Category: Femi Orebe

  • Comeuppance: Where is the power?

    I think Obasanjo should be probed. You see, President Buhari has been very generous and mild towards his predecessors, not wanting to cause discomfort and embarrassment for them out of respect for the positions they held.

    “But, Obasanjo is a man who does not respect himself, who thinks he is the President-General of Nigeria for life and has a right at any time to wade in and be very caustic and publicly insulting to his successors, just because he’s envious of the same position he held. He cannot detach himself from the Presidency.

    “I think he needs to be brought to order. He has been tolerated enough in this country. The President’s remark was very appropriate and more and more should come because Obasanjo ran one of the most corrupt governments this country has ever seen.”

    Prof Itse Sagay (SAN) speaking on ex – President Olusegun Obasanjo in relation to the 16B dollars allegedly spent on electricity during his administration.

    I know it will come to this. I know that Chief Olusegun  Obasanjo will, one day, have his comeuppance but I have always thought that day wouldnt come until a Pharaoh mounts the Nigerian presidency, who knows not Moses. However, as Sagay said, Obasanjo, for his perennial inability to know that there are things statesmen should not say, or say in the manner he says them regardless of who the victim of his virtuperations are, may just have brought comeuppance upon himself much earlier than expected . He may just, this time around, have climbed the tree beyond its leaves, or why the perpetual sanctimony when you are not anywhere near the cleanest  man around? Or could he have forgotten most Nigerians were around during his 8 years in office?

    Can anybody remember President Muhammadu Buhari ever losing his cool, speaking of anybody at all, talk less of his military superior, the way he asked the question: where is the power, unmistakably referring to Obasanjo?

    Having convinced himself that he is the best thing to have ever happened to Nigeria, Obasanjo talks to whoever: clergy, governor or  President, the way he would to his house help. Obasanjo knows no bounds; in his eyes, he is Lord and master; the capo du tuti, of Nigeria. Proceeding from this egomaniacal  mindset therefore, he has written scathing letters to everybody that was ever Head of state of Nigeria, except that he forgot to address one to himself even though he deserved his tirades the most.

    Until governor Ayo Fayose, at a public gathering some years ago, showed him that he is a true born Ekiti, Obasanjo talked down  to state governors as if the federal government and the states are not coordinate arms of government. His repugnant, constant putdown of Ekiti in the days when his favourite song was OMO O LE JO BABA (like father,  like son) was the leitmotif for my long running column, now going on 14 years, to, at least, try put the lie to such a hate- filled campaign of calumny against my place of birth.

    But his encounter with the National Assembly, not once but severally, must be the crown jewel of this self loving man’s contemptuous treatment of others.

    Granted that the 8th Assembly has not been particularly sparkling, how on earth would an internationally respected elder statesman, not a Dick or Harry, describe an arm of government as an “assembly of thieves and looters, a den of corruption by a gang of unarmed robbers”, as he did at the public presentation of Justice Mustapha Akanbi’s autobiography?

    Should a two term President, in deed, anybody at all, if rational, ever open himself to the possibility of having a thoroughly demeaning response like the one he got from those he traduced directed at him?

    For thundered back Hon Abdulrazak Namdas, Chairman, House Committee on Media and Public Affairs: “Obasanjo is understandably angry with the National Assembly as an institution, having foiled his ambition for a third-term in office even after trying to corrupt the members with a bribe of at least N50m each.

    He birthed the 4th Assembly with corrupt practices from day one. He bribed every legislator on inauguration in 1999, to vote against late Dr. Chuba Okadigbo. “Have we forgotten the sacks of money displayed on the floor of the House of Representatives, being bribe money paid some honourable members to impeach the Speaker, Rt. Hon. Ghali N’abba? “Have we forgotten that he used his position as President to extort money from businessmen and contractors to his government to build his presidential library?”

    After a public encounter like the above , a Yoruba man of any age, acculturated in the Omoluabi ethos of the race, would be expected to know that enough was enough, and to subsequently weigh his words. No, am not saying he shouldn’t call attention to things going wrong in society, but the ever perspicacious Yoruba say there are ways you call even a simple thing like Baba, so as not to give offence. But all these matter nothing to Obasanjo who, after his latest letter to a Head of state, has been going round all over the country either mouthing inanities, or laying wreaths, bad mouthing a President Buhari who is doing his damnedest to clear the 16- year Augean stable Obasanjo birthed, and nurtured, through the two weak and clueless successors he singly foisted on the country; through the most rigged election the world over as one of them self – confessed and during which period corruption in Nigeria became  systemic, and assumed, industrial scale.

    Reading the EFCC report on the whopping $16billion invested in the National Integrated Power Project (NIPP) is very fascinating, indeed. Arising from the fact that the investigation happened during the administration of one of two presidents he foisted on  the country, EFCC went to great lengths to show that Obasanjo knew nothing, whatever., about the huge expenditure. The report, if possible, would have said somebody else it was, who approved the contracts. But Baba loomed too large in  his administration to let that happen. Take this, for example: EFCC wrote: “After an in-depth investigation and rigorous check on all documents relating to these contracts, the payments made so far, and the contractors handling the project, it is impossible to draw a nexus between the former President, his relations or any front who benefited from the proceeds accruing from the contract payments.”

    Pray, why on earth was this necessary if there wasn’t a determined effort to cover up Obasanjo who, incidentally, established the anti corruption agency besides being the ‘giver’ of the sitting President? Why go to all this length and not let the courts conclude as the EFCC did? What does EFCC take Nigerians for, fools? While the small matter of the

    controversy which surrounded a mere N3.5 billion contract in which

    1. Schneider, an Austrian, petitioned the presidency and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EF-CC) and in which the name of Iyabo, the former president’s daughter featured prominently is on my mind, EFCC should please show Nigerians another report in which an individual has been so cleared ahead a judicial interrogation commences.

    Fortunately, however, clearing Obasanjo was a tall order, as the anti graft commission must explain the following portion of the report: “The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation (OAGF) COULD NOT ACCOUNT FOR THE WHEREABOUTS OF  $1 BILLION”.

    Now if Obasanjo is running round every nook and cranny of Nigeria, not only laying wreaths and ascribing killings to Buhari, but , ipso facto, criminalising him, doesn’t  he know that in pointing one finger at Buhari, four are pointing directly at him? Of course, we all know Obasanjo as consumate master of decoy, claiming, for instance, that  governors were the ones behind his 3rd term project, as if they were the ones hankering after life presidency. By the same logic he now demonizes Buhari for the unfortunate killings for which not even a sadist of a president can be happy, not to talk of instigating, Nigerians must now ask Obasanjo to account for, not 16B dollars about which he has asked Nigerians to head to libraries and bookstores to read his  magnum opus, but the little 1B dollars that has remained untraceable under his watch.

    This is the least he can do for us poor Nigerians out of the 11 Trillion SERAP says PDP burnt on electricity between 1999 – 2015.

    #OURMUMUEDONDO#’

     

  • Ekiti: As we inch towards 14 July

    House of War” is a chronicle of the bitter and bloody struggle for political power in Nigeria’s Second Republic, especially among the followers of the late sage,  Chief Obafemi Awolowo. It is the story of the schism in the Awo camp and how Awoists turned against one another in the great scramble for political office. The book exposes the politicians’ grand auction of principles and the political intrigues, double dealings, back stabbings, stealing of votes, arson and killings, that characterised the Second Republic, especially during the 1983 elections. It is a vital  book for those who have been following Nigeria’s new attempt to establish a worthwhile democracy since the end of military rule in 1999″.

    Written by Dare Babarinsa,  unarguably, one of Nigeria’s most resourceful media practitioners, HOUSE OF WAR is an unremitting catalogue of blood, tears, murder and mayhem – a catastrophe  that must, God willing, never be repeated  in the Southwest or anywhere in Nigeria, ever again.

    Anybody aged 50 years and above, in either  Ondo or Ekiti state would,  most probably, see the Ekiti governorship election scheduled for Saturday, 14 July 2018, with some foreboding. It was precisely that mindset  of fear that  made  Dare, the author, to call me as early as 7 am, on Sunday, 13 May, (the day immediately following  the rerun of the botched APC primaries at which Dr Kayode Fayemi emerged the APC candidate with his co -contestants congratulating him), to start pondering on how not to have a repeat of the 1983 cataclysm. Needless to say, I am generously mentioned in The House of War.

    While the essence of this article is to show that there should be no reason for a rehash of that ugly event, it is, more importantly, to plead with the real dramatis personae, Governor Ayodele Fayose and the Solid Minerals Minister, Dr Kayode Fayemi. Incidentally, I am close to both and they know why I am eminently qualified to play the role I have set my self in this piece.

    The first thing to know, which I am sure they know only too well but which their unnecessarily excited supporters may care little or nothing about, is the fact that Ekiti is one. We are a homogenous people and  therefore , all subscribe to the Omoluabi ethos. We obviously  need not do anything to warrant a recrudescence of our 1983 malady, not to talk of anything  near the Rivers state 2015 governorship festival  of  killings,  arson, decapitations  and burning of corpses . But  it takes only a spark , a rumour, a wrong word, or even a small misdemeanor to ignite a crisis of  unforeseen dimensions.

    I sound this warning because a lot is already on social media which can not help  matters going into the election. There is, for instance, the claim, by a vocal supporter of governor Fayose that the emergence of Dr Fayemi  equates to President Muhammadu Buhari  fighting Ashiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Yoruba land , a red herring, if anything at all.  . When I interjected to say  that Ashiwaju has not only endorsed Fayemi’s candidacy but has, indeed,  pleaded with his co -contestants,  as well as all APC members,  and supporters to rally round the candidate, he  remained ever obdurate , offering instead, to be Ashiwaju’s armour bearer, even where he hasn’t as much as ask him . This  is dangerous politics which must be stopped henceforth .

    Happily, on the other side, I have heard Dr Fayemi appeal to his supporters to treat everybody with  utmost decorum.. Governor Fayose may have to do the same.

    My advice then is that , rather than throw needless tantrums at  each other, the  two leading political  parties, in particular, should make their campaigns issue based; concentrating on what they would do to emancipate our people from poverty squalor and other debilities  as well as emphasise their developmental agenda.

    Given the circumstances, therefore, , what they can present as a guide to what they would do if elected , are the records of performance of the last two administrations in the state, that is, the performance chart of  then governor Kayode Fayemi and that of the sitting governor Ayo Fayose. These, I imagine, should be enough for the good people of Ekiti to, in their collective wisdom, make an informed choice. Fortunately, President Buhari has shown, beyond any shadow of doubt,  courtesy  past elections during his administration,  that he is neither President Obasanjo nor Jonathan, who would immerse himself in the outcome of any election. We are therefore guaranteed a free, fair and transparent election.

    Being quite  close to the APC candidate and the government he headed from 2010 – 2014, I know that none of Ekiti’s over 100 hamlets, villages, and  towns,  benefitted by less than 2, 3 or more projects from that government. I am equally aware that some  of the projects  currently being executed by the Fayose government include the Ado-Ekiti overhead bridge, the new Governor’s Office, a new High Court complex, and dualised roads among others. For Fayemi, there were roads, legacy projects, a re – engineered Ikogosi tourist centre as well as dead industries that were brought back to life, an example being the Ire Burnt Blocks industry.

    I would like to see the Professor  Eleka campaign do exactly what  Toyin  Akingbade, did on Ekitipanupo – the Ekiti intellectual web portal – this past week,  listing the projects the Fayemi administration accomplished in the Ikole Local Government Area, which he correctly says were mostly replicated in other Local Government Areas of the state. The PDP candidate would also be at liberty to include those projects, like building even toilets in schools where there used to be none, 5 kilometre or less roads, etc done by LGs as all these can only be  correctly chalked up to the incumbent government.

    I show below, the projects, as presented by Akingbade.

     

    FAYEMI’S ACHIEVEMENTS IN IKOLE

    LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA – 2010 – 2014.

    • Provision of compounding equipment for pharmacy department of state specialist hospital, Ikole Ekiti
    • Establishment of safe motherhood (ABIRO) center
    • Construction of incinerator at state specialist hospital
    • Construction of student examination hall at Ikole City College.
    • Construction of science laboratory and procurement of equipment at Ikole ,City College.
    • 23km Ikole/Ijesa Isu / Ilu Omoba Road
    • Renovation of Egbeoba high school Ikole
    • Renovation of AUD high school Ikole
    • Renovation of Holy Apostolic high school Ikole
    • Renovation of saint’s Mary Girls’ Grammar schoolIkole
    • Renovation of Ikole city college
    • Installation of 300kv transformer beside Nitel ,Ikole
    • Provision of land hand bore hole at LGA secretariat
    • Construction of toilet at Aloke primary school
    • Renovation of cold chain store pharmaceutical block and staff quarters Ikole
    • Construction of ICT center at Ologede
    • 0.529km Iloka/express road, Ikole
    • Construction of four (4)units lock-up

    shop, Olokonla,  Usin Ekiti

    • Renovation of three (3) blocks nurses

    block Ikole

    • Construction of 3 classrooms at All Saint’sprimary school  Ikole
    • Construction of 3 classrooms at Omodoke Nursery, and primary school Ona Ara
    • Construction of VIP Toilet at All saint’s primaryschool 1 Ikole
    • Construction of 4 classrooms at All saint’sprimary school, Oke Bola
    • Provision of 2 bore holes at Fatunla settlement, Ijesa Isu
    • Construction of 6 classroo ms at All saint’s primary school, Oke Bola
    • Renovation of state specialist hospital

    Ikole

    • Electrification Fatunla settlement , Ijesa Isu
    • 8km township road,  Ikole
    • Renovation of Ara community High school
    • Construction of VIP toilet at Our Saviour’sAfrican primary school, Ara
    • Construction of 6 classrooms(storey) at Our Saviour’s African primary school Ara
    • Construction of premier fence at Saint’s Stephenprimary school Ara
    • Renovation of Ayebode High School
    • Construction of science laboratory and computer room at Ayebode
    • 7.6km rural road with 3 culverts at Ayebode
    • Completion of palace at Ayebode
    • Renovation of Odundun High school Ayedun Ekiti
    • Renovation of comprehensive high school Ayedun Ekiti
    • Construction of toilet at Methodist Nursery andprimary school I and II Ayedun
    • Renovation of Odo Ayedun palace
    • 0.59km Imila road Odo Ayedun
    • 0.32km palace road Odo Ayedun
    • Extension of LT and HT electricity line

    andinstallation of 300kv 11/0.415kv substation atAyedun Ekiti

    • Construction of VIP toilet at Baptist primaryschool Odo Ayedun  Ekiti
    • Construction of premier fence at

    Methodistprimaryschool Ayedun Ekiti

    • Construction of 2 classrooms at saint’s Mark’sprimary school Ayedun Ekiti
    • 3.5km Odo-Ayedun -Ayebode-Gbodigbodifarmstead Road
    • 1.0km Odo-Ayedun -Aba Yisa farmstead road
    • Construction of classrooms and toilet at

    saint’sLuke Anglican primary school II Esun Ekiti

    • Installation of transformer at Esun Ekiti
    • 5.2km Esun Ita Oko farmstead Road
    • Blocks of classrooms at Igbona Ekiti.
    • Renovation of Igbona Ile community

    primaryschool

    • 10km road Ijesa /Ode road
    • Construction of 4 classrooms with office

    at IjesaIsu primary school

    • 0.375km Ilado/Aofin road Ijesa Isu
    • 0.520km Ilojo to Igede road Ijesa Isu
    • 0.280km Ilumoba/Ikoyi Ile road Ijesa Isu
    • Extension of LT and HT electricity line andconstruction of new 200KVA 11/0.415kvsubstation Ijesa Isu
    • Construction of police station Ijesa Isu
    • Construction of toilet at Hosannah primaryschool Ijesa Isu
    • Construction of toilet at Holy Trinity Primaryschool Ijesa Isu
    • Renovation of Ijesa Isu High school
    • Rehabilitation of 2 units faulty bore holes
    • 0.825km Township road at ikoyi Ekiti
    • Completion of basic health centre at Ikoyi

    Ekiti

    • Renovation of palace at Ikoyi Ekiti-Renovation of Elekole’s palace.-Renovation of Ara-Ekiti Community Hall.
    • Construction of basic health centre at

    Ikunri Ekiti

    • Construction of 3 classrooms at communityprimary school Ikunri Ekiti
    • Convertion of open stall to lock up shop at Ikunri Ekiti« Renovation of Irepodun High school, Ipao Ekiti
    • Construction of classrooms at community primary school, Ipao Ekiti.
    • Construction of toilet at Baptist primary schoolIpao Ekiti
    • Extension of electricity at Ilamo Ekiti
    • Construction of information centre at Ilamo Ekiti
    • Renovation of community High school Irele Ekiti
    • Establishment of gracing reserve at Irele

    Ekiti

    • Installation of transformer at Irele Ekiti
    • 11.64km Irele/ ponyan road
    • 300 m panyan bridge( longest bridge in Ekiti).
    • Construction of staff quarters at Baptist

    dayprimary school Irele Ekiti

    • Construction of toilet at saint’s peter

    primaryschool Isaba Ekiti

    • Provision of powered bore hole (New site Halluyah) Isaba Ekit
    • Construction of palm oil industry

    andprocurement of equipment at Isaba Ekiti

    • Renovation of community high school

    ItapajiEkiti« Construction of VIP

    toilet at community primaryschool II Itapaji

    Ekiti

    • Renovation of community high school

    Iyemero Ekiti

    • Construction of new market stall Iyemero Ekiti
    • Installation of transformer at Iyemero Ekiti
    • Electrification project at Iyemero Ekiti
    • Construction of 3block classrooms and toilet at Odo-Oro
    • Construction of Examination hall at Odo-Oro high school
    • Renovation of Odo-Oro high school
    • Installation of 300kv transformer at Odo Oro
    • Provision of toilet at community

    primary schoolOdo-Oro

    • 0.250km Odo-Oro market road
    • Establishment of a # 4m

    worth cassava cottage industry

    Odo-Oro

    • Construction of maternity centre

    Odo-Oro

    • Rehabilitation of township road and

    drainage atOke Ayedun

    • 5km road project Oke Ayedun
    • Construction of BSES

    booster station OkeAyedun

    • 2.5km Oke Ayedun- Igboroko farmstead road
    • Palace work Oke Ayedun« Electrification extension Oke Ayedun
    • 4km Ijasa road rehabilitation Oke Ayedun
    • Construction of toilet at central market OkeAyedun
    • Construction of  toilet at saint’s Luke Anglican primary school Oke Ayedun
    • Electrification of Oke Ako Ekiti
    • Renovation of Oke Ako high school
    • Provision of toilet at community primary schoolOke Ako
    • Construction of staff quarters at Oke Ako
    • Completion of community viewing centre Oke Ako
    • Installation of transformer at Ootunja Ekiti
    • Construction of basics health centre OotunjaEkiti
    • Construction of motorized bore hole Ootunja
    • Construction of toilet at Holy Apostolic

    primaryschool Ootunja

    • Construction of information centre at Ootunja
    • Construction of Doctors quarters Ootunja
    • Renovation of Orin Odo community high school
    • Construction of health centre including staffquarters Orin Odo
    • Construction of lock up shop Temidire
    • Installation of transformer and extension ofelectricity Temidire
    • 2 blocks of classrooms at AUD primary

    schoolTemidire

    • Construction of toilet at saint’s Paul’s Catholic primary

    school Ori Apata Usin

    • 0.325km road project at Ajibade street UsinEkiti
    • Openmarket stalls at Usin Ekiti« Construction of hand pump bore hole in all the 69 primary school in Ikole LGA.

    This information can be presented by both parties in multi media platforms for easy spread.

    Since governor Fayose’s government has a directorate of stomach infrastructure, Professor Eleka should also show the government’s programmes comparable to    Fayemi’s social safety net programmes like the  N5000 monthly stipend to 20,000 Ekiti elders, and the others, put at another 20,000 making a total of 40, 000, who were earning some money monthly during the Fayemi era.

    Finally,  there are the  two critical  issues of the state’s debt stock and payment of workers salaries  where both should  endeavour to  educate us. Given the considerable controversy surrounding the first, it should help each respective  campaign if it could publish from the records of the national Debt Management Office (DMO) which would show, not only the amounts, but the timelines  as to when the debts were accessed. This should clear all the cobwebs in the state’s public finance.

    Outstanding workers’ salsries has since become a national embarrassment. While it is obvious that Fayemi owed only Tue September, 2014 owing to no fault of his, it is believed that the sitting government owes no less than an average of 6 months. Given the present debt stock put at about N56B, it would no doubt help Professor Eleka and his campaign to let the electorate into how this came about.

    If the two  candidates would do this,  make the campaigns issue based and non rancorous, and candidates on the emerging new partied concentrated their campaign on what they have in store for us, Ekiti can effortlessly turn out the must emulate state in all future elections in Nigeria.

    In the name of God politicians should please spare us tears and blood. There must be life for Ekiti and its peoples after the election.

    Orile Ekiti a gbe a.

     

     

  • Ekiti: Yes, thunder can strike twice

    This article was first published, over two years ago, on 19 February, 2017, and, for full disclosure, to be republished today, it had to reach my editor’s table many hours before the conduct of last weekend’s rerun of the botched Ekiti APC primaries. This then means I haven’t the slightest means of knowing who will emerge the winner.

    Unfortunately, the suggestions I made in the article  towards averting the near disaster of Saturday, 5 May, 2018, remain what they were – mere suggestions. And this I must say, is for two main reasons. The first is  the indescribable weakness  of the APC national leadership under Chief John Oyegun, a leadership subsumed in a crass incompetence that, even now, still runs through it. Granted that,  driven by the grim determination  to oust the extremely corrupt and clueless Jonathan government, the new party couldn’t waste precious time crossing all the T’s and dotting the I’s, 3 solid years is more than enough time to have worked out the basis of a  relationship of mutual understanding amongst the various entities that bonded together to form the party.

    It is, however, absolutely  nauseating, if not puke inducing, that it is the nPDP, which has constituted the greatest  enemy to Buhari’s government, shackling it at every point,  but especially at the National Assembly where its leader, Saraki, ingenuously plotted the party’s demystification , from day one, that would now come out, sabre rattling, and giving ultimatum. Were I President Buhari, I would,  even at the expense  of losing the forthcoming election, tell them to just go do their very worst. Let them head back to their vomit, the  PDP, and let Nigerians decide as to whether they want their very lives stolen all over again. Or who does not know that Senate President Bukola Saraki and his colleagues, most of whose mouths he has deftly sealed with senate committee memberships, have since kissed APC good bye?  Lest the party permits itself to be conned by these very sly politicians, nothing it offers these garrulous self seekers would ever stop them from moving , en mass, out of APC.

    The other reason, equally unfortunate, is the increasing vacuity of non political leadership in Ekiti. In January, 2018, I addressed a mail to 3 eminent Ekiti sons, who will remain nameless here, asking them to please let us try  to moderate what is most likely to be a rancorous governorship election in 2018. This we were to do by, first expanding our number, and from there work out modalities to ensure we could , at least, have  a citizen’s input into the process. These gentlemen are hugely respected across board but the effort floundered on the ground that they are not politicians.

    I digress.

    Below then, is the slightly edited article.

    O yes, PDP can win in Ekiti again, and heavens will not fall. This, however, will not be because of anything Governor Ayo Fayose, the quintessential, practical Nigerian politician, does, or does not do, but principally because of the complete disharmony that now envelopes the Ekiti chapter of the APC with its current 26 but still growing, number of wannabe governors. Let me quickly say, though, that this piece does not contemplate a serious look at the forthcoming governorship election. That will come sooner than later, God willing. Rather, it should be seen as an essential input into efforts to properly reposition the party ahead of the election which will obviously not be a walkover, incumbency at the federal level, or not. It therefore seeks to encourage party members to ensure that  synergy returns to the party ahead of  the 2018 election. There is an  urgent need to  dissuade many of those indicating interest .  It is a mad house as it presently stands. The APC leadership must therefore move,  pro actively to see  that the  Ondo  crisis, is not allowed to repeat itself in Ekiti. It is sincerely hoped that APC is a serious enough party to know that the huge number is no indication of party popularity. Rather it demonstrates a putrefying  self interest.

    Ordinarily, the party should not have been in the current mess in Ekiti but for an unexpected misunderstanding which erupted shortly after the 2014 governorship election but which, happily,  appears to have since run its course. Had that not happened, the party should, by now, be at its strongest ever. Not unexpectedly, therefore, party activities was in the doldrums for quite some time. This situation continued until a measure of anxiety led some respected elders like former governor Bamidele Olumilua to step in to forge a rapprochement which was well received by the  traumatised party members, and supporters. But gubernatorial ambitions would appear to have returned matters to the status quo,  ante bellum.

    While most of these contestants are men of honour, in Ekiti, we sure know ourselves. Our people will, therefore, have no difficulty in identifying those who are mere place holders, just as they know the jokers among them who are hardly of any significance, even  back in their own home towns. They equally know those whose primary motive is to use the occasion to rake in money from friends, far and wide.  The question to ask, therefore, is why such persons would like to deliberately imperil the chances of the party in an important election like this.

    It is called enlightened self interest.

    To properly situate the huge joke going on in Ekiti APC right now, there are already 26 names of would – be contestants presently circulating in several  Ekiti WhatsApp groups with none of them denying it. One of Ekiti’s most poignant philosophical sayings is: Aan tan ra oni je, I rure,  meaning you can never profit from deceiving yourself. It is analogous to the farmer who planted 200 heaps of yam but claims he has a thousand heaps. He deceives only himself. There is no reason, whatever, to think that our people will be deceived, this time around.

    It is hoped that family members – parents, wives, even children, will critically examine the chances of their interested family member, and since two heads are better than one, appropriately counsel him/her as to wisdom, or otherwise of him contesting. At a recent social outing in Lagos, I ran into a friend who contested as the governorship candidate of a major party in the state, and indeed, performed  creditably well, but never mentioned a word of what he was getting himself into, to his wife until he has spent over N250 Million. Because these things do happen, relations of those involved in this show of shame in Ekiti should please truthfully advise them. This is a contest you do not get into in a flight of fancy.

    The most critical reason for this article is to draw the attention of the party leadership,  both at home  in the Southwest, and nationally, to what could, very well, be far worse than the Ondo conundrum. Writing to me from London this past week, Banji Ogungbemi, former Managing Director of the Republic of Benin National Oil Corporation, wrote: “Egbon, this motley crowd brought  memories of Lagos just before BAT chose RAF. I am still amazed at how the “me-too” succession chaos was managed without any collateral damage to the  party in Lagos. However, because of our unique Ekiti characteristic of obduracy, the APC risks real acrimony, and fragmentation, that may give the incumbent governor the  chance of installing his man”. This is why APC  must allow history be its guide. Many of  those indicating interest  are decampees from the PDP. While it is  true that politics is a game of numbers, it must not escape the party leadership that back in 2007, about 12 members of the AD, including some of  these present ones , left the party to join PDP directly after   they lost at the primary election. Many of them  subsequently rose  into prominence in the PDP, a party that is now aggressively going round the country, wooing its former members, among them, juggernauts like  former Vice Presidents, Alex Ekwueme , Atiku Abubakar and Senate President Bukola Saraki, not to mention several governors.  APC should, therefore, be extremely careful as the PDP will eagerly be awaiting their members defeated at the APC primaries .

    It must  also be remembered  that Ekiti politicians are uniquely obdurate, and fight to the death. Towards the 2011 elections, I served as a member of the national Screening Committee of the A C N, for Ekiti. Of all the constituencies, it was only in Gboyin, where Dr Wale Omirin, later Speaker, comes from, that they had a consensual arrangement. Every where else, because of our congenital  inability to agree on anything, virtually all towns presented contestants for every elective position, sometimes, 2 or 3 from the same town for the same position. The party must therefore not expect any gentlemanly agreement to reduce the number.

    As a first step,  the party should set up  a committee of solely, non-Ekiti members to weed the field. The committee must call for a comprehensive bio-data of every contestant, which a  sub committee of the state chapter, with the assistance of security agencies, must forensically ascertain, before they are forwarded to the national headquarters. Given the unwieldy field, APC must improve on PDP’s requirement of a minimum of two years unbroken membership, or a waiver, to qualify to contest elections. This must be increased to a minimum of 3 calendar years for new members because  it is a lot less painful to  be disqualified  early, when a  contestant has not spent much, or sold property, than to try  to appease  him after losing at the primaries.

  • It is time we storm this bastille

    For those who may not know, I did not start writing about the National Assembly, the senate in particular, only after Senator Bukola Saraki sold off his party’s victory in the 2015 legislative elections and bastardised every known democratic ethos by gifting  the  opposition PDP  that which rightly belongs  to the party  with the majority in the Red chamber, that is, the Senate Deputy Presidency. The article below, which will be the penultimate one of  the articles I promised in my column of Sunday, 22, April 2018, was first published, Sunday, June 12, 2011. It read as follows:

    In what will tantamount to a  contradiction of no mean  proportion, it is time Nigerians storm the National Assembly if its  members chose to continue  in their practice of  what Chief  Wole Olanipekun, former  NBA Chairman, recently. appropriately described as a ‘criminal dehydration of the country’s economy’. But first, a word about the original storming of the Bastille in Paris in 1789, and why it will be such a shame were the National Assembly to  let it happen here in Nigeria. The Storming of the Bastille occurred in Paris, 14 July 1789. The medieval prison, known as the Bastille, typified royal authority in the heart of Paris,  comparable to the National Assembly at Abuja. While the prison had only seven inmates at the time of its storming, its fall was the flashpoint of the French Revolution for which reason, Le quatorze juillet (14 July) is celebrated annually in France as a  public holiday.

    During the reign of Louis XVI, France faced  a major economic  crisis arising out of her  intervention in the American Revolution  but was exacerbated by a regressive system of taxation. On 5 May 1789, the Estates- General convened to deal with  the issue but was held back by archaic protocols of the Second Estate,  consisting of  the nobility which was only 2% of France’s population at the time. On 17 June 1789, the Third Estate, with its  representatives drawn from the middle class, or the bourgeoisie, reconstituted themselves as the National  Assembly; a body whose purpose was the creation of a French constitution. The king initially opposed it, but was forced to acknowledge  the authority of the assembly  which subsequently renamed itself the National Constituent  Assembly on 9 July. The storming of the Bastille and the subsequent Declaration of The Rights of Man was the third event of the opening stages of  the French revolution, the first being the revolt of the nobility, refusing to pay taxes, the second, the formation of the National Assembly and  third,  the Tennis Court Oath. The  crowd, on the authority of the Assembly, broke open the prisons of the Abbaye  to  release some grenadiers of the French guards who had been imprisoned for refusing to fire on the people. That event, which was instigated by the National Constituent Assembly, the equivalent of our gluttonous National  Assembly, gave mankind the now rhapsodized Storming Of

    The Bastile. Our  National Assembly members are, therefore, standing history on the head by their anti – people actions, rather  than being on the side of the hoi polloi.

    Nigerians must,  therefore, be seized of the following facts. They must know, exactly, what the National Assembly is doing to poor Nigerians who are pleading to be paid, timely, a meager N18, 000.00  for 30 days’ grueling work. When, during  the past week, the EFCC finally caught up with Dimeji Bankole, the erstwhile Speaker of the  House, Nigerians came to know that together with the House leadership, the House of Representatives has been borrowing, illegally, for  un-appropriated purposes. In their defence, we learnt that  the following new  allowances were approved  at an executive session on  March 30, 2010 : Speaker, N100m ,Deputy Speaker, N80m, House Leader, N60m,  Deputy House Leader, N57.5m, Chief Whip, N55m, Deputy Chief Whip, N54.5m, Minority  Leader, N54.5m, Minority Whip, N50m, Deputy Minority Leader, N50m Deputy Minority Whip, N50m’.

    For what job,  Nigerians should  ask?

    They also agreed payment of outstanding allowances dating back to 1999 – 2007, all from un-authorised funds .To  meet these unilaterally approved emoluments, since the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, knew nothing about them, the leadership of  the House resorted to borrowing. First it was a  N2.5billion loan from  the  National Assembly, then another NI.5 billion from the Senate  Committee on Appropriation, followed by N6 billion from  diverse sources; all by a body  well aware that nobody is authorized to spend unappropriated funds  and in spite of protests from the office of the Clerk of the National Assembly -impunity, if ever there was one.  The  Clerk’s negative reaction caught no ice with the House leadership which  further sourced the N6 billion loan all of which they decreed should be  included in the 2011 budget as if that was the norm in civilized climes.  Very  deliberately, this House of cards was luxuriating in illegality with their  eyes wide open just because they must live big. (In retrospect, this, incidentally,  is the same National Assembly now grandstanding, claiming it wants to impeach President Muhammadu Buhari for spending some money from the Excess Crude Account, as if any PDP President ever approached the National Assembly before dipping their itchy hands in the Excess Crude Account, withdrawing billions of dollars  most of which ended up being stolen)

    Much earlier, The NIGERIAN VILLAGE  SQUARE had commented on the huge salaries and allowances which  the  kleptomaniacs allocated to themselves . “Comparative analysis, it said, reveals the scale of the legislators’ unrealistic  earnings. While an Indian lawmaker earns $23,988 (N3.7m) , a Nigerian senator  earns about $1.2m (N182m)  and a  House  member, N127m per annum. Nigeria has a meagre per capita income of  $2,249 compared  to  America’s $46,350, yet that did not stop the Nigerian  legislator from earning more than his American counterpart.  A U.S congress man earns $174,000 per annum. But the last known Nigerian senator’s pay was N240m, while a House  member earned N203.8m.  These have since been revised upwards”. Continuing, the Nigerian Village Square observed further that “the  national minimum wage of N18,000, being rebuffed by many states for  no  fault of theirs but because of  an iniquitous revenue  sharing formula, is difficult to pay because our  Abuja fat cats must literally take everything”. The minimum wage, says the web site, represents  just 0.13 per cent of a senator‘s salary.  Using their old earnings as  the bench mark, a  minimum wage earner will need to work for at least  777 years to earn a senator‘s N182m annual pay. Further breakdown indicates  that a senator earns N498, 630. 137 a day, N20, 776.28 per hour and N346.270 per minute.  In other words, a senator’s daily pay is  twice the annual  pay of the minimum wage earner.  A senator’s hourly pay is also more than the monthly pay of the minimum. Similarly, minimum wage is just 0.18 per  cent of a member of the House of Representatives’ pay. A minimum wage earner  will need to work for at least 542 years to earn the N127m annual salary of a  member of the House of Representatives”, it concluded.

    And how many  Nigerians are we talking about?  469  out of 140 million. Nigerians have written and spoken more than enough on this  and it is time the people take the bull by the horns.  With PDP’s huge numerical superiority in the assembly but being mostly,  a booty-sharing rally of rent seekers, Nigerians would have to checkmate this  policy of ‘monkey dey work, baboon they chop’, by themselves. Concerned individuals must now call attention to this unbelievable aberration just like Chief Olanipekun has done, and stop it by whatever means possible. Students, market women, professionals, artisans and ordinary Nigerians  must spring up eternal, to draw needed  attention to this totally abhorrent behaviour. Failure to get any respite by  the legislators drastically reducing their  earnings,  Nigerians may have to call on the Nigerian Labour  Congress to take the lead on behalf of the people.

    We must chase them out.

     

  • This  8th National Assembly

    So much has happened in the National Assembly these past two weeks that you are again  reminded that had President Buhari  not invested unbelievable faith in the integrity of  politicians, thereby believing he could work with just about anybody since ‘he was for everybody’ and believed, rather naively though, that everybody was for him; has Senator Bukola Saraki, crushed up for hours in the smallest of cars on the National Assembly premises all in a determined effort to selfishly sell off his party’s victory to the opposition, and had the Oyegun –led NEC of APC  not played sissy, allowing a  man who should have been promptly expelled, ride roughshod over the party,  the storm in a tea cup presently consuming the national Assembly could never  have happened.  The National Assembly has proved completely rudderless. When its members are not disrespecting the judiciary, ‘tearing to pieces’ the decision of a court of competent jurisdiction which said it has no powers to suspend a member, thus denying his/her constituents representation in the national assembly  against the provisions of Nigerian constitution, they are sabre rattling, claiming they want to impeach the President.

    And why would they do that? They will because, taking advantage of a window of opportunity  from the U.S, the President, concerned and worried about the crippling insecurity in the country,  decided to quickly buy some helicopters which the Americans have flatly refused to sell to Nigeria in the past 5 or more years. To do that, the President had spent from the 1B U.S dollars which the council of state had supported to be withdrawn from the excess crude account to facilitate the army’s war against Boko Haram.  But our almighty lords, the kabiyesis of the National Assembly, would hear none of this having become, in every sense, a bastion of the PDP – no thanks to Senate President Bukola Saraki.

    Granted that it is the function of the National Assembly to appropriate expenses, a serious legislature, concerned with the state of  insecurity in the country, would only have  merely drawn the President’s attention to this lacuna and move on. But for them this otherwise simple matter  must  be given a life of its own since most APC members  are  now believed to be practically out of the party but lacking the decency, and the guts, to quit right away.

    These shenanigans naturally reminded me of a series of articles I did on these pages, a long time ago, predicting that rather than cooperate with the President Buhari government, the Saraki- led National Assembly is guaranteed to constitute the greatest albatross to the President’s efforts to fulfill his promises to Nigerians.

    I shall be publishing some of the articles commencing from today.

    The Saraki – APC Fiasco and its implications for Buhari’s anti-corruption war (First Published 18 June, 2015)

    A fiasco is defined as a humiliating failure; some effort that went quite wrong or a wine bottle in a straw jacket. For me this is precisely what the shebang at the National Assembly represents for the APC.  Truth be told, my initial reaction to Bukola Saraki emerging the Senate President was: Yes, if a Tambuwal, why not a Saraki? Nor was that a flight of fancy because I believe, and still do, that he was as qualified as any member to  be the Senate President considering his contribution to the emergence of the party. It should not be difficult to remember who heads the political camp to which Abubakar Kawu Baraje, who led the walk out from the PDP Abuja mini- congress on Saturday, August 31, 2013 belongs, nor the fact that Senator Saraki brought a whole state with him into the party.  However, all these thoughts were shredded when it became known that out of desperation, he allegedly permitted his coronation to be, not only instigated, but funded,  by  a gang of  PDP  treasury looters and their cousins, the oil subsidy rogues, all of who are eager to hamstring the anti-corruption war President Buhari promised Nigerians so they can again escape justice through the  machinations of the  now totally rudderless Efcc.  They have since been on a celebration binge. It is galling, if not puke-inducing,  that in his political alchemy, Saraki thought nothing of selling his party cheap by accommodating Ike Ekweremadu, a PDP senator, as Deputy Senate President.

    The Saraki shenanigan becomes more nauseating the more we come to learn of the horrendous corruption of the Jonathan administration. For instance, President Buhari is expected to meet the leading global watchdog on corruption, the Oslo-based, Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI),  very soon to see how billions of dollars in the Nigerian oil revenue leakage can be curbed. According to Zainab Ahmed, the Executive Secretary of its Nigerian arm, over $7.5 billion is yet to be recovered from oil and gas companies since 1999, while the agency’s audits show that  $11.6 billion of dividends between 1999 and 2012 from the Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) company were not remitted by the NNPC whose oil swap deals have been discovered to be more of scams.

    And that is only in the oil sector.

    As you read this, millions of Nigerian workers, in at least 23 of Nigeria’s 36 states, have not been paid their salaries for over six months. It therefore becomes extremely agonising that Bukola Saraki, a leading light of a party elected almost solely on its promise to fight corruption could, out of overaching ambition, go into an unholy alliance with these mandarins of corruption. Nigerians must now brace up for all manner of opposition from the National Assembly to the Buhari government’s efforts to kill corruption  a demonstration of which we may soon see during the President’s attempt to re-energise Efcc. Saraki, of course, knows that something must give but if he thinks he would succeed in thwarting the hopes of Nigerians,  then I have news for him. It’s even nice that he showed his hands, and what manner of National Assembly  he intends to lead, early.

    In the article: ‘It Is Time We Storm This Bastille’, (Sunday,12th June, 2011), I wrote as follows on then immediate past Bankole-led House of Representatives: “When in the past week the EFCC finally caught up with the erstwhile Speaker of the House, Nigerians came to know that the Speaker, together  with the House leadership, had been borrowing illegally for un-appropriated purposes. In their defence we came to learn that the following new  allowances were approved  at an executive session on March 30, 2010 : Speaker N100m, Deputy Speaker N80m, House Leader N60m, Deputy House Leader N57.5m, Chief Whip N55m, Deputy Chief Whip N54.5m, Minority Leader  N54.5m, Minority Whip N50m, Deputy Minority Leader N50m, Deputy Minority Whip N50m’.  For what job you would you say!  They also agreed payment of outstanding allowances dating way back to 1999 – 2007; all from un-authorised funds.”

    Not only  are these allowances probably much higher today, with Saraki as Senate President, President Buhari is guaranteed a monstrous fight to reduce this highest pay to political representatives anywhere in the world, Britain and the U .S inclusive. I then concluded by saying that we, the people, must storm the National Assembly and chase them back to their villages or to gaol. Already, even before the ink on the signatures of members  of the 8th Assembly could dry, they are  now expecting alerts from their banks announcing their respective share of a humongous N8.4 Billion ward robe allowance as if they have been going naked all their lives.

    How unconscionable can they get?

    No wonder a highly perceptive Dr DAVID KURANGA has suggested that “ if President Buhari  is going to have any success in unravelling the complex and heavily entrenched corrupt interests in Nigeria, he is going to have to successfully tackle and overcome far more difficult opponents than the Saraki allies who just bested his party in the National Assembly”. This is very true because their ambition to eat Nigeria raw is collective and party blind.  Therefore, for President Buhari to succeed, and for Nigerians to be free from these predators – the Deputy House Speaker, Lasun Yusuff, is already quoted as defending their utterly callous N150 Billion budget in a dying economy – Kuranga concludes that President Buhari, and of course, the party, should treat the senate leadership as a political insurgency until they surrender and resign from their positions and that Nigerians just must say no to a political class riding roughshod on their well-being.

    Otherwise, it will be a promise of change deferred.

  • The week that was

    Two things happened this past week, indeed, within 24 hours of each other that very much gladdened my heart. These are, President Muhammadu Buhari’s appointment of irrepressible Festus Keyamo SAN, as his campaign’s chief spokesperson, by accepting which Keyamo demonstrated that despite the gloom and doom being deliberately celebrated  on social media by a colony of wailers, many there still are out there, who appreciate President Buhari’s  determined effort to rid this country of its putrid past of the PDP years,  and to pull it out of the hole of debauchery to which their unprecedented looting  landed it..

    In reacting to his appointment, Keyamo   said:  “I wholeheartedly and proudly accept the challenge to do this for the good of my country and for posterity. For in President Buhari I have found an approximation of the lofty values I cherish and have fought for all my life.

    “In the past two and half decades, I have been under intense public scrutiny while engaging successive governments (military and civilian) in the most critical way possible. ”The public has also watched me grow steadily all the way from that young, restless lawyer to the exalted position of a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). In the process of my restless and relentless engagements of the authorities, I have been hounded, arrested, detained, paraded like a criminal, charged and discharged from courts severally, but I have remained unbowed.

    Continuing, he said the ultimate aim of every struggle is not really to enthrone a perfect, flawless system. “Only the starry-eyed, younger ones think such is possible. That is Utopia. Rather, the ultimate aim of the struggle is to enthrone a government (yes, even with the normal human flaws) that is focused, determined and fiercely opposed to the unscrupulous wheeler-dealers in the society, committed to protecting the interests of the downtrodden, the weak and the vulnerable. One of the obvious ways to ensure a better society  is to ensure that what belongs to all is not cornered by a few; and if they do so, to ensure that they are made to account and be brought to justice. I can boldly say,” he went on,” that no government in the history of Nigeria has recovered so much looted funds as that of President Muhammadu Buhari. The fact that the Buhari regime has clearly chosen this path in protecting the masses is one of the many reasons why I am proud and bold about my support for the re-election bid of President Muhammadu Buhari.

    “And in doing this, I take a cue from my revered late boss, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, SAN who mentored me. Throughout his career, he consistently and fiercely engaged every government in Nigeria and suffered as a result. The only government he supported fully was that led by General Muhammdu Buhari in 1984 – 1985; and that was to the chagrin of some of his professional colleagues and fellow “radicals”. However, he saw what they did not see at that time, because when that government was overthrown by General Babangida, what followed was the worst era in our history in terms of institutionalising corruption and political chicanery in Nigeria.”

    Fracas in the Senate

    In a Facebook post during the past week, Barrister Babatunde Ogala, former member. Lagos State House of Assembly, wrote as follows on the above:

    “…it is a highly condemnable act of brigandage and assault not just on the legislature but the constitution. It is sheer anarchy.  But in so saying, one must note that the Senate set the stage for the madness and anarchy with its suspension of Senator Omo-Agege in flagrant disregard of the Senate Rules and the Orders of Court. And why do I say so? The rules of the Senate has expressly provided that once a matter is pending before a court of law, the Senate shall not deliberate on same or do any act that may interfere with the proceedings of the court.

    Senator Omo-Agege had gone to court and obtained an order of Court to restrain the Senate and its Committee on Ethics and Privileges from taking further steps on the investigations of his conduct pending the determination of the suit.

    Despite receiving the Order of Court, the Senate at plenary rather than stay action proceeded to condemn the order of Court and abuse the judge who granted the order. It even had the temerity to adopt a motion to write and indeed wrote to the Chief Justice of Nigeria threatening and asking him to call judges to order.

    As if that was not enough, went ahead to invite the senator who at the committee sitting, declined to speak, reminding  the committee of the order of Court and  the Senate rule that prohibits it from deliberating on a matter that’s lis pendis.

    Before the instant case, he went on, the Federal High Court had ruled in the Senator Ali Ndume v NASS  case that the Senate or any legislative house  had no constitutional powers to suspend an elected  member holding  that it is unlawful, unconstitutional, null and void.  In spite of all these, the Senate still went ahead to suspend the senator.

    Concluding, he said, “while I condemn the desecration of the hallowed chambers I hold the Senate fully responsible for laying the foundation for this anarchy.

    Reacting to the above, I wrote: “This ‘PDP’ controlled chamber of sorts, with elected majority APC but sold out to PDP, from what the learned Hrm Babatunde Ogala wrote here, is simply lawless.

    Even if the executive could be caught disobeying court judgment, which is wrong, it is completely unthinkable for a law making institution to be caught behaving so irrationally, arrogating powers of the court to itself and harassing the judiciary. All these point to the character and leadership of the entire 8th assembly and what happened has been long in coming. I have actually severally written that the self serving red chamber, not the green, should have been long sacked in what I called Storming the Bastille. 

    This senate is obviously a caricature of what a senate should be with all members forsaking law making and following its president sheepishly to court where he was being tried on criminal charges and committing several other illegalities like unconstitutionally suspending members thereby denying a large number of citizens due representation.

    This 8th senate shall surely pass into history, dubious history”

    Beginning with Saraki’s dubiety in selling his party’s victory in the legislative elections of 1915 to the opposition PDP which he singlehandedly gifted the deputy presidency, (a party just coming out of liyerally completely ruining the country)  n service of self, Saraki opened a chapter of uneasy relationship with the executive as he acted like he was above both the party and the government it formed at the centre. That was how he introduced instability into the entire government and since then the national assembly, especially the Senate, has become a centre of unmitigated opposition to the President Buhari’s government.

    The latest of this rable rousing is its totally unnecessary attempt at interfering with, and infringing on, the independence of the INEC, by altering the sequence of elections, an attempt to which the president refused his accent.

    Senator Omo Agege’s sin is verbalising the only too obvious truism that the proposed law is targeted at the president, a fact which only a fool will not easily know. This is the casus belli for its latest trauma and  unless the senate treads the path of civility, maturity and democracy, this will be only the beginning of its problems with the millions of Nigerians who know that Buhari’s means well for this country.

  • The story of Georgia 2

    This article, first published 2 December 2012 but now edited, here and there, looks to me, reminiscent of why some our otherwise resected generals have become restless since President Muhammad Buhari said some oil blocks are not  renewable. Could they be thinking this is a pointer to a new Buhari at  his second coming? Panic button!

    Then in 2012, I wrote: President Goodluck Jonathan did not introduce virulent corruption  to Nigeria . Nor did Babangida, whatever he might have done to socialise it. That honour should rightly belong to the late Major-General Yar’ Adua who, from his Katsina redoubt, corrupted the political process by sending huge sums of money to all constituencies in Nigeria as logistic  support towards his presidential ambition in the early ‘90’s.

    In the Awo days, nothing made an Action Group member, more proud than showing his party monthly contribution card. At that point in Nigerian history, members truly owned their political parties.

    What is true today, however, is that under the current Jonathan presidency, corruption has multiplied a hundred fold largely because of his audacity in defying PDP’s zoning policy in 2011 and the concomitant necessity to outspend the Atiku campaign which, in itself, was by no means cheap. That humongous funding would come mostly from sources known and unknown, and the misguided attempt to remove oil subsidy in January this year was intended to allow those who funded it, recoup their ‘investment’, via fictitious oil subsidy claims which ran into trillions. This contributed, in no small measure, to what a recent PUNCH investigation showed as a total of N5 Trillion in stolen funds under the Jonathan government, but which former CBN governor, Professor Charles Soludo, later put at N30 Trillion in Jonathan’s six years.

    The above notwithstanding, I am positive that President Goodluck Jonathan can still translate to a statesman, even, Father of the nation, if he would now go after the rogues, big and small. And he will not be re-inventing the wheel. Rather, he is being called upon to emulate his onetime GEORGIAN counterpart,  Mikhail Saakashvili,  in what has become known worldwide as: The History of Georgia. The Georgian miracle still holds so much lesson for Nigeria today, and can see President Muhammadu Buhari turn a Saakasvilli in his second term. I have a strong feeling some retired generals already see this possibility and are afraid.

    After the demise of the USSR, Georgia was not only one of the most corrupt of the former-Soviet republics, it was one of the most corrupt countries in the entire world. Bribe-to-drive was the norm; police stopped cars at least twice an hour to extort money. The then Interior Minister infamously quipped: “Give me petrol only;  my people will take care of their own salaries. “Being a traffic cop was so lucrative that you had to pay a bribe of between $2,000 and $20,000 to get the job in the first place. Graft was endemic. Georgians passed more envelopes to bent officials than the post office does letters. Meanwhile the economy crumbled and the state was left bankrupt and powerless.

    The election of Mikhail Saakashvili changed everything. A bold reformer, he was swept to power in the “Rose Revolution” at the end of 2003 by the overwhelming desire for radical change (a similar change the corrupt, a compromised judiciary and a ‘sold’ legislature, do not want to see Buhari achieve through the Sagay committee which they frustrate at every turn).

    Sakaasvilli’s closely-knit team was unified by a common vision and supported by both the parliament and the judiciary, a rarity in Nigeria. The new government was not just radical – it shocked and awed.  Ministers, oligarchs and officials were sacked or arrested. Those who resisted were dealt with decisively, sometimes brutally. The state confiscated $1bn worth of property – in Nigeria it will be over 1trillion dollars. Custom officials bore collective responsibility; an entire shift would be punished if one officer was caught accepting bribe. Corrupt university professors were kicked out with a lifetime ban from academia. But the ‘piece de la resistance’ was Saakashvili’s order to sack the entire 16,000-strong police force on a single day and to replace them with some of the best and brightest university graduates. Today, Georgia ranks alongside Finland as having the least corrupt police force in the world.

    The campaign expanded irresistibly. Tax offices were equipped with CCTV; university examination papers were printed in the UK and held in bank vaults until needed; and officials were constantly tested in sting operations, like the one we saw against some judges in Nigeria. The proactive assault on graft was accompanied by a Public Relations campaign to undermine respect for criminal groups and introduce respect for the law. The campaign then turned to the sectors.

    First up was the power sector that was widely used as a cash cow. In less than a year, Georgia went from net importer to exporter of electricity and the sector became the target of long-term foreign investment.

    Tax collection followed. Georgia’s tax base consisted of just 80,000 companies in 2003 and tax collection was a mere 12% of GDP. Saakashvili slashed red tape and introduced flat personal and corporate taxes. Eight years later over 250,000 companies are on the register, and pay the equivalent of 25% of GDP. Georgia now boasts one of the most liberal tax regimes in the world, at par with the Gulf States and Hong Kong.

    Lastly came deregulation, with many rules and agencies simply abolished, removing channels of corruption in the process.

    Georgia moved swiftly from the bottom of the World Bank’s Doing Business ranking (112) into the top 20 (16) by 2012. Foreign investment followed and fuelled a multi-year surge.  But perhaps, the most lucrative Georgian export would be the fight against corruption itself – from which many states mired in graft could benefit – the reason it’s being recommended here. The Georgians patented a process whose steps are replicable: establish early reform credibility by radical action, launch a frontal assault which knows no sacred cows, attract new blood, limit the role of the state via privatisation and deregulation, use technology and communication to maximum effect, and above all, be bold and purposeful.

    Without a doubt, time has come for Nigeria to embrace the spirit and letter of such radical reformation to avoid the needless, prevalent and sickening corruption and the resultant insecurity and bloodshed that now pervade our national life. I am not that naïve not to know that corruption, which has become systemic in Nigeria, and with strong acolytes like the judiciary, especially the senior bar and some judges, will fight back ferociously. So did corruption in Singapore when Lee Kuan Yew, and a group of Singaporean leaders frontally confronted corruption in its most virulent form and transformed a poor, multi-racial city state into an astonishingly successful and corruption-free nation.  What is essential  is for  President Jonathan to know that he occupies  the hottest part of the Nigerian kitchen. He must wake up and be counted.  He could also kill off the dreaded Boko Haram with a successful crackdown on corruption. He needs to do this if he would like to see his name on the positive side of history.

    The above is the 2012 article which I would like to recommend to President Buhari at his second coming about which some of  our compromised retired generals are already afraid and  already deploying a pinzer attack,  to ensure does not happen but sure will, as the Lord liveth. I won’t blame them  though for who in old age, would love to see his eye popping, Arabian – style hilltop mansions, aside huge assets located worldwide, forfeited to Nigerians who truly own them.

    Of a truth, the fear of a Buhari second coming has become the beginning of wisdom.

     

  • A grandstanding ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo

    The letter below, from Chief Deji Fasuan MON, JP, Asiwaju of Afao –Ekiti, retired Permanent Secretary, and at different times General Manager of both the Western Region Investment Credit Corporation (IICC), and the Ondo State Investment Corporation, and a former member of the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, is the leitmotif for this article at a time when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s one-upmanship has again reached its crescendo. The two-term Nigerian Head of State has been grandstanding  of late describing, in lurid terms,  the sitting president, just as he has done to everybody who ever held that position besides himself.

    Many have tried severally to posit that it does not lie in Obasanjo’s place to continuously trash a sitting President since he has access and has, indeed, been justifiably described as the greatest pilgrim to Buhari’s Aso Villa until recently, but that is when you hear some people asking you to mind the message and not the messenger. Of course, I do not share such sentiments since my position is that deeds, rather than talk, which is cheap, should be the determining factor, being much more indicative of who really the preacher is.

    In justification of my views, I present below a sample of Obasanjo’s performance in office using election rigging, which was archetypical, of everything he did in office and because a decent late President Yar Adua could self-confess the rigging of his own election, the 2007 presidential election is preferred for analysis. Without a single word of mine, I present below, a report of that election as captured byWikipedia, the free encyclopedia directly after Chief Fasuan’s letter.

    Happy reading.

     

    Dear Femi,

    I have a grouse against the print media about sidelining, ignoring, downplaying, or turning a blind eye to events of monumental dimensions in our country. I must confess that in very recent times, perhaps in the last one year or so, there seems to have been a major conspiracy among most Nigerian news papers against the current realities in Nigeria, a concept that includes the Buhari Administration. The only exception perhaps is The Nation paper which is, even at best, half hearted in reaching honest conclusions or appropriating faults where they are due.

    For me the recent confession by Senator Mantu has no comparison in recent years. It is the open admission of a collective, and individual, wrong doing by a political party for more than 16 years. Mantu was unequivocal, and without mincing words, as he reeled out the atrocities that Nigerian politicians have wrought on this unfortunate nation in the past many years. As if you and I don’t know, Mantu posted that election manipulation does not consist only in changing figures at polling booths. But he confessed to Nigerians that the process usually starts with bribing, yes bribing everybody connected, even remotely with an election. The list includes messengers, all security outfits – that is, the police, the army, the SSS, Civil Defence etc. It also includes, tragically, every cadre of INEC.

    Together, all of these officials are made, by reason of bribes, to perform their statutory functions in favour of one party to the detriment of all the others. The interviewer was astonished, and asked: “Does that include you”? To which he blatantly said: “Yes, including me”.

    Now if that is not a confession of the century, what is?

    Mantu, the survivalist, any government in power politician, has been in one post or the other, probably longer than any living Nigerian. What he told the world on live television should engage the attention of the media, especially the print media. Only The Nation referred to it but tucked it in a corner, not giving it the prominence it deserved.

    Even your Sunday Column, surprisingly, did not find it important enough to mention it.

    I read somewhere during the week that Mantu should be charged with election rigging. Is that the essence of his confession, or a call to all Nigerians that this country is sick, sick to the marrow? And that an active participant now has the guts to say it?

    Femi I thought you are one of the bright spots in our dark horizon. Am I right?

     

     Nigerian general election, 2007

     

     Reactions

    “Ikimi and Amusu, the representatives of the AC and the ANPP at the INEC Collation Centre in Abuja, denounced the results announced by the INEC Chairman. According to Ikimi, “In states like Edo, Enugu, Ebonyi, Imo, Akwa Ibom etc., we know that the elections did not start even as late as 5 pm. The results collated showed that over 80 percent of the votes being counted were in favour of the PDP and they are totally flawed. In most of the states, only the Resident Electoral Commissioners and the PDP agents signed the results. We have been here since yesterday (Sunday) to observe this collation and we only collated eleven states and the INEC Chairman just rushed down to declare the results and declare Umoru Yar’Adua as the winner.” Said Ikimi: “The result sheets we viewed so far was not signed by any of our agents at the state level. They were only signed by Resident Electoral Commissioners and only the PDP agents.” Also, Admiral Lanre Amusu who represented the ANPP at the INEC collation centre concurred what Chief Tom Ikimi said. “I am in total agreement with what Chief Ikimi has just said. Only results from 13 states and they were collated and signed by the Resident Electoral Commissioners in the states and the PDP agents. Our agents did not sign these results.”]The national Chairman of the Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA), Chief Olu Falae, with leaders of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the Action Congress (AC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), National Advance Party (NAP) and the National Democratic Party (NDP), has called for the setting up of an Interim National Government to conduct credible elections in the country. Falae explained that the country needed an ING to guard against the emergence of the military on the political scene. The Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation claimed that the INEC deliberately left 70 percent of the ballot papers in a warehouse in Johannesburg, South Africa. They claimed that the contractors could have freighted the entire 200-ton consignment into the country three days before the election (Thursday) but the INEC told them to bring only 30 percent of the ballot papers.[31]

    Nigeria’s Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka said the West should deny entry visas to election commissioner Maurice Iwu for his “complicity in the fraudulent elections.” He said he has heard of the financial prudence and moral uprightness of Yar’Adua. “I wish he [Yar’Adua] would carry his decency even further by publicly renouncing this poisoned chalice to say: ‘I’m not a receiver of stolen goods’.” [32]

    Observers

    Following the presidential election, groups monitoring the election gave it a dismal assessment. Chief European Union observer Max van den Berg reported that the handling of the polls had “fallen far short” of basic international standards, and that “the process cannot be considered to be credible”,[33] citing “poor election organisation, lack of transparency, significant evidence of fraud, voter disenfranchisement, violence and bias.”[27] They described the election as “the worst they had ever seen anywhere in the world”, with “rampant vote rigging, violence, theft of ballot boxes and intimidation”.[2] One group of observers said that at one polling station in Yenagoa, in the oil-rich south, where 500 people were registered to vote, more than 2,000 votes were counted.[24]

    Felix Alaba Job, head of the Catholic Bishops Conference, cited massive fraud and disorganisation, including result sheets being passed around to politicians who simply filled in numbers as they chose while bribed returning electoral officers looked away.[34]

    International reaction

    A spokesman for the United States Department of State said it was “deeply troubled” by election polls, calling them “flawed”, and said it hoped the political parties would resolve any differences over the election through peaceful, constitutional means.[25]

    “Nigeria has once again failed to rise to the occasion…. Size isn’t enough…. It is a failed giant,” said prominent Ghanaian economist Nii Moi Thompson. He compared its elections to those of Liberia in 2005, saying, “Even Liberia, which is coming out of war, had more credible elections than Nigeria.”[35]

    “There is the saying: ‘How goes Nigeria, so goes the rest of Africa’. To have this widespread abuse of the democratic initiative certainly doesn’t do Africa any good,” said Scott Baker, a professor at Champlain College in the US city of Burlington, Vermont. “How can Nigeria sit at the meetings of the African Union African Peer Review Mechanism or ECOWAS and talk about other people’s elections?” he asked

    In conclusion, would Obasanjo still be this assuming a messiahship in a decent country driven by democratic ethos?

    It’s time for an ELECTION MALPRACTICES TRIBUNAL.

  • Going back to the archives: Neither grazing reserves nor ranches in the south

    Beyond Danjuma’s Taraba, Benue and Plateau, is there anywhere else that is not feeling the pangs of Hausa/Fulani/Kanuri elite destruction? I call their abode the Core-North which is not interested in catching up with anybody. Its interest is in dragging everyone else to where it is – on ground zero. It sees beauty in the millions of untrained children milling its streets, maiming and killing for their sport. Northern Nigeria is the death of Nigeria and its destiny – we better be ready for the obsequies, the funeral rites” – Lasisi Lagunju in: ‘Danjuma: Ugliness is the beauty of Northern Nigeria’.

    Like to hear it or not, the north has become a land of anguish, spewing nothing but sorrow, blood and tears. It oozes nothing but tension and sadness – the very consequences of centuries of feudalism.

    Just imagine today how many of the criticisms being levelled against President Muhammadu Buhari like hunger, and insecurity, would have had no basis if he had even just a quarter of what is being spent fighting Boko Haram today to devote to the care of our millions of IDPs, or as additional funds for the government’s social security programme. Just imagine a northern Nigeria that,  like Awo and Zik, provided  quality mass education for its people, rather than the almajeri system which turned future doctors, pharmacists, lawyers, professors in various fields  to worse than hewers of  wood and drawers of water, all for the comfort of their stinking rich. Would Nigeria be grappling today with over 10,000 out of school children or have a ready source of recruitment for the infernal Boko Haram? Imagine then, the cheer irony of the Northern Elders Forum telling us they want to give Nigeria a president when every segment of the northern elite, its intellectuals, in particular, should be ashamed of its inability to effect any meaningful change in a society like theirs.

    And make no mistake about it, I am a friend of the north, as well as an unapologetic Buharist. Long before he became the APC presidential candidate at the primaries in 2015, I wrote on these pages that Nigeria needed him more than he needed Nigeria. And my likeness for the north did not start today or why else would Ahmadu Bello University had been my first choice in ’68, even if, for some reasons, I had to leave for Ife after a week? I still have some of my Congo campus friends, and a certain Dr Muth was the Dean of my Faculty of Public Administration. So this is no put down, by whatever name. Rather, it is telling it as it is. For many of us the north has, unfortunately, become a source of great agony, and to imagine it has not always been like this.

    Something just has to change, therefore.

    And it must start with finding a permanent, and durable solution to the Fulani herdsmen’s killings which, if unresolved can completely destroy Nigeria as we know it – that a normally taciturn Gen T. Y Danjuma could say all he did this past week should be proof positive of that, for here is a man who has always warned that no country can survive two civil wars. Also, the north must not make President Buhari, a patriot, and a good man of impeccable integrity, look ugly. They must not mess up Muhammadu Buhari in the annals of history for he means well for this country.

    He needs the help of every Fulani leader to immediately kill off this misbegotten belief that open grazing, which has been principally responsible for several mass burials in North-central Nigeria, is not only a Fulani culture, but their hobby. Culture is dynamic, and open grazing is archaic. It has been the burial ground of too many innocent souls, right on their own God-given soil – one on which uncountable generations had lived and luxuriated before this mortal debacle of a Fulani herdsman. That done, the president and his security chiefs would have to do the rest lest he goes down in history as choosing ethnic solidarity over Nigeria.

    I now proceed to list the way forward.

    In my article of the above title, published in The Nation of 26 May, 2016, I quoted extensively from a report by the Chinua Achebe Centre for Leadership and Development (CACLD). I seek, hereby, to bring key areas of that report, specifically to the president’s attention. Titled: ‘Fulani Herdsmen Killings; Modus Operandi, Those Involved & Possible Solutions.’ It is a very damning report. The research, which predated General Danjuma’s speech, found that:

    1. For a long time Fulani herdsmen terrorists have operated under a predictable pattern of reconnaissance, attack and withdrawal, leading to several deaths and that the group is rated as the fourth most dangerous terrorist group according to the Global Terrorism Index 2015 Report.
    2. They are mostly non-Nigerians, living in the Hausa Fulani communities in Ama-Hausa and Garki’s in the Southeast, South-south and various other parts of Nigeria. They are employees of Fulani cattle owners, themselves, high Fulani political, military and business leaders, who recruit them from places like Chad, Niger etc adding that, rather than invest in ranches they opt for this cheaper alternative.

    3            Their primary duty, it also found, is to kill, protecting cattle.

    4            Lastly, there is a group of Fulani herdsmen who rear cattle from the north to the south but who only carry arrows and machetes to help them navigate the bushes on their way down to the South. .

    Fulani Herdsmen Attack.

    According to the report, in case of a disagreement with host communities, or farmers, they will locate the nearest Fulani settlement and, through them get to the Fulani Nigerian cattle managers who will inform the big owners. If an attack is sanctioned, top Fulanis in the military and police are notified and necessary logistics provided.  Confirming General Danjuma’s fears, the report says that: “Fulanis at the higher levels of the military and the police will then ensure that all commands under them stand down which, according to it, is why you never hear of arrests being made, no matter how many hundreds of them attacked or whatever the number of persons killed or villages burnt.”

    Solution

    The following solutions were suggested by the report:

    Ban open grazing, and establish ranches in the north. Let the cattle owners import grass from the south. This very simple solution, the report suggests, could generate about one million jobs in the south and not less than 500,000 in the north.

    That way, Fulani herdsmen’s terror will be history.

    What this report is saying is that herdsmen’s killings are meticulously planned by various segments of the Fulani nationality, including some of their members in the Nigerian security services. Unless the Fulani gives another narrative, which is credible, then President Buhari can no longer plead ignorance of this ‘industry of killings’, or have the good conscience to ask those being serially killed to cooperate with their killers. The following are suggested as the way forward. To show that the president is not a prisoner to ethnic affiliations, he must immediately rejig his security council. I personally salute his initial, overarching concern for regime security, and survival because, as they say, once beaten, twice shy. Those professional coupists who detained him for so long are not only alive and kicking, they still hold clandestine meetings. But the time has now come to have a new, truly national security architecture with a considerable number of non-northern heads of security agencies.

    Border policing should now be key and officers and men posted to this duty must reflect a national composition which should be enough to guarantee that things, especially vetting, are properly done. Government should stop, or reduce to the barest minimum, illegal entry into the country through our extremely porous borders. As things stand today, elements of the deadly ISIS WEST AFRICA, working in cahoots with Boko Haram, can very easily breach our borders and over run parts of the country. It is actually suspected that is already happening with the incessant killings some of which have included some of our hard working security people as victims.

    These killings have wreaked so much havoc in all parts of the country, and on the psyche of Nigerians, that the president must now think of creative ways to stop the importation of these deadly fellows from neighbouring countries. This could be through a carrot and stick approach. For instance, government can go out of its way to guarantee long-term loans for the establishment of ranches but in no circumstance must it fund the establishment of ranches for private business.

    A stitch in time can still save nine.

     

  • Release of Dapchi girls: The Innuendos and the Shibboleths

    I have been complaining that this government has no strategic security plan.  I have said it before the tenure of former President Goodluck Jonathan ended that there must be a total overhaul of the security apparatus. He thought the whole thing was a joke. He wanted to do that of the military and I told him I wanted a total security reform. I told him one-on-on e. I wanted Jonathan to do the reform because of this Boko Haram issue. I wanted him to lay a foundation for Buhari for him to build on. But what he did was to appoint a committee and put inappropriate people in that committee to do a report. I am not sure anything has happened to that report till today. I have not read the report, but I know that many people in that committee do not have the expertise and knowledge to be on that committee. What we need now is a total security umbrella” – Major -Gen. Ishola Williams.

    Not for anything in the world should the Buhari government have allowed thunder to strike a second time with the seizure of those young, innocent Dapchi girls. Having said that, let me quickly add that for Information Minister Lai Mohammed to be believed  when he says government did not pay any  ransom to have those kids returned to the comfort of their homes, he must first tell us how the government he serves converted those dangerous criminals, Boko Haram,  that is, to disciples of Mother Theresa. These are hungry urchins who extreme security lapses, and unimaginable carelessness in high places, gifted hundreds of young innocent girls and these characters,  who kidnap and rob banks to ensure they could  feed,  would now  just simply return such to the waiting hands of an infernal  enemy government without any quid pro quo?

    Lai should tell that to the marines.

    That said, it has been nothing short of agonising seeing how many  have gone on an unnecessary fishing expedition,  claiming that the seizure, as well as the release of the girls, were nothing but a big scam,  a hoax. One would have laughed these innuendos off if amongst its purveyors were not very educated Nigerians you thought could never be found purveying such illogic.

    And for Christ’s sake, what are their reasons? The girls came with bags as if it was inconceivable that after being paid billions in ransom (Governments never confess to this) these miscreants couldn’t buy them bags to put their old stuffs in. Another reason they gave is the manner of their return with Boko Haram elements driving into Dapchi in a convoy and without them being attacked. And, I ask, in a situation like the Buhari government was in, with flagellations tumbling in , not just from local political opposition and  a thoroughly traumatised citizenry, but more poignantly,  from the UK, US and the United Nations, what leverage  does the government have not to accept any conditionalities from Boko Haram? And why would they dare jeopardise the lives of the freshly released girls who were just exiting the mother of all ordeals? What point would an attack on them make?

    It would have been tolerable if these accusations were limited to the social media where just about anything goes but no, even some serious intellectual roundtables have not escaped the odium of being used to propagate such outright nonsense.

    I must admit, however, that there was the rather  stupid chest beating by the ever awkward minister of defence who told Nigerians, definitively, that the girls would be back within two weeks as did happen. But if you ask me, I’d merely say this is a minister who is very given to loose talking, if you remember how he misspoke on the murderous Fulani herdsmen’s needless killings in Benue State.

    But I personally don’t think there was anything to it other than cheer bravado, based on the negotiations he knew were ongoing. Or why would President Buhari allow small kids be put through such horror? To make what point; that he rescued Dapchi girls whilst over a hundred of Chibok girls, stolen four years earlier are still out there in the cold? I have heard people say the government wanted this as a positive distraction but hey, to what purpose? Would that have solved the horrendous herdsman’s problem? Or the gripping hunger ravaging the country or would that have meant a successful restructuring of Nigeria? These, for me, are the demons tearing at the very heart of the Buhari government and I can’t see how scamming the seizure, and release, of these poor girls could have answered any of them.

    The PDP, together with its army of forever wailing mob, must give us another story.

    I digress.

    I had to respond to one such post on Ekiti Panupo where the following quote is archetypical of the lies being so propagated. A Diasporan, highly educated member wrote: “Good news on the release of these innocent girls. It’s obvious someone or group of people masterminded their abduction and release. Five of the girls have been reported dead and the rest must have been thoroughly abused. What a ground conspiracy against the soul, spirit, and body of these innocent kids!”

    The high flying language notwithstanding, there’s nothing to this but pure ossification by individuals who will never see anything good in the Buhari government. And we need not seek far to blow this  to smithereens than to hear  the very young girl who spoke on television on behalf of her mates when she  said that their  abductors NEVER abused them in any way. She actually said they were well treated. The girl was so young and so sure of what she was saying you could readily see she wasn’t coached. I couldn’t help responding to these accusations by persons I think would have preferred  to see  the Dapchi girls lost  to Boko Haram  forever so Buhari could look everything they say he is.

    I wrote as follows: “In answer to a Face book question as to what I think happened in the Dapchi case:

    “What happened?

    Absolutely simple and straightforward.

    Remember President Buhari made a distinction between the two governments’ responses to the two events, one showing utter unbelief and disdain, lasting all of 18 days, while the other moved rapidly, displaying absolute remorse, and complete embarrassment. Unlike President Jonathan, it didn’t take Buhari 18 days to react, and given the enormity of the sense of shame he felt, especially with both the UN & the US thoroughly lampooning both him and his government, he must have decided that if it means paying the last penny in the government treasury to recover these young girls, he just must do it. (No government ever says it paid ransom even when some South South governors were allegedly profiting from such payments in the early days of kidnapping foreigners).

    This must be the point at which government must have combined military intelligence with native intelligence. You must have heard about somebody like Madam Boko Haram. Indeed, Lai Mohammed, has now let it be known that there was an ongoing negotiation which predated the incident and involved some foreign countries. Even if this was what the minister of defence relied on, he still spoke rather loosely. The rest, as they say, is history.

    Please compare this with those who deceived President Jonathan, taking from the treasury, millions of dollars claiming they were negotiating with Boko Haram. An Australian priest involved in the discussions was the whistleblower here so this is no guess work. The situation then was that while one government was serious about rescuing the girls, another saw the Chibok girls as a bargaining chip to make money, in billions.

    Want any evidence of this:

    President Jonathan’s Chief of Army Staff, who was deeply involved in the negotiations was recently alleged to have returned , as first instalment only, a whooping N1.7b loot.

    What more evidence do we need to clarify the attitude of the two governments to Boko Haram’s unfortunate adoption of these young school girls?

    Unfortunately, as I go through the quantum of the volume of persons from the same part of the country eagerly spreading this falsity, I had to ask a professor who posted a story on the issue to please do a content analysis of the reactions based on ethnicity. Although I pleaded with him to kindly revert with his findings, I have not yet seen his reply on the Face book. It has become painfully sad, that irrespective of age, education and exposure, matters are now treated in Nigeria, not on the basis of truth, or rigorous analysis, but by a disreputable retreat to ethnic redoubts from where many love to spread the most obscene, and totally reprehensible, horror tales just so they can score some cheap political points. It saddens that this is the hole Nigeria was dragooned into by PDP’s 16 years’ stranglehold of profligacy and unprecedented corruption over our country.

    Finally, a word about the Nigerian branch of Amnesty International which, unlike its parent body, has become thoroughly disreputable and unreliable. None of its stigmatisations of the Nigerian army is ever reported to the latter who read about them in newspapers like any other Nigerian. Amnesty International, Nigeria, has become extremely, negatively hyperactive about Nigerian affairs since the duo who brought it to Nigeria, and first ran its affairs, displayed their ‘red card’.

    Nigerians are not fooled.