphatic about there being nothing like local government autonomy as this relates only to federal allocations which  go into the ‘Joint Account and Allocation committee for distribution,. This, he says, is where the appropriate laws should kick in, if it is discovered that any state governor has tampered with the funds. Such governors, he says, should be tried, and jailed, once they leave office, and lost their immunity. Concluding, he suggests that local governments should fully return to states and that federal allocations should be distributed strictly  among the federating units on the basis of equality of states, and population. State Houses of Assembly should monitor local government funds, and where tampered with by the executive,  the appropriate laws should become  applicable .

    In his view, Restructuring should enable states to cut their cloth according to their size as it will be unreasonable, for instance, to expect a local government chairman in Gombe State to earn the same salary as his Lagos State counterpart, or its governor earn the same salary as that of Lagos state whose IGR per month is in the region of N30B. He believes that it is most unreasonable of the Revenue Allocation Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission to have so approved.

    Chief Bashorun concludes on a very novel idea which will, if implemented, not only correct the gross imbalance in wealth distribution in the country, but could very well stop the monthly pilgrimage to Abuja by state governments, complete with their begging bowls. It is his considered view that with the huge amounts of money, which a former senator puts at about  N4B, which oil block owners allegedly  make daily in the country, the federal  government should embark on a complete redistribution of oil blocks such that one  goes to each of the 36 states of the federation and  the FCT . Specific functions, he suggests, should be prescribed for the revenue accruing from this, and there should be a supervisory agency, domiciled in the office of the Vice President, to monitor and oversee compliance. Continuing, he suggests that 10 per cent of the revenue generated should go to the local governments to facilitate increased economic activities at that level.

    I believe that this hard-headed suggestion deserves serious consideration, especially by the Nigerian Governors’ Forum which should be able to do the necessary leg work to see it to fruition. I believe it is doable, with appropriate discussions with the present owners, especially the international oil companies which might, understandably, be uncooperative but,  with diplomacy, and considerable quid pro quo, this should not be impossible for a sovereign nation to accomplish. Also, if the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is passed, inclusive of a compulsory proportional payment to the oil bearing communities, states should have no more  problem with the oil bearing communities which should  go a long way in ensuring that states no longer have to wait for bailout funds from the federal government.

    I believe that Chief Bashorun has said enough here to make the Southwest take another look at the decisions reached on restructuring at the Ibadan Summit.

    Concluding, while wishing His Eminence many happy returns, I will like to suggest that, as we head to the make,  or mar,  2019 Presidential election, it is certainly not too late in the day for President Muhammadu Buhari to take advantage of the low hanging fruits contained in these seminal suggestions by His Eminence, Olorunfunmi Bashorun.

     

  • The die is cast but why in God’s name did Secondus apologise to Nigerians?

    What do these PDP people take Nigerians for; a bunch of fools?  Why, sans  the giddiness of his new office then as new  PDP Chairman, did Secondus apologise to Nigerians, promising never again to  tread their old  dishonorable ways of literally eating Nigeria out  of existence,  only to now take   us back to the Siemen’s scandal days ?

    If PDP meant well for Nigeria, as it  never ceases to proclaim from rooftops ,  and it  seriously  intends  to change the  ‘change’  by improving on what they describe as Buhari’s poor performance, would  they choose Atiku over  a cool and calm  Senator Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi, a former state governor, senator and the man  who, together with Prince Dayo Adeyeye, provided the rare  grit, and tact, that extricated  PDP from its worst  ever crisis,  that is, apart from  Buhari’s massive shellacking of a sitting President Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 Presidential election? Yes, governors Nyesom Wike and Ayo Fayose may have provided the funds as well as all the bravado , Makarfi was, unquestionably,  the chief driver of that narrow escape as Modu Sheriff  was  dead set on completely  annexing the party.

    I have asked myself this question: Why didn’t PDP just pull together all the dollars  allegedly on display at the Port Harcourt bazaar, pay their 3000 plus delegates twice their transport fares to the garden city, and  promptly  hand over the balance to  Makarfi who,  though no billionaire, has the double advantage of being the most  worthy of  all the presidential wannabes , as well as having saved the party at its most critical hour when the likes of  Alhaji Atiku Abubakar ,  Bukola Saraki and Rabiu Kwankwaso were hibernating in  the APC,  daily planning how to make governance difficult for President Muhammadu Buhari so they could make short shrift of  everybody in the party , the president inclusive, to  emerge, through all manner of serpentine tactics and contrived  shenanigans, as it’s presidential candidate since becoming the President of Nigeria has been, for them, a consuming  ambition for which they would do anything, no matter how reprehensible . It was, therefore, no coincidence that being no match for Buhari, they all had to  scamper out of  the party, faking all manner of reasons.

    That , Makarfi, is the man PDP  has just thrown under the bus, all because he  doesn’t have the billions  to buy votes? The choice of this incorruptible gentleman, with both age, and experience  on his side,  to face Muhammadu Buhari -Mr Integrity himself – would, no doubt have  given APC some goose pimples  since  integrity, not anything else should, and will, decide the  2019 Presidential election in a country just slowly  coming  out of the consequences of  PDP’s 16 – year stranglehold, and rapacity.

    Nigeria cannot, and must sure not go back to the Egypt of unmitigated systemic corruption. Never.

    This was why, reacting to the vituperations  from  the  Atiku campaign, the Buhari campaign organisation could not help recalling the fact that PDP had, years past, questioned Atiku’s credibility, wondering why it could now name him its candidate like a spell was cast on them. But what spell can be more potent than the almighty dollar, especially when dished out like a drunken sailor. Continuing, the BCO exploded: “It is like a dog going back to  its vomit. Are there no better people to challenge President Buhari in the PDP? This people were in power, one way or the other, since 1999, only for Nigeria to have been regressing. Now, they want to take Nigerians back to Babylon after Buhari has painstakinly secured their freedom from corruption and a battered economy that was tottering towards an eclipse”.

    What surprised me to no end is the fact that the Atiku campaign could, listlessly,  be touting privatisation under his chairmanship  as an asset when Nigerians know  exactly, how  their prime assets, like African Petroleum (AP) and NITEL, to mention but a few, were sold for pittance, at no more than a quarter of their book values,  to  his allies, friends and cronies. The Atiku campaign should go and research both Obasanjo and El Rufai’s angst against their employer. They will learn how, and why, AP is now as dead as dodo while other oil companies privatised at the same time are flourishing, as well as how over 2000 Nigerian employees of NITEL had to lose their jobs overnight.

    Since many of my highly valued readers loathe having to be asked to go on the net to finish reading my articles, let me conclude this article  with the following response which I gave on Face book to a gentleman whose middle name,  during the 2015 Presidential election literally became  ‘Buhari’ because of  his total support for the APC candidate. Today, for a host of reasons which he state, President Buhari has disappointed him.

    I was no less supportive of candidate Buhari but have since had cause to severally  criticise him, especially for  his nepotistic security appointments. I have, however, since been educated that had he not done what he did, all these generals hovering over him, these new military owners of PDP who donated their old National Security Adviser to oversee the Port Harcourt event, may have since taught him a lesson, or two, in how not to forget to learn from history. They may, in fact, have, again, changed the democratic trajectory of our dear country especially when Buhari was in London battling for his dear life  and they were busy holding serpentine meetings in some eye popping hilltop mansions.

    I wrote: “Lade this is a fantastic write up. Very logical, even seminal, and well presented.  You’re not alone. During the 2015 campaign for the APC primaries which Buhari won, I wrote in my weekly column in The Nation on Sunday that Nigeria needed Buhari more than the obverse. While I, like you have observed very grievous errors committed by him, I have not, and will not, change my views about him. One, I knew Buhari was/is human, not an angel, and so prone to make some mistakes like you and I. The highly perceptive person that you are, judging  by your post, there’s no way you, or I,  could have known that Jonathan was  going to hand over to Buhari a shell of a nation; almost already  completely eaten up by the Ali Babas that predominated PDP then, and still  do – witness, for instance, the recent dollar bazaar in Port Harcourt. I knew, like Buhari said then, that if Nigeria didn’t kill corruption, it will, in turn kill Nigeria. Fighting corruption in Nigeria is a grim war. While it was systemic in PDP days, all you can now point to are individuals abusing their positions. And they are beginning to get their comeuppance. Note too, that some of our best lawyers, especially SANs, are arrayed against Buhari on this. They get paid in millions of dollars and you will recall that for a mere election case, a South South government was said to have paid in excess of N1B legal fees . That, as you should know must have included bribes for judges. Yet, with all the opposition, Buhari has successfully retrieved over 1trillion Naira and hundreds of properties, from these marauders who are using their loot to fight the anti corruption war. Please mentally put half of that to infrastructure procurement at a time the Naira was much stronger. Would we still have this gap in our infrastructure stock? Look at the humongous efforts of this government on roads, especially in the South East & South South; see railway construction literally everywhere.

    I have seriously criticised Buhari on his condemnable insular appointments especially in the security agencies. They are totally indefensible. But look at his social network programmes devoted to improving the lives of the poor, and the most at risk, in our country. They are unprecedented. So dear, when they say Nigeria hosts the most poor in the world, cast your mind’s eye back, not on Buhari alone, but on the IBBs, the TY Danjumas, the Obasanjos and, of course, the PDP predators that had us under their grip for 16 years. I will obviously score Buhari more than 55% overall. So please rethink your position and look at Atiku’s past to gauge where he will take Nigeria, if voted”

    Let me quickly add this, lest Nigerians are scammed. Now Atiku is flaunting Restructuring, as important as it is, as his ‘deu ex machina’, his silver bullet, for all of Nigeria’s problems. Restructuring has, of a truth, become very lucrative since 2015. But it failed then, and will fail now.  This is because Atiku, despite all his grandstanding on the subject, is a wrong candidate for it. He is Fulani, like Buhari. Add to that the fact that he is a patron of Miyetti Allah. His promise to restructure Nigeria is a ruse aimed at sucking in the Yoruba.

    But we are far wiser, even more than in 2015, when we, very respectfully, gave the electoral wishes of our highly regarded Afenifere elders, a wide berth. It will be worse, this time around.

    In this respect, it is with great pleasure I repeat to our Afenifere Greats, Chief Bode George’s panergyric  to PDP concerning the Yoruba nation: “the Yoruba people have been openly maligned. The Yoruba have been savaged, tormented, treated with contempt, scurried, scoffed at, humiliated and denigrated by little men (Wike and co)whose sun will soon set.

    Add that to Obasanjo/PDP treatment of Yoruba and think where the Yoruba vote will go in 2018.

  • When will Afenifere elders allow the John Nwodos of Yoruba land assume leadership roles?

    It is also tragic that during every emergency, these elders intervene only to introduce ethnic, and religious dimensions to already very complicated situations.

    John Nnia Nwodo (Chief), urbane, brilliant even seminal, lawyer, economist and now, President-General of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was a student, later Student Union President, at the University of Ibadan in the early 70’s when I was an Assistant Registrar at the same university. A former minister of the Federal Republic, John is in his mid sixties. This, nonetheless, is the gentleman our highly regarded elders in Afenifere who, by the grace of God are mostly in their 80’s and 90’s, happily have for company as they shuttle  between Aba, Enugu, and Markudi, hardly ever Ibadan,  spewing oppositional politics suffused  with incomparable ethnic baiting.

    I never thought a day would come when I would have to write on what Gboyega  Adepitan, my friend, and President of my Christ’s- School, Ado – Ekiti set of ’63, recently described as  the “distasteful aspect of these associates of Awo aligning with the very forces that heartily worked against the Avatar’s political ambition”.

    Or how exactly was Obasanjo or Ndigbo helpful to Awo?

    Not too long ago, at his prompting, via a phone call in response to one of my articles, I got engaged in a discussion on this issue with Dr Amos Akingba, a highly regarded Afenifere chieftain. Rather than write on the  subject, even now, I am this Sunday,  out of respect, yielding the column to Dr Sikiru Eniola, an Associate Professor at the Ekiti State University, Ado – Ekiti, whose article will, however, treat Afenifere only as a subtext of  the totally unhelpful politicking of some Nigerian elders who call themselves Southern Leaders.

    Happy reading.

    Our ‘elder statesmen’ and the state of the nation 

    In the history of nations, elders are known to be the last line of moral, ethical, social, even political thought, during both good and bad times. In Africa, especially, the place of elders is highly regarded. It is, therefore, no surprise they are generically called elder statesmen.

    In Nigeria for instance, we have a long list of elders who have distinguished themselves in the successive scenarios of our national history. Among them are, in no particular order, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe,  Alhaji Tafawa Balewa,  Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief  S.L Akintola, Mallam Aninu Kano, Madam Funmilayo Kuti,  Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, to mention but  a few.  Our minds naturally go to these greats when we sing of “the labour of our heroes past” in our National Anthem. Others have risen stoutly to stabilise the country in  times  of great anxiety, a recent example being the General  Abdulsalami Abubakar  National Peace Committee which did a yeoman’s job to calm nerves during the 2015 Presidential election when just about anything could have happened .

    Unfortunately, events since then have revealed the ugliest aspect of our national history. All of a sudden, ethnocentrism and religious bigotry have taken over all the values of nationalism and patriotism which had hitherto guided the country with a particular group of elders spewing these inanities the most, without sparring a thought for the survival of the country. They assume extremist, and incendiary positions far in excess of even the restive youths whose future they claim they are fighting to protect. They take extreme positions on practically all matters  without offering a single solution out of the impasse except parroting restructuring, important as it is, as if it is a silver bullet for all of Nigeria’s problems .

    Nigerians are, however, not unaware of the fact that these are mostly losers in the 2015 election who still find it extremely difficult to concede defeat. Their actions and utterances, are inimical to the country as they undermine national security.

    Only last week, President Muhammadu Buhari was at the UN where he addressed the General Assembly like other heads of member states. In his speech he, among other things, alluded to the fact that incursions by armed militias into Nigeria have been worsened by wars in our neighbouring countries, a fact which has, in turn, further complicated the war against the Boko Haram insurgency. He said that what this situation calls for is greater joint efforts with these neighbours as well as increased foreign support to defeat the terrorist group. While the world understood him, not so the aggressive naysayers who, back home, had regressed to their now traditional opposition mode.

    In their reaction, these unelected elders, all of them 2015 campaigners for President Jonathan, and under the perpetual leadership of Chief Edwin Clark, viciously condemned the speech, branding it an affirmation of the president’s failure on national security. Yet, you will search in vain for their advice to the president on this crucial matter.

    This is a government which, at inception,  descended heavily on Boko Haram, heavily degrading it, and freeing several Borno State Local Government Areas  from its  strangle hold whereas their 2015 candidate, Jonathan, had instructed  the filtering away of 2.1 billion dollars meant for equipping the Nigerian military against the vermins. Boko Haram was greatly decimated, rooted out of its Sambisa forest base and had to resort to attacks on soft targets. But how would these elders see anything good Buhari did since that will make a mess of their efforts to de – market him ahead the 2019 elections?

    Even while both the US and the UK already alerted the World to the fact that Boko Haram is now an affiliate of such deadly groups as ISIS, these elders still continue to deride the president’s efforts.

    The action of this amorphous group attracted my attention because at the onset of the Buhari administration, it became known  that huge sums of money budgeted for the purchase of  military ware, meant to enhance the combat readiness  of the Nigerian Armed Forces, had all  been diverted and  stolen with impunity thus  enhancing Boko Haram’s ability to inflict maximum damage on our fighting forces, leading to  several  casualties  among  our fighting forces. How fair is it then that supporters of the man who instructed the diversion of the funds are the very ones now calling Buhari names? It is instructive that during that period of national mourning, when our patriotic fighting men and women were falling in their numbers, Nigerians did not hear a word of condemnation of the thieves from these elders. Indeed, some of them openly  solidarised with those who were exposed, or arrested, for illegally benefiting from the blood money claiming that Buhari’s anti corruption war was targeted only at the opposition.

    I condemn, in strong terms, the growing tendency of this group to continue to create international embarrassment for the country out of their hatred for President Buhari. Their actions would have been considered treasonable had the President not viewed them with his usual philosophical calmness.

    It is also tragic that during every emergency, these elders intervene only to introduce ethnic, and religious dimensions to already very complicated situations.

    It is time we let them know that they represent only themselves and not the people of Southern Nigeria, or those of the Middle Belt whose mandate they neither sought nor were ever given.

  • International agents of Nigerian looters make early move against Buhari/APC

    Everything, they surmise, must therefore be done to create panic amongst the electorate in order to have PDP back in power.

    Determined not to waste any time whatever in its avowed intent to unseat President Muhammadu Buhari in the 2019 Presidential election, PDP and its foreign collaborators have ‘set forth at dawn’. In a pincer movement, some of their agent provocateurs, this time two powerful imperialist organisations, namely,  the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and the British Multinational Bank, HSBC,  have  launched a frenetic attack on President  Buhari with the former, like a prophet of doom, asserting, categorically,  that he will not win the  2019 presidential election while the other took the more subtle, but no less damning  route of claiming that his victory in the election would plunge Nigeria into far  greater economic  chaos.

    But first, what is a pincer movement? Put simply, a pincer movement or double envelopment is a military manoeuvre in which forces simultaneously attack both flanks of an enemy formation. It typically occurs when opposing forces advance towards the centre of an army that responds by moving its outside forces to the enemy’s flanks to surround it. At the same time, a second layer of pincers may attack on the more distant flanks to keep reinforcements away from the target units.

    That both the Nigerian political opposition and these institutional monsters made their move early, long before the election beckons, should not be a surprise to any keen observer of the Nigerian political economy since 2015 when Buhari has become very bad business for these enemies of Nigeria. It is standard imperialistic move. Projecting dire economic consequences for a country should the more patriotic political party win in an oncoming election has always been their style. Another method they have used  with  great success in the past was to collapse the price of the main revenue resource of the country as students of history would remember  happened  to cocoa prices ahead of their ousting the Osagyefo, Dr Kwameh Nkrumah, from office, in  a military and police coup d’état on February 24, 1966.

    In an opinion piece published in the Washington Post of Monday, July 20, 2015 shortly before his meeting with President Obama, President Buhari  had given notice that he would go after the 150 billion dollars which public officials have stolen from Nigeria in the 10 years preceding his administration. This loot, as is well known, is warehoused in these big international banks which thrive on such illegal funds. Also, the fact that Buhari has, back home, retrieved over a trillion naira from their customers, ipso facto, depleting their bulging balances was obviously bad business, something his victory in 2019 would make completely intolerable, and there fire, unbearable. Everything, they surmise, must therefore be done to create panic amongst the electorate in order to have PDP back in power.

    Back home in Nigeria,  several  of these same people, some with corruption charges  against them, are now running round the country hoping  to be the PDP candidate,  contest the election, win – which God forbid – and return Nigeria  to business as usual. Indeed, court documents and the Panama Papers have shown, conclusively, even if our corrupt courts would hold otherwise, how some of them illegally laundered huge sums of money out of the country since as far back as over a decade ago, with which they acquired undeclared, eye popping properties all over the world while another allegedly wired millions of dollars to an American university during the same period. It, therefore, should not be a surprise that their foreign collaborators have risen early to attempt to dampen the chances of a Buhari re election by creating fear amongst the citizenry.

    But they will labour in vain.

    PDP didn’t just start these dangerous moves. Investigations tangentially related to the alleged Russian meddling in the 2016 US Presidential election have shown that they also toyed with the idea of ruining candidate Buhari’s electoral chances through a company called Cambridge Analytica which they contracted to generate damaging campaign materials against candidate Buhari in the 2015 presidential election.

    For accurate reporting, let us press The Pulse of 22 March, 2018 into action. Its report: “A London firm called Cambridge Analytica was hired by the Goodluck Jonathan campaign just before the 2015 election with a simple mandate-sway the Nigerian election by digging dirt on opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari. All the dirt in the world. Buhari’s medical records were also fair game. The firm was handed a princely £2m for its troubles – as also revealed by both Guardian UK and the Observer.

    “Cambridge Analytica, it was reported, was paid an estimated £2m to orchestrate a ferocious campaign against his rival, the opposition leader Muhammadu Buhari.

    “It was the kind of campaign that was our bread and butter,” said one of the operatives, while confirming that they “were employed by a billionaire who was panicking at the idea of a change of the Good luck Jonathan government.”

    This is typical PDP and its collaborators. This time around it is influential organisations like the IEU and HSBC that are taking over from where Cambridge Analytica left.

    In clear knowledge of their wiles, it would be recalled that President Buhari has already warned Nigerians, and the entire world, about the humongous amounts money PDP people have stolen and are now prepared to deploy towards the 2019 Presidential election. He said this in an address at the 2018 Democracy Day Lecture held at the International Conference Centre in Abuja. His words: “the opposition in the country has stupendous resources at its disposal in preparation for the 2019 elections; resources  which even the ruling All Progressives Congress , APC, will not be able to match adding that they were, in fact, already sponsoring mischief against his government in a bid to discredit him and make him unpopular”.

    Such mischief, Nigerians have already seen, for instance, in Benue State with horrendous consequences. It has been reported, for instance, that “as part of the sleaze in Benue State, the EFCC uncovered how the state government allegedly pays N20 million into the account of a Boko Haram suspect, Aliyu Yaminu, who is nicknamed Tershaku. According to the EFCC: “Between December 20, 2017 and April 6, 2018, the Joint Account Allocation Committee (JAC) has been remitting N20million to the account of Al-Tershaku Global Security Limited allegedly owned by Tershaku. JAC, the report said, posted N80 million to this account as at the time of Tershaku’s arrest. This is aside suspicious cash lodgements by Tershaku himself into the company’s account.”  Tershaku is suspected to be the head of the Benue State government’s militia which has killed thousands in an effort by political opponents to make that part of Nigeria ungovernable, thus de- marketing Buhari ahead of 2019.

    Given PDP’s synergy with these foreign demolition agents, it could not have been more euphoric than in its reaction to the EIU and the HSBC reports when it exuded: “the independent reports that President Buhari stands no chance in the general elections and that his winning portends grave danger for our nation, is completely in tandem with the stand of majority of Nigerians, irrespective of their current political party affiliations, ethnicity or creed.”

    You will not but marvel that PDP, considering its record in office during its 16-year stranglehold over the country, could ever have the temerity to level these charges against the present administration.

    In its own reaction, the APC said the reports are nothing more than the usual doomsday prophesies from these same sources, and their acolytes, many of which have failed in the past.

    Wrote the party:  The Presidency wishes to make clear to all Nigerians, and particularly the global banking giant HSBC that what killed Nigeria’s economy in the past was the unbridled looting of state resources by leaders who were, actively supported by HSBC.  Their tantrum is, therefore, an expression of frustration over the measures put in place by the administration which have abolished grand corruption, the type on which the bank thrives in many countries. Continuing, the party said HSBC laundered more than USD 100,000,000 for the late General Sani Abacha in

  • Nigeria: Our laws our problem

    If we can attribute this to personal failure, what then would be the consequences of a man like this emerging governor of a Yoruba state, with all the Yoruba claim to integrity?

    In an article titled: ‘Senate of Crime: 9 Nigerian Senators Facing Criminal Cases’, published in Sahara Reporters on 14 February, 2016, Ismail Mudashir wrote: “At least, 9 out of 109 members of the NIGERIAN Senate are enmeshed in criminal cases, with nine of the cases at various stages of trial while one is still being investigated. This represents 10 percent of the members of the upper legislative chamber, one of the bodies responsible for making laws for the country. Majority of the cases are related to allegations of corruption running into billions of naira which the senators are accused of misappropriating.”

    Given the above and other contemporary issues, I ask: When exactly will this  National Assembly, or is it the judiciary,  sit down and do the much needed duty of tidying up our statute books  by expunging  from them, all the clauses and  provisions that encourage and  facilitate corruption and all kinds of anti social behaviour?  When  will the executive realise it has an overarching duty to ensure that our statute books  contain only those laws that will guarantee that the citizens don’t have inflicted on them,  rogues, deliberate  forgers,  as distinct from those who might ignorantly have  been scammed by “associate’s”, who saw  a Journey Just Come (JJC), ex- convicts and all manner of criminals, the types a senator of the Federal Republic, a former top police officer, once said he was ashamed to sit together with in the Red Chamber as fellow distinguished senators.

    My mind went to all these the other day after hearing the story of Senator Ademola Adeleke who, if he wins the coming Osun State gubernatorial election scheduled for Saturday, 22 September, 2018, would immediately  be getting ready to be  sworn in as governor of a state like Osun – IPINLE OMOLUABI – to enjoy a four-year renewable  immunity.

    Please note that I am not referring here to the case in which two members of his party went to  court challenging his candidacy but rather  the new case which the police so graphically described, and about  which he confirmed,  that he registered for, and got a result from an examination he did not sit for.

    If peradventure he wins that election, he will, going by our  terrible constitution, that document that lied against itself, claiming it was made by “we the people” when, not even the then incoming president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, saw a word of it, immediately be  protected  from any manner of legal jeopardy.

    Let us press into service the NIGERIA Police spokesperson, Ag. DCP JIMOH MOSHOOD,  FORCE PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER, who blew this new case open  during the National network news on Wednesday, 19 September, 2018 in a case of Examination Malpractice, Criminal Conspiracy, impersonation, Breach of Duty, Aiding and Abetting against the Senator and four others.

    According to him, acting on credible intelligence, the Osun State Police command found that:

    1. Senator Ademola Adeleke and Sikiru Adeleke were involved in an ongoing examination malpractice at OJO/Aro Community Grammar School in the state.
    2. When the Police arrived at the school, only Sikiru Adeleke was found seated for the examination while Senator Ademola Adeleke’s seat was vacant and was suspected to have escaped before the arrival of the police operatives.
    3. Further investigation, he said, revealed that both Senator Ademola Adeleke and his brother Sikiru Adeleke, registered and were sitting for the National Examination Council Examination (NECO) 2017 as internal candidates, impersonating students of the School at the ages of 57years and 42years respectively.

    The crime, he went on, was facilitated by the principal of the school, and two other members of staff.  Senator Adeleke was said to have made cautionary statement admitting that he registered for the 2017 NECO examinations as an internal student in the said school, but did not sit for the examination. He further admitted that although he didn’t sit for the examination, he had a result from NECO with seven (7) credits and one (1) pass; a copy of which the police obtained from NECO.

    1. Also, police found, in the Ojo/Aro 2017 NECO, SSCE school photo album, photographs of both Senator Ademola Adeleke and Sikiru Adeleke in school uniform with the Senator claiming that he was born on 12th June 1997 but which he later reversed in his statement to the police, claiming he was born 13 May, 1960. Both photographs, the police said, have no NECO stamps on them.

    Some questions arise from the above and I am only too happy that the Osun governorship election is over and done with, so only a crank can read partisan motives into this article.

    Senator Adeleke is a scion of a highly regarded family, one that is blessed of God financially, intellectually, artistically and in many other respects. What, if not greed, should lead him into all these?

    If we can attribute this to personal failure, what then would be the consequences of a man like this emerging governor of a Yoruba state, with all the Yoruba claim to integrity?

    In view of this singular incident, and there must be hundreds, if not thousands, of these amongst our so- called political leaders, shouldn’t  even this outgoing National Assembly immediately begin the process of expunging the immunity clause from our statute books? That will be the day as many of them would be heading straight to gaol.

    I will hate to see that day, even when all manner of magic could happen in our courts, when any self confessed participant in an examination malpractice or any such criminal behaviour would be in a position to sermonise to the youth of any Nigerian state. Isn’t it time we made it illegal for anybody involved in any criminal activity, or is on trial for any malfeasance, whatever, ineligible to contest election, even if for a councillorship position? And what of an accused being presumed guilty until he/she proves him/herself innocent? Shouldn’t that too be expunged from our law books?

  • An exhilarating vacation in Houston, TX

    Whether from London, England, Livingston, Scotland or from here in Houston TX, I have always ensured I touched base with my highly valued readers when out visiting my kids on holidays. But this trip almost didn’t happen. What with this:

    General Information

    FARE NGN832,700///////

    That was the quote I got for a return ticket to the United States, but I saw it coming. The family had a wedding involving my wife’s sister’s son, TJ, a University of Houston-trained engineer, scheduled for late August and my wife, Atinuke, had left weeks earlier but with us having a crucial, must win election coming up in Ekiti, I wasn’t even sure I’d be able to make it so all her entreaties that I also bought my ticket when we got hers in June made no impact.  I ended up paying exactly a hundred thousand naira less – a more than a princely sum for me.

    So to the U S I hopped mid August arriving two days before the wedding engagement which was a cultural show stopper.  The family of our ‘wife’, a dazzling Benin lady, saw to it that the best of Benin culture was on display and when you add the usual Yoruba marriage accoutrements, especially with the groom’s  mother, Yeye Bukola Badipe, coming from the SOURCE, i e Ile-Ife, one can only  begin to imagine what  was on display. The wedding went on for 4 whole days  from Thursday, through Sunday ending  finally with a ‘Thank You’  bash  at the home of Engineer Muyiwa Fagbola, the groom’s mother’s immediate junior brother, to whom, being male, their eldest sister, Atinuke, has since conferred the Fagbola Olori Ebi title.

    Wedding over, there was more than enough to engage my attention in the rollicking U S politics  which I remember a MSNBC reporter once describe, a few years ago, as a permanent war of sorts.

    With a President like Donald Trump there couldn’t have been, and there was absolutely no dull moment. Only that this time around, the Muller investigation into the suspected Russian collusion in the 2016 U. S presidential election, over which several Trump associates, the likes of Michael Flynn, George Papadopoulos, Rick Gates and Paul Manafort have been indicted or jailed, almost got consigned to the background. What with  the announcement, and subsequent release, of Bob Woodward’s scathing book,  ‘FEAR – Trump In The White House’, coming on the heels of Omarosa Manigault Newman’s UNHINGED – copies of which I have since bought and, the real  deal , the anonymous op-ed letter written by a senior White House official, and published by the New York Times.

    Bob Woodward, unarguably America’s most authoritative investigative journalist , drawing from “hundreds of hours of interviews with first hand sources, meeting notes, personal diaries, files and documents had,  in this tell-all book,  exposed a White House in  ‘nervous breakdown’,  corroborating  Omarosa who had written about Trump : “He rambled. He spoke gibberish. He contradicted himself from one sentence to the next”.  The anonymous op-ed was, however, more scathing and troubling, claiming that “many of the senior officials in his administration are now working diligently from within to frustrate parts of his agenda and his worst inclinations, because “we believe our first duty is to this country, and the president continues to act in a manner that is detrimental to the health of our republic. That is why, the article continued, “many Trump appointees have vowed to do what we can to preserve our democratic institutions while thwarting Mr. Trump’s more misguided impulses until he is out of office”.

    Watching the farcical congressional confirmation hearing for Trump nominated Judge Brett Kavanaugh for the Supreme Court was, for me, more distressing.  With the abject partisanship on display in a senate the free world looks up to, you  would not  but be reminded of the allegorical Lady Justice illustrating the moral force in judicial systems. Her attributes, well known all over the world, are a blindfold, a balance, and a sword, all intended to demonstrate neutrality.  How, for Christ’s sake, is this putrid process of approving or rejecting the appointment of a judge for the apex court supposed to guarantee justice?

    For me, this is unfathomable.

    In the instant case, Judge Kavanaugh who was  alleged to have lied at the congressional hearing for his current job, not only had  thousands of pages of his record withheld  by President Trump, he could possibly not have been more evasive in answering questions like:

    How does he view the role of a judge and judicial independence?

    What does he mean by referring to Roe v. Wade as “settled law after he had written that it could be reversed by the Supreme Court?” (the Supreme Court had  on January 22, 1973 ruled (7 – 2) that unduly restrictive state regulation of abortion is unconstitutional).

    Can a president be forced to respond to a subpoena?

    Can a president pardon himself?

    Others are:

    His involvement in Bush-era detainee interrogation programmes? And whether he deliberately lied to congress when he denied any involvement but e-mails revealed he participated.

    Voting has been scheduled for next week with democrats and several progressive groups like the abortion rights advocates hoping that Senators Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski will vote no.

    As you read this, 47% of Americans say Trump should be impeached while the latest poll has him at 36%, an all-time low for a president heading into a midterm election in which 50% say they will vote Democratic and 37% Republican.  The Republicans had better not lose the two chambers in November or President Trump could be history.

    President Trump asked for this. He has, unreflectingly, carried on with some of the wrongheaded causes to which Steve Bannon drove his 2016 flailing campaign when he took over from Paul Manafort. In particular his immigration policy which Bannon literally fashioned when he counselled: “we’re going to stop mass illegal immigration and start to limit legal migration to get our sovereignty back”.

    Today, in fidelity to that advice, President Trump has about 450 immigrant children, from a high of about 2,500, forcibly separated from their parents; something that has earned him worldwide condemnation. This past week, however, an agreement was reached giving the children and their parents a second chance to apply for asylum on the grounds that they might face persecution, or torture, if they return to their countries.

    But mindlessly carrying on unpopular policies to assuage his base, complete with tons of lies now calculated at over 5000, President Trump has completely re configured  both domestic and the international order.

    It must be conceded though that he has significantly improved the American economy with more jobs, increased wages, and a substantially higher GDP with its current growth rate at 4.2 up from 3.1 the previous year.

    Unfortunately, his obtuse, and absolutely un presidential gaffes, have become his albatross. He has taken the United States out of several world organisations, the latest being the International Court of Justice at The Hague which followed U. S withdrawal from the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Iran Nuclear Deal jointly reached July 14, 2015 by the U. S, U.K, France, Germany, Russia, China, the European Union and Iran. President Trump has severally shredded multilateralism, in the process even threatening NATO.

    Finally, the  ongoing Special Counsel investigation  which  is a law enforcement and counterintelligence investigation into any Russian government efforts to interfere in the 2016 Presidential election, including an investigation of any possible links and/or coordination between Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and the Russian government, “and any matters that arose or may arise directly from the investigation,” is still riveting. As indicated above, several allies of President Trump have been indicted, even jailed, and close observers believe that he would be lucky to complete his term of four years. The investigation which began May 17, 2017, is being conducted by the Department of Justice office of the Special Counsel, headed by Robert Mueller, a former Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).

     

  • Foolishness: Doing the same thing over and over and expecting a different outcome

    Forget the campaign rhetorics, no Hausa-Fulani can honestly restructure Nigeria.

    Countless times, Nigeria has convoked national conferences aimed at restructuring the country but with hardly anything to show for them even after we had burnt billions of naira. We need not delay, cataloguing them, or how miserably they all failed. But has anybody ever thought of the unspoken reason/s they all failed?

    Tarry a little, we will get there.

    Rather than rehash a story of failure, especially now that there are, at least, three distinct versions of restructuring, albeit one being a political scam, let us critically interrogate the subject so we can make some progress. There’s no gainsaying the fact that restructuring will supremely benefit our country.

    First, there is the traditional, Afenifere concept, which used to be pristine and genuine. But no more as that was until the Jonathan conference of 2014. Let me  take you to  my article: “Between  authentic Yoruba demands  and what these  elders are hawking  around”  of Sunday, 7 June, 2015,  in which I wrote, inter alia, concerning THE YORUBA AGENDA which once  encapsulated the Yoruba understanding of restructuring: “It  contains some specific, and, immutable demands which you would  expect these elders ensured were incorporated in the  conference recommendations. But for where? Among these are: a self-governing region which will mobilise the energy of the Yoruba for development and ignite their collective resolve for cultural renaissance, educational resurgence and social stability; a Yoruba nation with its own constitution, functioning as one out of the country’s six regional governments which will, in turn, form the federating units in a federation operating both federal and regional constitutions. The new federation will be expected to undergo structural changes which will touch on, among others, the scope and limits of the powers of the federating units; the form of government, revenue allocation and fiscal federalism which will ensure that each region can develop at its own pace, resource control, police and policing and a judiciary which will have a federal Supreme Court for strictly constitutional cases and at the regional level, the apex court will be the Court of Appeal. Indeed, under these Yoruba demands, membership of the National Judicial Council shall be so representative that excessive power would no longer be concentrated in the hands of the Chief Justice of the Federation.”

    But Mr Femi Falana, SAN, who, like them was a delegate at the conference would later testify as follows in an interview he granted The Nation newspaper and published on Thursday, 5 March  2015: ”Frankly speaking, the Yoruba agenda was anchored on regional autonomy, restructuring, parliamentary system or Westminster model, fiscal federalism or resource control, unicameral legislature, a ceremonial president and a prime minister with full executive powers, a special status for Lagos State, state police and deletion of the Land Use Act from the Constitution. Those were the items which constituted the core Yoruba Agenda. The items were defeated in to-to at the confab. Of course, the establishment of State Police scaled through on the basis of the role of the civilian joint task force in the fight against insurgency in the Northeast. I challenge the authors of the Yoruba Agenda to point to other items that were adopted by the Confab.”  Falana further said that although the appropriate bills for statutory amendments and constitutional review which require the promulgation of over 50 new laws and amendment of about 80 existing legislations were prepared and submitted to the government but the president did absolutely nothing in the past six months besides setting up the Adoke committee to study the report. But mum was the word on the part of Afenifere until 2015 when they, not Jonathan or PDP, laboured to make anything regarding the confab a campaign issue. So I only laugh now when I see people harangue Buhari about the 2014 conference implementation.

    I  have, therefore, long  conclude that Afenifere merely opportunistically queued  behind President Goodluck Jonathan, intent on routing former Lagos State governor, Bola Ahmed Tinubu,  as a means of  escaping from the political Siberia to which he has condemned them in a region where the people had, for nearly half a century, swore by their names, politically speaking.  It was for that single reason, that though enemies of corruption, they thought nothing of supporting the candidate of the most corrupt ever political party in the history of Nigeria.

    Second,  is  what I  shall  call the  sham restructuring which  the redoubtable Fulani politician, and former Vice President,  Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, is canvassing  as  if he, a Fulani,  can  honestly  disdain, or abandon,  a status quo that has for generations conferred on his  tribe, unspeakable  but  out rightly  unfair advantages, over the rest of the country.

    The Third concept of restructuring  is  what Vice President Yemi Osinbajo recently dubbed  geographical restructuring which,  though, looks  commonsensical, largely mirrors President Muhammadu Buhari’s  unstated, but well known, views on the subject. It speaks copiously to governance in the country;  a system which will substantially reduce corruption and ensure that  resources are  judiciously  deployed for the betterment of Nigerians…

    What this article is about,  therefore, is a hard headed interrogation of restructuring,  however defined, especially given  the fact  that too many  things in our country  are unfairly skewed in favour of the North; advantages which, short of  a  civil war, we cannot  reasonably expect them  to surrender  except  through  a  gradualist, mutually agreed manner, simply because they have immorally resulted in a collective sense of entitlement  on the part of our Northern compatriots..

    I am in no  doubt that some short sighted people would claim that I am  out  here playing the devil’s advocate but that would be fartherest from the truth as, not even Yorubas,  unarguably the most  considerate Nigerian ethnic group,  would  easily surrender these totally unearned  advantages.

    Thanks to the  CENTRE FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA  we have a data that abundantly proves  that the North holds the ace and that  to have any modicum of restructuring, what Nigeria needs is not  threat, sabre rattling, petty conspiracies  or  any empty grandstanding, but genuine negotiation  which  will  include  authentic representatives  of  all ethnic nationalities, not politicians who are  fraudulently  selected to serve some selfish ends.

    Let us therefore take a critical look at the Nigerian reality.

    1. Number of states in the North is 19 + FCT as against 17 in the South.

    2.The number of legislators, (bearing in mind the fact that President Buhari has said the matter of restructuring should be referred to the National Assembly and the council of state in both of which  the North predominates).

    1. The amount of funds that go North monthly as federal allocation to both state and Local Governments – see details below, vis a vis what comes to the South.
    2. The fact that northern candidates gain admission into unity schools and universities with barely a quarter of the scores required of candidates from the South.
    3. The revenue sharing formula which is so skewed in favour of the North it has been impossible to change since.

     

    • Continued on www.staging.thenationonlineng.net
  • Fayemi on democracy and development promotion (Part 2)

    Whither democracy and development promotion in Nigeria?

    Where does this leave DAI that wants to do development differently? Given the mixed record of the democratisation process over the past two decades, development experts and democracy watchers have reached different conclusions about the democratisation process in the country and its wider implications for development. While a set of watchers see the glass as consistently half-empty, others see the glass as filling up, underscoring the importance of not letting the perfect become the enemy of the good. The truth is that significant variations exists between these broad generalisations when we move away from outcomes and focus on the dynamics of change, the quality, texture and content of democratic reform either here in Nigeria or when we extrapolate from the wider African context.

    Based on my own experience as a participant-observer in the Nigerian political space, democracy assistance and development aid must move away from an overtly technocratic and apolitical conceptions of reforms and embrace reforms that are both ‘technically appropriate’ and ‘politically grounded.’ I think we also need a more nuanced understanding and analyses of reform dynamics-beyond macro-level explanatory variables. For example, while the Mo Ibrahim Governance Index paints a grim picture of democratic deficit and governance failure in Nigeria given the concentration of the analyses on the central government, the index totally ignores ‘micro-transitions’ where better governance is emerging in a number of sub-national entities, in which state level leaders are doing business differently with a more active citizens engagement, promoting accountability and real development. In Lagos, Edo, Borno, Enugu, Gombe, Kaduna, and Kebbi states, to mention just a few, elected governments are responding to the demands for accountable governance and better performance from citizens.

    While macro-level/country level analyses are important, it is the complex mix of evolving factors at more micro-levels that also determine outcomes. Most times, scholars of democratisation and development practitioners ignore partial reforms, inconclusive processes, transition reversals and democratic subversions, failing to recognise that failure in one instance may result in more enduring reform. Such analyses over-focus on the fate of macro transitions, while ignoring changes in bits, in parts or segments of the sub-national systems. The dialectics of reform in Nigeria has demonstrated in the last two decades that rarely does transformation come from a single, big shift; but rather as a cumulative effect of small, incremental shifts and improvements. Ignoring micro transitions and their cumulative effects often lead to wrong questions being asked and wrong conclusions being reached-leading to the design of programmes that are misaligned with the shifting context of politics. Happily, some donors are beginning to realise this and are focusing more on micro-level transitions in Nigeria. Yet, even when these donors acknowledge the need to operate at sub-national and sometimes informal levels, the lack of coordination and inflexibility of the donor agenda often undermine these positive prospects.

    A key fall-out of this challenge particularly when working at the sub-national and informal levels is a mindset that often draws a false dichotomy between civil society and political society. There have always been attempts to draw a distinction between those who stand at the barricades protesting bad government and seeking change and those who wield political power. Indeed, theories have been propounded about state-society relations deepening the difference between civil society and political society. Civil society activists are often seen as occupying the moral high ground while politicians are seen to be Janus-faced-on the one hand, visionary, fascinating, and sophisticated, and on the other hand, charismatic, cynical, populist, calculating, venal, and opportunistic. Having operated on both sides of the divides for years, I can tell you that this pseudo-divide has impeded our abilities to connect with each other and work together towards a better, brighter future for our citizens. I am convinced that the structuring of actors on the basis of either/or and us/them with one of the other being valued more leads to domination. For me, partisan politics-properly anchored-is a form of social activism and another stage in the struggle to restore dignity of humankind-an integrated continuum rather than discretely compartmentalised oppositional phenomena.

    In my view, our discussion should really focus more on the making of leaders and citizens in a good society. Without direct citizen participation, the legitimacy of our political institutions will continue to decline. For this reason, I strongly believe that leaders-be they politicians or activists, should worry because their ability to lead effectively is being seriously undermined by the desertion of average citizens from the public space, deepening the crisis of legitimacy in our country. Yet, this lack of legitimacy cuts both ways. When the people withdraw trust in leaders and discountenance politicians, we make our democratic institutions less effective as they become more susceptible to demagogues of all hues and risk making ourselves ungovernable.

    Given the challenges identified above, how can we then formulate a theory of change that matches the times in order to help progressive donors, grantees, social movements and others seeking better governance, public goods, and service delivery. Is it possible to assist donors in recognising some key elements and useful signs towards deepening democracy and achieving better governance in our country?

    First, I think we need a typology of democratisation that further interrogates the broad categories away from the unhelpful focus on binaries-of success and failure, pessimism and optimism, sub-optimal performance and unprecedented progress. This is necessary because of its practical implications for policy choices by our citizens, governments, and development partners.

    Second, donors must move away from a focus on judgments pegged on macro-reforms-democratisation, privatisation, anti-corruption, insecurity-that are often measured by large, dramatic shifts. Opportunities to accelerate change and strengthen governance structures are often missed in the context of this exclusive focus, or worse they may deepen the challenges, inherent in the process of change, by withdrawing, for example, in the wake of partial reform. Donor exit from Northern Nigeria in the wake of Boko Haram insurgency caused more harm than good, for example. Rather than focus on short-term gains, which is the deleterious effect of the psyche of ‘bean counting’ in the donor community, it is important to understand change in a longer-term perspective and not through the typical binaries of success and failure. In this way, it would become clear that societal transformation in post-military Nigeria in the past two decades has led to the emergence of new social forces, changed the importance of others and consequently altered the relationships among various social and political actors whilst fostering new coalitions for change.

    Third, the context, extent and form of donor involvement are also important. In many countries on the continent, political reform has tended to be donor driven and lacking local ownership. Donors have been driven by different objectives and have utilised a variety of entry points which has been characterised by lack of coordination, even among entities within the same donor agency. The virtue of collaborative and/or coordinated efforts both within and among donor agencies cannot be over emphasised if we are to move mountains and not molehills. Clearly, resources are limited and there is a lot to be gained by collaborating with one another in order to achieve economies of scale and optimal effectiveness. Equally, while it is important to strike the right balance in order to make tangible impact, donors must ensure that their programmes are not ill-adjusted to domestic, institutional, and resource capabilities.

     

    Reform agenda and donor support must tap into existing constituencies by working with a growing local philanthropy constituency, in particular. It is possible to work with prominent wealthy Nigerians with private foundations-Aliko Dangote, TY Danjuma, Tony Elumelu, Folorunso Alakija, to mention a few-as well as other local grant makers that have a better grasp of the dynamics of change in their areas of focus such as the African Women Development Fund and TrustAfrica.

    Fourth, linked to the immediate challenge of terrorism and insurgency, international response to democratisation and development in Nigeria has become more reluctant, inconsistent, confusing, and contradictory. Nearly all multilateral and bilateral agencies involved seem to be at a loss about the most appropriate ways of intervening in areas deemed to be the “internal affairs” of Nigeria and where they might be set against elected authorities that are reluctant to embrace inclusive human rights agenda. The resonance gained by reports from institutions like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and International Crisis Group on Nigeria’s military response to the insurgents seem to underscore this point graphically. Of equal importance also has been the necessity for mutual accountability between donors and recipients-an issue that has been the subject of critical concern by the Governor of Borno State, Kashim Shettima, in his critique of the deluge of ‘do-gooders’ in the insurgency ravaged zone.

    Finally, democracy assistance as currently constituted suffers a great deal of deficit, in its façade of apolitical orientation. It is time for policies that not only recognise, but explicitly embrace the politics in aid policy formulation in the development community. After all, we all know that aid is often tied to the politics and policies of the donor. Consequently, the political economy of the recipient is crucial to the understanding of aid effectiveness.

    All Politics is Local…

    In conclusion, let me go back to Ekiti because that’s why you invited me in the first place. Clearly, the past four years has not only seen the steady decline in the socio-economic circumstances of our people, but also a corresponding denigration of our integrity as a people. When I left office in 2014, Ekiti had the highest enrolment of school children in Nigeria, now it has the lowest in the South West; equally, Ekiti had the lowest child and maternal mortality rates in the country but it’s now experiencing serious challenges in the health sector, it has the lowest HIV prevalence in the country and the highest life expectancy partly because it was the only state with a social security benefit scheme for the elderly. Given the fact that effective governance has deteriorated, all these gains have been eroded and poverty rates have hit the roof. More worryingly, our pristine values had been eroded and our collective reputations sullied. My decision to contest in the recently held gubernatorial election in the state was therefore motivated by the need to lead a collective rescue mission of our state, which inspired the theme of our campaigns “Reclaiming our Land; Restoring our Values.”

    I believe our victory at the polls is a testament to the collapse of Stomach Infrastructure and its resounding rejection by the people. While the jury may still be out in certain quarters, I am convinced that Ekiti citizens on balance have shown their preference for tangible development against democracy of the stomach. They have seized the opportunity to rewrite a new narrative. Our duty is to ensure that they do not regret their choice. This is why it is imperative that we resume our aggressive developmental strategy for the state. Clearly, Ekiti State needs rapid development to regain the lost years. We need to restore inclusive governance that caters to the generality of the citizens-particularly at the grassroots. So, if DAI really wants to do development differently, the destination of choice is Ekiti. Help us in the quest to reclaim our land and restore our values. It is a key factor in moving from short-termism to sustainable development.

     

    Thank you all for listening.

     

  • Short-termism vs. sustainable development: My Ekiti experience-implications for democratic development By Dr. John Kayode Fayemi

    The Ekiti State governor-elect, Dr John Kayode Fayemi, recently gave the keynote address at DAI Board Meeting in Nigeria.

    (August 09, 2018), and I am certain no regular reader of this column would be surprised that the pedagogical offering graces these pages today. It is absolutely fascinating that we can all, once again, drink from the wealth of knowledge, and experience, of this development and people-oriented, professional in politics.

    But then, let me slightly vary the address by starting from the concluding part because of its topicality. Happy reading.

    “In conclusion, let me go back to Ekiti because that’s why you invited me in the first place. Clearly, the past four years has not only seen the steady decline in the socio-economic circumstances of our people, but also a corresponding denigration of our integrity as a people. When I left office in 2014, Ekiti had the highest enrolment of school children in Nigeria, now it has the lowest in the South West; equally, Ekiti had the lowest child and maternal mortality rates in the country but it’s now experiencing serious challenges in the health sector, it has the lowest HIV prevalence in the country and the highest life expectancy partly because it was the only state with a social security benefit scheme for the elderly. Given the fact that effective governance has deteriorated, all these gains have been eroded and poverty rates have hit the roof. More worryingly, our pristine values had been eroded and our collective reputations sullied. My decision to contest in the recently held gubernatorial election in the state was therefore motivated by the need to lead a collective rescue mission of our state, which inspired the theme of our campaigns “Reclaiming our Land; Restoring our Values.”

    I believe our victory at the polls is a testament to the collapse of Stomach Infrastructure and its resounding rejection by the people. While the jury may still be out in certain quarters, I am convinced that Ekiti citizens on balance have shown their preference for tangible development against democracy of the stomach. They have seized the opportunity to rewrite a new narrative. Our duty is to ensure that they do not regret their choice. This is why it is imperative that we resume our aggressive developmental strategy for the state. Clearly, Ekiti State needs rapid development to regain the lost years. We need to restore inclusive governance that caters to the generality of the citizens-particularly at the grassroots. So, if DAI really wants to do development differently, the destination of choice is Ekiti. Help us in the quest to reclaim our land and restore our values. It is a key factor in moving from short-termism to sustainable development”.

    Excellencies, Distinguished ladies and gentlemen

    Let me express my gratitude for the privilege of addressing this audience. I would like to thank particularly the CEO of DAI [Jim Boomgard] and the Country Director, my brother and friend, Dr. Joe Abah, for asking me to do this. This is my first public engagement since the historic election in my state almost a month ago. It is understandable therefore if I use this occasion to share a few thoughts on the trajectory of politics, governance, and elections in my home state Ekiti, and its implications for democratic development in Nigeria.

    The myth of stomach infrastructure in Nigeria

    In 2014, when we lost the election in Ekiti State, there were many who cast the polls as a contest between an aloof intellectual consumed by the minutiae of governance and infrastructural development and a people-pleasing populist who showed that he was in tune with the masses. Our administration was said to be too bookish and too focused on reversing the poverty trend in the state and thus easily upstaged by a charismatic challenger who understood the power of “stomach infrastructure”-a euphemism for immediate gratification over long-term development. What has transpired in my home state since 2014 has further fortified my belief that cheap populism and opportunistic demagoguery do not represent what is best in us as a people and hold no potential for actualising the hopes and dreams of millions of Nigerians.

    In the age of deceptive populism and post-truth politics, we must concede that Ekiti represents a local manifestation of a global malady-what has been referred to by French political scientist, Francois Bayart as ‘the politics of the belly’ or what the respected Stanford scholar, Larry Diamond, described as leading to a ‘global democratic recession.’ Indeed, some observers have identified certain traits that many of these latter-day populists have in common including a disdain for decorum and civility, a disregard for facts and evidence and a flair for the outrageous all of which serve to reify a basic and all-encompassing unfitness for public office.

    Yet it is easy to believe that when elections are won on dodgy propaganda, cheap populism, and criminal brigandage, voters who bought into the sleight of hand might see the error of their ways and that self-correction is bound to be the resulting outcome. Unfortunately, when lies become the oxygen of politics and governance, it is often the ethos of politics and the institutions of governance that are largely diminished. Since the voters are supposedly always right, what this does, if care is not taken, is allow them to justify their errors on the simplistic notion that “all politicians are the same.” Even where there is evidence to suggest otherwise, as was the case in Ekiti in 2014, there still persists a level of self-righteousness that fails to acknowledge errors of judgment. But if we are to move from this situation, all must admit they have sinned. The voter, on the one hand, must accept culpability for being cast adrift in the ocean of lies. On the other hand, every politician must acknowledge the place of populism and not labour in the mistaken belief that the average voter is so discerning to separate the wheat from the chaff. In short, substance matters, but symbols cannot be ignored.

    What transpired in the recent election in Ekiti must be seen in this context; first with the deconstruction of opportunistic demagoguery for what it is with contrasting perspectives of an incontestable past record of competence in office, but also by the effective deployment of critical strategies that resonated with the voting public. Although the job was made easier by the sheer adversity of the past four years, it is also true to say Ekiti voters have become more resistant to the cynical ploys of those who would use poverty as a political weapon with no corresponding record of service delivery to the people.

    Implications for developmental politics

    Three years is a long time in politics and almost four years after our historic triumph in the last presidential elections, we find ourselves on the cusp of another election year with choices of great consequence upon us. In 2015, we offered a message of change and millions of Nigerians moved by the compelling currency of our agenda voted massively in favour of President Muhammadu Buhari and the All Progressives Congress. In so doing, they also brought a watershed moment and a turning point in our politics-the dislodgement of an incumbent president and party. Clearly, the post-election euphoria has since dissipated. It is fair to say that in the immediate aftermath of our taking charge of government, we could have moved with far more urgency than we did.

    Some critics have argued with some justification that we could have done a much better job of managing expectations after the polls. It is said that you campaign in poetry and govern in prose. Even so, the poetry of our campaign was never so abstract and fantastic as to downplay what we believed to be the onerous nature of the task ahead. The journey so far has been difficult. An economic recession occasioned by falling oil prices proved to be an immense obstacle to our plans and programmes. Toward the end of last year, our efforts began to yield fruit and the country moved out of recession.

    Our exit from recession and the resurgence of oil prices after a period of economic contraction indicate that despite the challenges facing us, there have been many positive changes upon which to build. In critical sectors like agriculture, social investments, infrastructure development, particularly roads, rail and power infrastructure, mining and manufacturing, the country has witnessed significant progress.

    These are areas that have a direct verifiable bearing on the fortunes of millions of Nigerians in terms of jobs and investment opportunities. We have prioritized improving the ease of doing business in Nigeria as part of our overall commitment to making Nigeria an investment destination. Elsewhere, particularly in the Northeast, the advent of an administration that has shown commitment in word and deed to tackling the insurgency in the region has yielded positive results. The first is a universally agreed upon improvement in the security situation in the region. According to the Global Terrorism Index, there was an 80 percent decrease in terror incidents in Nigeria-the biggest such decline in terror-related incidents in the world. This development has inspired much goodwill and the significant commitments by the international community to humanitarian intervention, recovery and rehabilitation in the North-East. To be sure, there remain serious security challenges nationwide-especially as it relates to farmers-herdsmen clashes and the administration is committed to addressing them but it is an undeniable fact that normalcy is returning to the insurgency-affected North-East-a region of the country that captured global attention in recent years. I believe government will also bring that zeal to bear in tackling other threats to peace and security in other parts of the federation.

    Clearly, there are areas in which we have not fully kept to the ideals and programmes espoused in our manifesto. The question of fundamental reforms to our federal architecture remains very much an elephant-some would say The Elephant-in the room. The fervour surrounding the debate about restructuring and improving our federalism indicates that there are very passionate and strongly held views on both sides of the divide. There is, however, considerable agreement on the fact that there are fundamental flaws in our national governmental order that strongly inhibit our drive for reform and progress. The government is not unaware of the enduring topicality of this issue. Indeed, the All Progressives Congress set up a committee on “True Federalism” which has submitted a report to the Party after extensive consultations around the country and I believe this is an issue that the Party will pursue with added vigour in the runup to the 2019 elections.

    All said, I am willing to acknowledge that there are many who feel that there are sufficient grounds for disappointment and there is much room for improvement in terms of how we have managed our historic mandate so far. Even so, I remain convinced that going back to the norms and paradigms of the previous administration is not an option. And here, I must let you know since you’re outsiders looking in that it can be dangerous to fall for the myth that the major parties are the same. WE ARE NOT THE SAME? When in office, the PDP embraced supply side economics in accord with the dictates of international financial institutions. In their worldview, the moneyed elite and big business got preferments to maximize their economic advantages. This trickle-down economic theory clearly failed to empower the bulk of our population. Alternatively, we have embraced a more grassroots model of economic development with social safety nets, increased agricultural output, revival of moribund industries, improved infrastructure development, and the promotion of knowledge economy. In all of these, we see government as a catalyst for development, not a bystander that seeks to sell off all public goods. This is our alternative vision for development and democracy and the difference is clear.