Category: Sunday

  • ECOWAS logjam worsens

    ECOWAS logjam worsens

    The disillusioning news from Mali indicating a ban on politics and a further ban on the media reporting political parties was followed hard by Burkina Faso suspending the reportorial activities of some French and American news media. Both countries, like Niger Republic, are governed by military juntas, and all three had in January announced their withdrawal from the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS), thus forcing the regional body to climb down over its threat to sanction or even invade them in order to reinstate democracy.

    The Malian ban was inspired by a desire to curb the rising calls for a return to party politics and elections. Burkina Faso also faces the same agitation. But both military juntas had received rapturous welcome from undiscerning public too naïve to understand the nature of military governments, particularly their autocratic predilections and abuse of human rights. Now they know. ECOWAS knew better, but desperately made unilateral concessions to the three countries in order to save the unity of the regional body. This column had denounced the rapprochement, insisting that the military juntas would not change, nor meet the regional body half way.

    Read Also: Nigeria urges AU, ECOWAS to mitigate regional conflicts

    It is a tragedy that despite years of brutal and inept military rule in Nigeria, some misguided Nigerians tried to instigate a coup d’etat to abort the February 2023 elections. Had a coup been carried out, it would have doomed the Fourth Republic and probably doomed Nigeria itself. But some people never learn from history. In retrospect, ECOWAS should have waited a little longer before making hasty, unrequited concessions to the renegade three. From all indications, the three countries will soon unravel naturally at perhaps a greater cost to the coup-loving people of those beleaguered countries.  

  • Yahaya Bello cuts tragic, pathetic figure

    Yahaya Bello cuts tragic, pathetic figure

    Like everything else about the former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Bello, life is nothing more than drama, childish drama. Unreflective and artificial, Mr Bello has managed out of office to enact a long-running saga in which he and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) star. The anti-graft agency is the hunter, and he the hunted. Had he given himself up immediately the EFCC summoned him, he would have retained whatever little dignity nature grudgingly gave him at birth, and after a few appearances in court, he would be out on bail, free to pontificate on a narrow range of simple subjects his grandiosity would permit. But Mr Bello has a knack for complicating the simplest of matters. Undeservingly gifted the governorship of Kogi State after an election he largely did not participate in, and inheriting a mantle he did his worst to fight and undermine, which fell off the pompous shoulders of the late Abubakar Audu, he proceeded to govern the state for eight years a heartless dictator. As an aside, it is fitting that those who conspired to impose him on Kogi, south-westerners and northerners alike, though they feigned to be democrats, are meeting even crueler fates.

    The EFCC had been on to Mr Bello while he was still governor. His alleged financial malfeasance had become so brazen as to come, in unsightly details, under the anti-graft agency radar. He is alleged to have embezzled hundreds of thousands of dollars and tens of billions of naira, perhaps over N80bn, in addition to buying up everything, including houses within and outside Nigeria, that caught his fancy. And though the agency has not yet made it public, he is also alleged to have financially induced and corrupted a large number of public and private officials, including judges, actors and actresses, presidency officials in the last dispensation, and a host of other eager dupes, great and small, willing to be bought and happy to sell their dignity. To service this wide-ranging act of public hideousness, Mr Bello allegedly locked his snout on the state’s treasury and callously sucked the sinews out of the poor state, leaving mendicant workers pushed tragically to the edge of suicide and insanity. He brutalised everyone that crossed his path, discriminated against parts of the state which questioned his buffoonery, and certain that he had bought all the support he would ever need in and out of office, frittered away his little goodwill and lent his profligate youth to the services of the basest form of governance. But he miscalculated.

    His hunters cornered him in Abuja on April 17, but his poodles helped him lift the siege and have kept him incommunicado at the State House in Lokoja. They can’t keep him for long, and they can’t ferry him out of Nigeria. Some commentators suggest that the EFCC chairman, Olanipekun Olukoyede, had become too voluble on this and a few other cases. They would like him to speak less, and to assume the character of someone of dignified restraint. Perhaps that would serve him better. But so far, notwithstanding his superfluous threat to resign if he could not bring Mr Bello to trial, and despite exuding needless emotion when he addressed the media last week on the matter, Mr Olukoyede has not done anything unlawful in his pursuit of the former Kogi governor. Mr Bello is on the run and will do anything and take any measure to continue to shield himself from prosecution. In short, he dares the state, represented by the EFCC, and affronts every civilised value, which he clearly treats with his accustomed contempt. But next to being on death row, being declared a fugitive is both deeply demeaning and truly harrowing. Mr Bello can only become more frantic as his legal options shrink or recede.

    Kogi indigenes are exultant that even before his trial Mr Bello is getting his just desserts. They had been at the receiving end of his cruelty for eight years, the first four-year term the outcome of a bastardised electoral process, and the second term stolen through brutal electoral thievery. Workers were not paid full salaries, pensions came in fits and starts, and gratuities became a luxury. Dissent was viciously put down, and everyone who opposed him, including some harried judges, spoke and probably thought in whispers. Under Mr Bello, the state routinely mocked the constitution while Abuja only managed to look askance as their best form of disapproval. He flattered party bigwigs and grovelled before the past federal administration, and turned his full wrath at the state judiciary and civil service. The same man that enacted those horrendous and oppressive actions against a state he was unworthy to govern has suddenly turned yellow and is fleeing the law.

    Read Also: Follow AGF’s advice, submit to EFCC, media group counsels Yahaya Bello

    Kogites have no sympathy for Mr Bello. They encourage the EFCC to be relentless in pursuing him to the farthest corners of the state, dragging him, if possible, humiliated before the courts. They encourage the anti-graft agency to ignore the feeble and comical protests of civil society groups whose origins are shrouded in mystery and who lack any regard for truth and common decency. In any case, the EFCC needs little encouragement; having been made a fool of once, docking the former governor has become their obsession. Mr Bello is of course trying to fight back using Kogi courts, the same courts he denigrated and subjugated. But his efforts will end disastrously, hopefully before he infects the entire system with his unseemly ways. If the Chief Justice of Nigeria and the National Judicial Council will not rein in their errant judges messing up the judiciary on a straightforward case, perhaps the Bola Tinubu administration will give Governor Usman Ododo’s unconstitutional postulations short shrift and get him to give up the fugitive. The situation will not resolve itself, and doing nothing is not an option.

  • Random Snaps 219

    Random Snaps 219

    Hunger and anger

         Are no accidental rhymes

    An empty stomach is the storehouse

         Of a thousand demons

    The real consummate enabler

         Corruption makes bad things happen

    And makes good things unhappen

         The little maggot which consumes a giant nation

    When NEPA turns the land

         Into a jungle of utter darkness

    Do not let the country put out the light

         In your groping heart

    Gaza, gruesome Gaza

         Babies are burnt offerings

    To the god of war, insatiable ally

         In the temple of hate

    Are you too afraid of the tree

         Whose breath repairs our lungs

    Whose bower is bliss and blessing

         For our harried bones?

    The crab’s counter cross

         Is a crawl on millennial patches

    The fastest speed hardly comes

         From a monopoly of multiple legs

  • Prof. Ibiyemi-Bello at 60

    Prof. Ibiyemi-Bello at 60

    Matters miscellaneous beyond the academia

    It was in Bolaji Sanusi’s ‘The Liberation News’ that I first got the hint that Prof Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello, the ninth  vice-chancellor Lagos State University, Lagos, would be 60 last week Tuesday, through a piece by Louis Odion titled ”Bouquet for the Amazon of multi-tasking at 60”. It came out in the April 18 edition of the online newspaper.  After reading Odion’s academic treatise, and the piece by Prof Olatunji Bello’s media assistant, Seun Gbaja, celebrating this scholar at 60, also aptly titled ‘Diamond toast to Professor Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello @ 60″, you would wonder what else to say about this woman that Sanusi himself referred to as “TB’s inestimable jewel” in the advertisement that he generously used to lighten up Gbaja’s piece on Tuesday, April 23, the exact day that she turned 60.

    Let me warn from the beginning that this is not going to be strictly speaking about Prof. Olatunji -Bello’s academic attainments. Many people, including this writer had dwelled extensively on that, either now or before. What you are going to find on this page today may look like a wedding anniversary tribute rather than a birthday tribute.

    Read Read: Fuel scarcity bites harder in Abuja, Ondo, Osun, others

    Please do not blame me. Their 35th wedding anniversary is around the corner, the wedding having been consummated on June 3, 1989. That was some 35 years before. I will return to that shortly.

     Different things interest different people.

    One thing that intrigues me most about the Tunji Bello’s family is not the impressive rise of the man and father figure of the family, Tunji Bello (known among friends and colleagues simply as TB), especially in public administration in Lagos State that has thrown him into limelight, or the pedagogy of the wife, Ibiyemi-Bello that many people celebrate also with her steady rise in her teaching career in the university.

    Rather, I am intrigued, first by the continued togetherness of the couple in about 35 years of their marriage despite their ‘Muslim-Christian ticket’. Tunji is a Muslim while his wife is a Christian, as a matter of fact, a senior pastor in the Redeemed Christian Church of God, to boot. I guess part of the secret of her successes at home and in life generally is her choice of service to the Lord. It is worthy of note that her pastoral ministry is reflecting positively in her home and the diverse external publics that she must necessarily encounter in the course of duty.

    Indeed, I marvel at how the two of them have managed to stay together for this long despite belonging to two different religions. I marvel because in our country, too many of us are religious but we do not let the tenets of these two religions reflect in our lives. Imagine how the Muslim-Muslim ticket of Tinubu and Kashim Shettima almost tore the country apart. Imagine how on every street churches and mosques are mushrooming and competing for attention. Yet, imagine how the country is today despite our religiosity. Most of us profess our love for God but our hearts are far from Him. In spite of our love for God, our country has remained only potentially great ever since I was born over six decades ago and is still potentially great with over 20 million out-of-school children and about 133 million reeling under the yoke of multi-dimensional poverty.

    But that is not where I am going today. So, I don’t want that to pollute my mind or the minds of readers that may have been enjoying this tribute.

    Tunji-Bello’s marriage is 35 years and is still intact. I was there at the very beginning with our then deputy editor of ‘The Punch’, Chris Mamah. That was in the struggling years of the newspaper, so, we went to the event in Mamah’s official car, a Volkswagen Beetle. I still remember vividly some of the things that transpired at the time. Please do not blame me if I sound proud to say I was at their wedding. I am like any other rational human being who wants to be identified with success. Only failure is an orphan.

    I know so many marriages that were contracted long after theirs that have since collapsed despite the fact that both husbands and wives belong to the same religion. So, what is the problem? The problem definitely is not in the religions but in the people professing to be practicing them.

    Of course it is not that if you ask the Bellos they won’t have stories to tell about down moments in the marriage, but that they were able to weather the storms further buttresses the fact that the problem is with the human beings involved in the failed or successful marriages, and not the religions.

    Second, the kind of unhealthy competition or rivalry that you find among couples that are both doing well in their endeavours is palpably absent in their union. This tells a lot about  tolerance, home training, etc. especially on the part of the woman. This piece is essentially ‘matrimony-centric’ because yes, the man may be the head of the home; the woman is the one who is actually holding the pillars. Where the woman takes her home seriously, the result on the children is spectacular. Odion, in his birthday tribute on her attests to this thus: ”…The heavy burden of raising their children according to Godly values fell largely on the professor. It is to her credit that they have all turned out to be successful, adorable and well-behaved today”. This notwithstanding, though, it is TB that would now be claiming those children. In our society, good children belong to the father while ownership of the bad ones is foisted on the mother. Odion goes ahead to amplify on the attainments of the children, which is equally encouraging, especially in a country and perhaps world where most women now run after material attractions, at the expense of their children.

    It is not only on the children that you feel the impact of a good mother, it rubs off on the husband too. When I read Odion’s piece on her, I could see the invaluable contributions she had made in the life of TB. I said that much last week when I wrote about the First Lady and her contributions to her husband’s political and other successes. If TB has been able to come this far, it is because a great woman is also by his side. When you see a man that is nice and approachable, look to his left, that is beside him, you would most likely see the imprints of his wife, and vice versa. This is not to say that there won’t be some exceptions, though.

    On all of these scores, one must give kudos to the couple for their ability to navigate the ups and downs in marriage. Yes, I said the two of them eventually because it takes two to tango. A marriage crumbles when one of the parties decides that enough is enough. As the late Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola used to say, you cannot clap with one hand. A marriage begins to get ‘k-leg’ when one of the parties is tired of it. That none of them is tired of it shows their resilience and ability to tolerate one another. It shows the level of trust in the marriage. I can tell you for free that it is not easy to sustain a marriage, especially given the levels that both parties have attained in life. Tunji is commissioner-emeritus in Lagos State after being a successful journalist. Prof too has attained the pinnacle of her career. There would have been several temptations both ways; that neither has succumbed to them is laudable.

    Ibiyemi-Bello was born in the Olowogbowo area of Idumota on the Lagos Island on April 23, 1964. She attended Anglican Girls Grammar School in Surulere, Lagos, between 1970 and 1974 and Methodist Girls’ High School, Yaba, Lagos, between 1974 and 1979 for her junior and senior secondary education, respectively.

    She then proceeded to Lagos State College of Science and Technology, Lagos, and thereafter to the University of Ibadan, Ibadan, where she obtained a Bachelor’s degree in Physiology in 1985. She later went to the University of Lagos, Lagos, where she got her Master’s in the same discipline. Thereafter, she proceeded to the University of Texas at San Antonio, Health Science Centre, San Antonio, United States of America, between 1994 and 1998.

    She was as an assistant lecturer at the College of Medicine, University of Lagos, and rose through the ranks, eventually becoming the first professor of physiology of the institution in 2007. She also served as the Deputy Vice-Chancellor of the Lagos State University in 2008,  served as its acting vice-chancellor before her appointment as the 9th substantive vice-chancellor in September 2021.

    Needless to say that Ibiyemi-Bello had also served in various other capacities and bagged many awards in the course of her assignments.

    Nothing I have said should be taken to mean that Ibiyemi-Bello is flawless. No mortal is. My advice to her is to keep doing those things that have been earning her accolades even as she makes room for improvement concerning constructive criticisms.

    It is not easy to be ‘oga on top’ anywhere, not in the least a university setting. But if she has survived this far, not even the sky is her limit.

    If you see this piece as a birthday tribute, fine. And if you see it as a wedding anniversary tribute in advance, no problem. It was intended to be both, even if the original idea was to congratulate the celebrator who has refused to roll out the drums to celebrate her diamond jubilee despite its being a landmark. We had looked forward to a celebration where rice and stew would be very plenty. We had no choice than to accept the ‘ko sina dida nbe’ (nothing much) that the Bellos saddled us with.

    I congratulate Prof Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello all the same and wish her more fruitful years on earth.

  • Needless haggling over state police

    Needless haggling over state police

    Last Monday’s dialogue on state police organised by the House of Representatives in Abuja has turned out to be quite revelatory. Whereas most Nigerians seem in favour of decentralising policing, the police as an institution appear unenthusiastic. It is understandable. The enormous power they wield at the moment would most likely be lost or considerably attenuated if policing is devolved to the states. Many of those who attended the dialogue were, however, stupefied that Inspector General of Police Kayode Egbetokun chose that Monday dialogue forum to publicise his reservations. Represented by Assistant Inspector General of Police Ben Okolo, the IGP argued that the problem of the police was actually poor funding, which he enjoined the National Assembly to address. As proof that he misread the mood of the conference as well as downplayed public frustrations on the subject, the IGP inexplicably suggested more accretion of powers to the police by asking for the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) and the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Commission (NSCDC) to be merged as a department of the Nigeria Police Force. He was booed.

    The bill on state police, sponsored by Benjamin Kalu, deputy speaker, had passed second reading as far back as two months ago. Two former Nigerian head of state/president were at the dialogue and argued convincingly in favour of decentralisation. So did many traditional rulers and former IGPs. It is not clear who advised the IGP or what gave him the confidence that the public, already fed up with the police, might be amenable to a different perspective on the subject. But last Monday, Mr OKolo spoke for the police and suggested that “It is the submission of the leadership of the Nigeria Police Force that Nigeria is yet to mature and be ready for the establishment of state-controlled police.” But following a backlash, Mr Okolo, now turned into a scapegoat, tried to walk back his assertions at the dialogue. He said that he actually spoke for himself. His quoted statement suggests otherwise. It is unlikely that knowing which way the presidency was leaning Mr Okolo would go ahead to make statements not approved by the Nigeria Police leadership or Mr Egbetokun himself.

    The eventual decentralisation of the police may take a little longer than hoped, but despite opposition from some quarters, the constitutional amendment will be finalised and the police decentralised. Many of the speakers at the dialogue warned against, or feared, the abuse of police powers at the state level, but they did not feel strongly enough about any such potential abuse to abandon their support for the idea. Indeed, Sunday Ehindero, a former IGP himself, believed that withholding support for police decentrailsation may be a result of gross misreading of the bill before the National Assembly. He disclosed that he was initially opposed to the idea of decentralisation of the police until he read the bill, which according to him was not even as far-reaching as he thought. Did Mr Egbetokun and Mr OKolo read the bill at all? It is doubtful.

    Read Also: Dangers of establishing state police in Nigeria under current governance conditions

    For instance, the bill provides for the co-existence of a federal police with state police and, curiously, that no state police commissioner could be appointed from among the serving members of the state police by a governor without the approval of the Federal Police Service Commission. Yet, each state, according to the bill, has a State Police Service Commission before which a police commissioner could bring his disagreements with the governor. In addition the bill also provides that a police commissioner could not be removed without the recommendation of the Federal Police Service Commission, rather than the recommendation of the State Police Service Commission. As a matter of fact, the idea of state police has been considerably weakened by some of these contradictory and attenuating provisions, which hopefully would be reworked before the bill is passed. Had Mr Egbetokun studied the bill and made informed and highly impactful suggestions to strengthen it and perhaps even hedge it, he would have been applauded. Instead, he was left with egg on his face at the dialogue, while his representative had the undignified job of claiming responsibility for a poorly thought-out opposition to an idea whose time has evidently come.

    Messrs Egbetokun and Okolo have a poor comprehension of democracy, particularly the concept of federalism.  Yet, both officers ought not to be seen as lionising centralisation when every democracy is advocating devolution. Decades of stultifying centralisation have weakened the country, distorted federalism, endangered democracy, and made the Police Force seemed powerless, inefficient and even incompetent. Instead of giving states more responsibilities for policing, the nation has been unwittingly ceding more policing powers to the military in nearly all the states without a corresponding reduction in insecurity. In effect, the country has become less policed and more insecure.

    Mr Okolo may have publicly walked back the Police Force views on police decentralisation, but he has not been convincing. Mr Egbetokun knows the danger of openly opposing the administration, especially on a subject that has received wide support. He should go ahead and study the bill once more, assuming he had done it before, and see whether he cannot appreciate the matter beyond himself and his tenure. Then he must learn to speak convincingly about the future of policing in a federation, for the status quo is obviously unworkable.

    Women Affairs minister and controversy

    It is not clear where Women Affairs and Social Development minister, Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye, got her power to shut down the Lead British International School in Abuja over the bullying case involving some female students. Immediately the matter was posted on social media, the minister dived into the controversy and shut the school for three days until the matter should be investigated and possibly resolved. Shutting down any school in Abuja is supposed to be that of the Education ministry or the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). But Mrs Kennedy-Ohanenye is no stranger to controversy and impulsive action and statements.

    Last September, she redefined sexual harassment in the University of Calabar case involving Cyril Ndifon, a Law professor and former dean, who is being tried for alleged sexual harassment of students. She was forced by a coalition of 500 women’s rights group to apologise. Last October, she also threatened to sue the United Nations for not properly accounting for the monies sourced from donors for Nigeria. Of course she had no locus. Then in February 2024, she admonished women to shut up when arguing with their husbands if the case was not to degenerate into violence. The ministry could defend the wife, but could not replace a lost eye, she said sarcastically.

    Mrs Kennedy-Ohanenye is clearly instinctive and impetuous. She will keep leaping from one controversy to another if no one restrains her. But in the absence of the hilarious Dame Patience Jonathan, it is probably a great idea to have this Women Affairs minister in the cabinet to give the country comic relief and relive stressed ministers bent over by the tedium of their tasks. Hopefully, the president can put her on a gentle leash lest she traipse over her boundaries. 

  • Bobrisky as symptom

    Bobrisky as symptom

    Ijebu lowo ana o ‘Jiboye
    Moni Ijebu lowo ana o ‘Jiboye
    Imale saseju o f’ata taaba
    Anabi maje nf’ata taaba

    Something new always comes out of Nigeria. And it is not always cheering news. When it is not about the triumph of triviality, it is about the astounding venality and the resort to crude and brazen thievery among the political elite.

      So it is that Idris Okuneye, aka Bobrisky, by his appalling indiscretions, his lack of social grace, his gender-manipulating mischief and his transvestite one-upmanship, has worked sections of the Nigerian elite to such a fury of indignation that one began to fear for his life in or out of jail.

     Yet at the end of it all and after so much froth and bilious rage has been worked up, we are not nearer the truth than when it started. We have not been able to make a dent on the fundamental issues. We have not been able to establish what drives a damaged young man in a damaged society. It is the proverbial tale of an idiot, full of sound and sound bites but signifying nothing.

    Enter a  retired don from OAU Ife who wrote to remind the columnist that the first example of cross-dressing in the famed university happened in the eighties. It was a boy who was the product of a famous liason between two distinguished professors( names withheld) who have now gone to meet their maker. Our man wanted to know whatever became of him or her.

     So, let’s get this clear. It is not Bobrisky’s egregious brutalization of the naira that has earned him a jail term without the option of a fine. It is his open and ostentatious gender transgressions in a patriarchal and harshly gendered society. Having quietly watched his dressy antics with mounting indignation, the presiding judge must have rubbed her hands in relish when presented with the opportunity to deal with the importunate upstart.

      After all, it is not only Bobrisky who is involved in this perpetual dressing down of the national currency. There are traditional rulers, statesmen, leading politicians, iconic clergymen and notable society ladies equally implicated. But just one glaring and notable example will be enough. The road to justice is often paved with asphalt of injustice. As it is said, men are hanged not because horses are stolen but so that horses may not be stolen.

       From all available evidence, the fear of the law has been driven into the heart of the most obdurate and uncompromising naira abuser. But it is not surprising that having degraded the phenomenon of naira thrashing with that singular judgment, the fundamental issues or the foundational problem remain.

      The problem is what to do with a dominant permissive culture in which anything goes. To put it in another way, how much more can our permissive culture permit? It is useful at this point to distinguish between a liberal society and a permissive society.

     Whereas a liberal society encourages freedom of speech, freedom of association and mass participation which deepen the democratic process, a permissive society is a decadent, debauched culture which must rely on harsh, authoritarian measures to maintain its leash on the society. Hence the fear of and phobia for cultural refinement in any permissive society characterized by vulgarity, crass hedonism and the hankering after the morbid pleasures of life.

        A famous saying goes thus: “Whenever I hear the word culture, I always reach for my gun”. This quote is often misattributed to Hermann Goering, the Nazi leader and strongman. But he could as well have said so. A crack pilot and daring aviator, Goering emerged from the First World War, a celebrated hero of the German people.

    But he soon lapsed into a life of sybaritic pleasure and sensual self-indulgence piling up flesh until he became a huge mass of corpulent and bejowled monstrosity. He was an early German prototype of our own Bobrisky. To finance his morbid sensual propensity, he raided art houses and private collections until he became the wealthiest collector of priceless art in Nazi Germany.

      Despite the ominous echoes of contemporary Nigeria, we must return to where the rains started beating us. The opening quote of this essay is taken from a real life drama which took place a little over sixty years ago in the historic junction town that happens to be the writer’s ancestral homestead. The old Yoruba aristocratic nobility did their things with grace and measured dignity. They appreciated singers who sang their praises by pasting coins on their forehead.

      But there were occasional snags. In this particular instance, we found a celebrated local musician of the raara genre imploring his wealthy benefactor to do the needful on the grounds that the coin he pasted on his head the previous evening had turned out to be a counterfeit of Ijebu provenance as counterfeit coins were known in those days.

    “ Ijebu l’owo ana o Jiboye”. But the famed singer also quickly cautioned himself against excessive zeal or fanaticism in the pursuit of legitimate grievance. It is excessive zeal which caused a Muslim zealot to perform post-fecal ablution with peppered water. “Imale saseju o f’omi ata taaba”, and the bard ended by begging God (Anabi) to spare him the same ordeal. The singing went on with its punctilious refrain until the rich man did the needful.

      Now sweep forward to a decade after and the glorious mid-seventies in the old East Central State. This writer remembers with affection and nostalgia a courteous and impeccably mannered Igbo couple who always appeared at noon every Sunday at the plush ambience of the Presidential Hotel, Uwani, Enugu to treat the audience to wonderfully choreographed dance steps as urbane music wafted through. After each virtuoso performance, the couple would bow to rapturous applause and then disappear.

       Despite the political and economic setback of the civil war, this was the high noon of the old Nigerian bourgeois class as well as its last snapshot. There was indeed a country, to echo Chinua Achebe’s famously ill-tempered Parthian. A lady friend told this writer of how she and her siblings living in Lagos would peep through the key hole to espy their parents practicing dance steps in preparation for a state ball on the invitation of the then president, Nnamdi Azikiwe, who was a childhood friend of the father. The couple left for the east shortly before the commencement of the civil war never to return.

      So what has happened to turn an uncouth lout like Bobrisky and many others like him to national celebrities? In 1977 barely a week after FESTAC, Fela’s shrine was razed to the ground on the ground that his putative Kalakuta Republic was a grievous affront to national sanity and a menace to constituted public order. His iconic and well-storied mother was thrown down the stairs sustaining traumatic shock from which she never recovered.

      It was the real victors of the civil war extending their dominion to the totality of the country they had captured as a war-booty. It was also a warning shot to the self-regarding and supercilious Yoruba segment of the political elite that the new conquerors would brook no nonsense from them as they settled down to enjoy the proceeds of conquest and rule the country as they deemed fit. After their true heirs returned on the eve of 1984 to put finishing touches to the project, the real battle was joined.

      Since the remnant rump of the old political class had gone past their sell-by date, a new class project opened up with massive co-optation of all kinds of people to fill the yawning vacuum and vacancies. In order to maintain and sustain their hegemony even beyond the formal surrender of power which must take place no matter how long it took, the military sought to create a new political class in their own image.

      It was the beginning of a forty-year political trauma for the nation. Even now, twenty five years after the formal cessation of military rule, the nation continues to exhibit all the classic symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. As it was predicted, it was the Yoruba middle class that bore the brunt being at the vanguard and frontiers of political consciousness.

      But as we have hinted earlier, it was in the field of cultural production that the devastation has been most evident. There has been a seismic shift in cultural production in Nigeria leading to a collapse of the old cultural order and its hegemony. In every age and society, the dominant culture, be it in music, performing arts, philosophy and ideas, is the culture of the dominant class.

      The new military dominated ruling coalition needed its own musicians, its own praise singers, its own philosophers and organic intellectuals. Under the new arrangement, at least in the old West, Fuji and Juju music simply overwhelmed and muscled out the old Highlife. All subsequent efforts to revive this genre have come to naught.

      Every musical tradition has its time and age and patrons. When he was asked how he came by the title of General, Ayinla Kollington retorted that it was from General Abacha himself. It would have been unthinkable for this to come from the urbane Rex Jimmy Lawson, the aristocratic Victor Olaiya, the headmaster-like Celestine Ukwu, the scholarly Victor Uwaifo and the fierily iconoclastic Fela.

      Idris Okuneye, aka Bobrisky, has undertaken a risky venture. As a corrupted corrupter of youth, he is in need of urgent psychiatric intervention. He is both a victim and a symptom of a more fundamental societal impasse, a class project that has backfired. If we are to press the metaphor, it is a military messianic mission that has misfired.

      The more serious worry and concern is how much farther an utterly permissive society can travel this road to Golgotha without a major earthquake. None of the permissive cultures we have studied so far has escaped interdiction at the appointed hour. How to pull the plug on the contemporary rot and decadence is the major task before the current ruling coalition.

       It is unfortunate that since its inception, the EFCC, like a jinxed creature, has been snared up in a web of complicity and mendacity. The list of former chairmen lengthens in the shadow. When Ola Olukoyede joins that list of distinguished casualties, the crime-fighting agency would have lost the last shred of its legitimacy and credibility.  That will be a tragedy for a nation caught in an ethical whirlpool.

  • Optimism of the will…. and pessimism of the intellect

    Optimism of the will…. and pessimism of the intellect

    It was Antonio Gramsci, the great Italian journalist, philosopher and leftwing political theorist, who uttered those words when he was asked what spurred him in to take such grave personal risks at the behest of his people and nation despite grave physical impairments.

     Gramsci was physically challenged, to put it delicately. He was a consumptive. Throughout his life, he suffered one major ailment or another. But with his invincible will, he fought and battled the Italian Fascist movement till the bitter end. He was hauled into jail by the monstrous Benito Mussolini with the war-cry: “We must prevent this brain from thinking for twenty years!” It was in prison that Gramsci did his best work even though he did not survive the grueling regimen.

      The allure of nations can be overpowering for many of their illustrious citizens. Otherwise, what more is in it that will compel a ninety eight year old Nigerian emeritus professor to write with such clarity of mind, urgency and cogency about the developmental stasis of his beloved country?

      In the past fortnight, this column has received two important books from two distinguished Nigerian patriots. These are men of timber and caterpillar who think outside the box and who have contributed immensely to the development of their fatherland away from public glare and the stifling mediocrity of the klieg light. In an enthralling monograph titled, The Roots of African Underdevelopment: The Postscript, Emeritus Professor Otonti Nduka distils all the vexing issues about Nigeria’s developmental conundrum that have obsessed him for seven decades. He himself has called it his swansong.

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      Reading through the professor’s book, one cannot but applaud the passion and the stylistic panache he has brought to bear on the subject matter. Once again, one is forced to conclude that a nation’s path to genuine development cannot be left to experts who regurgitate the turgid nonsense that they have imbibed from their metropolitan masters.

       At first, one had thought that the professor was a peer and contemporary. But when one got to the point where he wrote about his ninety six’s birthday, one was forced to pause in admiration. As for Engineer Alexander Neyin, he has painted an unforgettable and memorable picture of growing up in the rustic Niger Delta.

      Titled, I Dared to Explore, it is an engrossing chronicle of pristine existence in the creeks and the struggle to reach the top of his profession despite a very rebellious and uncompromising spirit. Reading through the book, one immediately became fascinated with a kindred spirit once it was discovered that Neyin was among the group of students at the University of Benin who signed a letter which insisted that General Gowon’s time was up. For his pains, he was almost prevented from taking up a scholarship at Texas AM. We shall be reviewing the two books in the coming weeks.

  • Corrigendum

    Corrigendum

    The last piece published by this column about three weeks ago titled, A Flawed Titan…but a titan all the same was marred by an unpardonable human error. A  chunk of a relevant paragraph was hived off thus impairing the structural integrity of the paragraph. How any professional checker could read over the piece without immediately suspecting that something is wrong remains an editorial mystery. The enormous amount of intellectual labour that goes into writing a column week in and week out makes it mandatory for those who prepare it for publication to be diligent and hands on.

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      The columnist is too distressed to reproduce the missing bit. But the error has since been corrected in the online edition. Readers who are still interested should avail themselves of this opportunity.

  • Before Minister David Umahi causes turmoil in Lagos

    Before Minister David Umahi causes turmoil in Lagos

    “The redesign of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway’s original route, which initially included Water Corporation Road but now incorporates the coastal path affecting establishments like Landmark Beach Resort, is necessary to avoid demolishing the extensive infrastructure developed by original planners” – Minister Dave Umahi, probably, cleverly rationalising for ethnic purposes.

    David Nweze Umahi, Senator of the Federal Republic and former Governor of Ebonyi State, is no placeholder in the Tinubu Federal Executive council. A professional Engineer, and politician, who left an impressive record as governor of Ebonyi state, he is, everything considered, a star performer. What with the incredible road infrastructure he is building across the country?

    The Lagos – Calabar coastal highway, for instance,  ranks as a signature project of the Tinubu administration, one which is hoped would be completed on schedule, unlike the East – West road which, though started as far back  as 2006, is still ongoing with no known  completion date as  some politicians in that part of the country have turned it to a sinkhole for fraudulent personal enrichment.

    With regards to the Lagos – Calabar coastal road, a truly profound civil engineering project, however, I hasten to warn that the minister would have to be extra careful not to allow matters of consanguinity mar his impressive performance to date.

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    To help him rethink and maintain his credibility, I present below the views of a concerned Nigerian who believes that unlike the late Professor Dora Akunyili, of blessed memory, who worked her heart out  battling her own Igbo compatriots who thought nothing of inundating the country with beautifully packaged, but fake drugs from Asia, Engr Umahi already appears to be falling  prey to ethnic chauvinism.

    He seems  determined, it is alleged, to protect his compatriots who habitually  disobey land laws all over the country, especially in Lagos and the Federal capital territory, Abuja.

    Please come with me as I present the piece, captioned as in the article’s title above. It reads as follows:

    “The Minister of Works can be forgiven if he does not understand the history of the Yorubas of South West Nigeria. The children of Oduduwa who all migrated from Ile- Ife in addition to spreading into the thick forests, also ventured into the riverine areas spreading from Lagos through the Ogun waterside into Ilaje Ese Odo in Ondo state, just like their cousins- the itshekiri, into Warri.

    These places have for centuries been, and remain, their ancestral homes. This is a known fact  to all those who respect Yoruba history and their norms and culture. 

    In the wake of the announcement of the  Lagos – Calabar coastal road, Nigerians except, of course political opposition,  jumped up for joy at another President Tinubu’s masterpiece which is primed to open up the coastal economy. Afterall, he had himself, over 20years ago, as Lagos state governor, acquired the right of way for the road –  a road which his  government would most probably have  constructed but for  President Obasanjo’s antagonism to anything Tinubu.

    That right of way was dutifully marked and announced via newspaper adverts and handed over to the minister by the authorities in Lagos. However, rather than work with that, the  minister and his ministry birthed the present, absolutely unnecessary confusion.

    For decades, Lagos State did not issue certificate of occupancy and building approval to anyone to build on the right of way. Issues were, instead, simple and straightforward. But now, some chronic abusers of land laws who did not obey the right of way must have cried to the minister who then started shifting, and shifting, to save those who have built on the right of way – a shift that has started to cause massive confusion.

    Suddenly, he announced that there is a January 2024 Supreme Court judgement that granted the Federal Government a 250m right of way as if life and people did not exist on the shorelines before January 2024.  Pronto, he further announced that he has appropriated 200m of the 250m on the shoreline. Indeed, the shoreline of today was about 1km into the sea a couple of years back.

    Pray, the total extent and lay – back of the coastal road he plans to build is only 100m. What  then does he need the additional 100m he wishes to forcefully acquire from the Lukmans, the Ajayi’s and the other indigenous peoples for?

    The indigenous communities are willing, and prepared to hand him the 100m he needs but, no, minister Umahi must take everything.

    If this is not injustice,  what is?

    He said he was realigning the road to the shoreline and that he would take 200m, depriving over 75,000 indigenous Yoruba land and home owners of their ancestral land and homes. If he is interested in protecting the property of those who did not obey existing laws,  should this be at the expense of the ever considerate and accommodating indigenous community who offered him 100m for his road and rail? Must he set sight on the lush coastland on which some money miss road elite would then come round to build marinas? Or is he saying that the indigenous peoples should now relocate right into the Atlantic ocean? Can he ever attempt to do this  in the Niger- Delta area?

    To make matters worse, the minister announced on Friday 19th April, at a Press conference, that he would not pay compensation for 250m of the shoreline, meaning that  the indigenous communities at Alpha Shoreline, Lafiaji( Oceanbay) shoreline, Okun Ajah, Iwereko and others, should go and hang? 

    Is leadership not about compassion and care for the poor?

    A leader must know that it’s not everything that is legal that is moral.

    I call on Minister Umahi to allow the poor of our shorelines to breathe. Their land is not available to be shared by the rich.  He should, therefore, take 100m for the road and rail line  as it is in the alignment and drawings, and not an inch more!

    The poor in those areas are also Nigerians. Indeed to make matters worse,  in  places like Landmark, and other  areas where the rich  live,  the minister is, inexplainably, taking only 50m.

    So why is 100m not enough for him where the poor live, if the objective is not to forcefully, and arrogantly, appropriate the lands and homes of the poor?

    I know that this decision will, and should, not stand

    because the President is a compassionate leader who has demonstrated this again and again. Minister Umahi should build his coastal road but he should not appropriate the land of the poor. We will never stop shouting about this, and soon enough, he may be receiving summons from the courts, if he does not change his mind on the  issue.

    When Ashiwaju Tinubu built the Eko Atlantic, the precursor to the present coastal road, not a single citizen lost a single centimeter of shoreline land. Rather, the Atlantic was tamed, and all that was stolen by the sea for over 100years were recovered.

    One can only hope that this is not a coy attempt to turn  coastal Yorubas against President Tinubu , especially in Lagos state. To deprive ordinary citizens of their ancentral land, in what looks like a twentieth century land grab can,  definitely, not be the President’s intent in conceiving this masterpiece of a road. The Minister, should  kindly release the lands of the people of the Lafiaji( Oceanbay) beach, the Alpha Beech, the Okun Ajah beach,  the Iwerekun coastal areas etc.

    He needs 100m for the road and that he will have!”

    I believe there are enough facts here for the minister to ponder afresh and make necessary adjustments as the Tinubu government is known to have done in instances where Nigerians have voiced objections. It is statesmanship, not weakness.

  • Class Formation (III)

    Class Formation (III)

    From what is known about the British, their societal structure is arguably best described as a multi-layered cake, with each layer being also multi-layered. Each of the major layers is itself divided into sub-layers because of the divergent nature of the members of each class.

    At the top of the cake we have the upper class or as the famous British comedian, Mike Yarwood once  described it, the upper crust. It is made up of the ruling class, at the top of which is the Royal family. Even within this paper thin layer, you have, major Royals; those that are mentioned in the Succession list now headed by William, Prince of Wales who is waiting to occupy the throne when his father, the reigning king, joins his ancestors wherever it is they are waiting to meet up with him. His three children follow him on the list and in turn are followed by his brother, the reluctant prince, now on a rather extended and open ended sabbatical in faraway California. It is worth noting that both Prince William and his brother have trampled on centuries old royal traditions and are married to ladies outside the royal list. This is perhaps a sign of the deterioration of royal traditions or a sign of the times which has led to the royals everywhere including the archetype conservative stronghold of Japan marrying commoners. Prince Harry has not just married a commoner but married an American divorcee to boot and has dropped his royal status, at least for now, to be with her in her own world. When his great great-uncle, King Edward VIII tried to pull the same stunt in the antediluvian period of 1936, he was kicked off the throne in the twinkling of an eye. That the prince has been able to retain his royal position in spite of his marital adventures shows that the situation has changed so drastically since then, indicating that in reality, anything can happen from now on and the world should be bracing up for a seismic shift in royal relations. To be honest, the very idea of royalty, blue blood and all such pretentions are now being subjected to close scrutiny all over the world which shows that there is no guarantee that even the British royals, as solid as their current position appears to be,  may not be able to hang on to their exalted status very much longer.

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    Under the royal big hitters on the Succession list there are minor royals reaching down to those who are hanging on to royalty by the skin of their capped teeth. They also have a variety of blue blood running in their veins but their direct ancestors have somewhere along the line been bumped to the periphery, not totally out of sight but are not sure of being invited as of right to official royal occasions. All in all however, there are only a small number of people sitting comfortably in the upper crust. What really separates them from the rest is their tremendous financial clout, inherited over a thousand years from their Norman ancestors.

    After the royals come the members of the nobility; dukes, earls, viscounts and other descendants of those terrifying men that crossed over the English Channel to conquer England all those many years ago. They are not part of the royal establishment but the blueness of their blood is rich enough for them to furnish the royals with brides as was the case with Diana Spencer better known to the world as Diana, Princess of Wales and mother to both Princes William and Harry. Her overall tragic story is so well known that it bears no retelling here.

    Under the few thousand royals and other natural members of the ruling class, there are members of the middle classes, divided into three clear strata; the upper middle class which is separated from the lower middle middle class by yet another stratum . This stratum is separated from lower middle class, the members of which are sometimes indistinguishable from those in the working class, only a shade below them on the social register.

    The middle classes have evolved over several centuries, the  process gathering pace after the divine rights of the king were quite definitively abrogated by the execution of King Charles I by Parliament in 1649. The king, pumped up by the heady air of royal prerogative had challenged parliament to a fight and not only lost the argument but lost his royal head as well. The kingdom was thus set on the path of constitutional monarchy which stripped king and his descendants of the divine right which had dictated their actions since they began their occupation of the throne of England in 1066. The  bloody coup which led to this situation was carried out mainly by those members of the ruling class who had over a few centuries dropped out of the ruling class through the workings of the tradition of primogeniture which was prevalent and unbreakable at the time. Only the oldest living son could inherit their father’s estate no matter how vast they were. This meant that all other sons had to go out into the wicked world to fend for themselves as best they could. Many of them ended up in the emerging middle class with a great deal of the privileges they were born with but with little money. This middle class came fully into her own in the period after the Industrial Revolution when people flocked into the cities after fleeing, some of them precipitously from the countryside which had become a wasteland of opportunities to make any kind of living. This situation also gave rise to the arrival of the urban working class which needed to be serviced by professionals; builders, industrialists, commercial tailors and dressmakers, engineers, tradesmen, manufacturers of various goods, doctors, teachers, entertainers, printers, entrepreneurs including bankers and other such people with acquired skills with which to minister to the various needs of the great multitude of workers infesting the urban spaces. In the countryside, these people had some form of access to materials from which they could produce some of the materials, many of them quite basic, with which they could build a kind of life. This was not possible in the visibly expanding cities where it was everyman for himself and the devil waiting to consume most of the others at his leisure. Life for the vast majority of those who had no special skills was between bleak and unsupportable, to the extent that without some form of societal support, they would have been totally crushed under the heel of poverty.

    The poor had always had a pretty torrid time in England. Apart from the fact that wages they received for their labour were very low, they were subject to heavy taxes most of which were raised to pay for the expenses incurred by successive English kings whose faces were for a hundred years fixed on different parts of France to which the they laid fanciful claims. Quite unlike their ancestors who had crossed over from France to plunder England, they could not manage the reverse feat of taking over French territory but persisted in their folly, to the detriment of their subjects who were consequently, constantly mired in debilitating poverty which they passed on to many succeeding generations.

    Without the expertise which resided in the British middle classes, it is very unlikely that the Industrial Revolution would have occurred. All those people from Harvey to Bacon, Newton, right down to Davy, Faraday and Darwin created, or supported the foundation on which the modern world has come to be built and they were all paid up members of a solid British middle class. Not a single one of these men has left a legacy of stupendous wealth behind and have set the tone for what is expected of members of this class. Right down until now,  the members of this class are expected to be, and are frequently found to be honest, hard working, studious, dedicated to service, patriotic and not given to scandalous behaviour. Not for them is the amorally of the upper crust and the immorality associated with too many members of the working class to whom it has to be said, not much has been given. The distance between the lower middle class and the working class is not about money or the lack of it but about taste and ambitions. Perhaps the clearest distinguishing feature between these two groups is education which is taken very seriously by people in the middle classes. The members of the working class, at least since the end of the Second World War have come to realise the importance of an education which would take them out of the working class. Still, you will find out that the movers and shakers, especially in British politics are descended from people who have been bona fide members of the middle class for more than a generation. There are many members of the working class who are comfortably richer than those above them in the middle but lack the social graces which promote them into the middle class. This may have blurred the distinction between the lower reaches of the middle class and the working class but those distinctions still exist. This is because many working class wages match those in the middle class but where they fall down is in the quality of their life style. That cannot be bought at any price. Perhaps the last word that needs to be said on the subject of the members of the middle class is that although they may not be wealthy, they are, with only a few exceptions, financially secure, with adequate salaries, a substantial portion of which can be saved to give them a comfortable retirement. Any country without a financially secure middle class is a sorry caricature of a modern state. This is because without the wall of financial security around the middle classes their much vaunted   morality will collapse like a house of cards.

    To be continue