Category: Sunday

  • Hard decisions: Tinubu credits his courage to Nigerians

    Hard decisions: Tinubu credits his courage to Nigerians

    Since May 29,2023, almost a year ago, when President Bola Tinubu assumed office and started calling shots and pulling unusual weights with his office, many observers, including leaders in other parts of the world, have wondered where he gets his guts and ideas from. Not many of those observers, who have met with him have thought of inquiring about these unusual administrative and governance moves and strategies, which have actually set a new tone, a new experience in public administration in a sub-Saharan African country.

    We all know the view of the rest of the world, especially the developed West, of the peoples in this part: they only see backward people, incapable of self-reengineering and most definitely bereft of techniques to self-govern. Their view had over the years been buoyed by the abysmal attempt at democratic rule in most parts and the countless cases of bare-faced stealing of public resources by leaders who rode on the back of electoral heists to power. But since May 29, 2023, the rest of the world welcomed a new leader in the most populous black nation, who has been damning consequences to inject new reforms that are targeted at reordering the lives and fortunes of Nigerians.

    Since Asiwaju took over, the subsidy on petrol, which has been part of our system for almost fifty years, has vanished. Petrol subsidy has been described as the single misadventure that was actually designed to finish Nigeria by steadily bleeding off the nation’s life source and its cost was progressively. In 2022 alone, officials in the nation’s oil sector put the cost of petrol subsidy at N4 trillion, which measured with about 23.4% of that year’s budget. The 2022 Budget stood at N17.12 trillion. So on his first day as President, he relieved the nation of that baggage with a mere proclamation.

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    Of course, that was not the last to be heard of the subsidy, the following months unleashed some of the most debilitating economic experience on most Nigerians and the rising cost of petrol started reflecting on the cost of other things of life we have been accustomed to. Transportation took a rocket launch and so were other domestic commodities. That situation was compounded by the floating of the Naira at foreign exchange market, another leviathan system through which some of the ‘people with connects’ have milked the common patrimony.

    There were protests and resistance from various quarters, some were even sponsored in different parts of the country. Among these resistances, those from the organised Labour seemed most agitating, considering the fact that they actually have access to the nerves and joints of the nation’s ‘wheel of progress’, but the one that was of most desperate concern was from those sponsoring others to protest, those who have for long benefited from the rot that has kept Nigeria weak and Nigerians poor. About this set of people, the President already knew they will fight back, and he once said “those who have been feeding fat on the system” will resist changes aimed at promoting transparency and accountability. These developments are well worn and most politically and economically aware people know where Nigeria is currently.

    Now the silent question in most minds, including many of his colleagues in other parts of the world, especially the developed West, has been about what could have been his motivation and staying power through the last eleven months. How did he come about the right reforms that seem to be addressing Nigeria’s age-long development crisis and finding the right antidotes for the series of malaise afflicting different sectors?

    However, on Thursday, in far away Netherlands, he was faced with that question from his very bold host, the Prime Minister of the country, Mark Rutte, who noted a few of the successful solutions that President Tinubu had administered in dealing with Nigeria’s peculiar issues. By the way, I must let you know that the week was one of those very busy ones for the Jagaban as he spent part of it in the Netherlands, on official visit, on the invitation of Prime Minister Rutte. While there, the President engaged in high-level discussions with Dutch authorities and participated in the Nigeria-Netherlands Business and Investment Forum.

    During their meeting, Prime Minister Rutte, out of curiosity, wondered “you are promoting democratic governance and the solutions it can bring in dealing with problems of development. I saw how you went through democratic channels to remove an incumbent president in 2015 in partnership with President Buhari and how that has led to development in your country. I saw you take the courageous decision to deal with fuel subsidies and other reforms, and we are interested in what allowed you to take the decisions that many before you could not take. And you took those decisions early in your term. It shows rare determination. Your stand in ECOWAS, all of these point to your commitment in leadership”.

    As his response to his host’s query, President Tinubu put it all back on Nigerian; his confidence and courage to face the daunting and scary. He simply said Nigerians have tremendous confidence in themselves and that his confidence in the Nigerian people gave him the courage to take difficult decisions on their behalf, given his full awareness of the need to give Nigerians the long-term tools they need to succeed. The resilience of his people encourages him to work for the enduring. The enduring is what basically makes the difference between those being looked up to and those looking up to them.

    “I am a determined leader of my people. I have and will continue to take the difficult decisions that will benefit our people, even if there is short-term pain. We have gone through the worst of the storms. I am unafraid of the consequences once I know that my actions are in the best long-term interests of all Nigerians. The Nigerian Naira is one of the world’s best performing currencies today. We took the necessary risks, and all resilient Nigerians kept faith with us. They will be rewarded, and the reward will only be greater as we partner effectively with you on new opportunities for development. As leaders, we must take decisions for the benefit of our nations, and we cannot shy away from that”, the President said.

    Meanwhile, in the course of the week, President Tinubu set another structural reform in motion when he approved the take-off of his administration’s Consumer Credit Scheme, which was on his to-do list when he was campaigning to be President. This scheme, for which a corporation, the Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation (CREDICORP), had already been established with the 36-year Engr Uzoma Nwagba, as its pioneer Chief Executive Officer, is targeting efforts at ensuring financial inclusion and economic prosperity for the majority of Nigerians.

    A platform known as Forexpedia describes consumer credit is an economic indicator that measures the amount of debt held by households in an economy. It measures the amount of credit extended to consumers in a given period of time. Consumer credit is a key driver of consumer spending, which in turn drives economic growth. It is what most of the developed economies have adopted to provide an economic cushion for their citizens, a buffer between insufficient resources and meeting basic human needs for a good life. 

    On Wednesday, Presidential Spokesman, Ajuri Ngelale, announced the commencement of the scheme, pointing out a couple of the deliverables targeted, saying consumer credit serves as the lifeblood of modern economies, enabling citizens to enhance their quality of life by accessing goods and services upfront, paying responsibly over time. It facilitates crucial purchases, such as homes, vehicles, education, and healthcare, essential for ongoing stability to pursue their aspirations. The President believes every hardworking Nigerian should have access to social mobility, with consumer credit playing a pivotal role in achieving this vision.

    Meanwhile, to prove that the scheme is not floating and that there is a long-term planning for it, Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Alhaji Atiku Bagudu, during a briefing on 2024 Budget, said government had allocated N100 billion to support consumer credit, with the goal of strengthening the manufacturing sector and stimulating economic activity

    “We put N100 billion fund in the budget to support consumer credit. This is important because the manufacturing sector is struggling with two challenges: efficiency of production and finding someone who can buy. The introduction and support of consumer credit, we believe, will help in the revival of our manufacturing sector to meet international standards. It is a catalytic fund that is expected to have significant growth”, he said.

    However, advancing an opinion on how he thinks the scheme should run, a former Investment Banker, who is now devoted to agro-produce trading, Mallam Bolaji Lawal, said “I think as part of the attempt to boost the economy of Nigeria with consumer credit, we should have insisted that imported items that are being produced in Nigeria will not be funded with this consumer credit. In essence, the only imported items that will be funded with the consumer credit are those not produced in Nigeria. If I were a part of the credit committee, for household items like television, refrigerator, cars, generators and others, only those produced in Nigeria will be funded by the Consumer Credit Scheme”.

    Besides the disclosure of his staying power in his ongoing work on Nigeria and the launch of the Consumer Credit Scheme, other very impactful events littered the week. For example, on Monday he declared the African Counter-Terrorism Summit open at the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) in Abuja, telling the developed world that Africans know that the affliction of terrorism on the continent had been compounded by illegal mining, which in turn is being fueled from abroad. The key note he left with them was “we shall be knocking on this door of the international community to answer this call for justice, peace and fair play”.

    He also made appointments during the week. On Friday, his appointment of the Founder of Zenith Bank, Mr Jim Ovia, as the Chairman of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) was announced. Also, the appointment of Dr Innocent Barikor as the Director-General of the National Environmental Standards and Regulation Enforcement Agency (NESREA) and Prince Ebitimi Amgbare as the Managing Director/CEO of the Niger Delta River Basin Development Authority (NDRBDA) were also announced. He arrived Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, where he will be participating in the Special World Economic Forum, on Friday evening.

    As a new week starts, new events and activities will be coming with it, so stay put to see whatever Jagaban has in store for Nigeria this week.

  • APC, Aiyedatiwa and Ondo primary

    APC, Aiyedatiwa and Ondo primary

    The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in Ondo State conducted its governorship primary two Saturdays ago and made a mess of it. It was ironically the much maligned and supposedly divided and demoralised opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that conducted a more democratic, far fairer, and more inspiring primary. It is, however, too early to speculate whether the APC by its levity and incompetence will win the November governorship election, or whether the PDP can translate its orderliness and fair play into electoral victory seven months down the line. The PDP, using indirect primary method, elected by a compelling margin Agboola Ajayi, a former deputy governor to the late Rotimi Akeredolu, as its standard-bearer. On the other side of the aisle, incumbent APC governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa seized the governorship ticket by all means possible and will be hoisting his party’s flag in November. If he wins, it will simply be due to the same political dynamics that undeservedly gave him the ticket: incumbency, patronage, ruthlessness, and a shambolic APC organisation unperturbed by principles and morality.

    Mr Aiyedatiwa took the ticket by an unbridgeable margin that saw him outscoring his closest competitors combined. He was scored 48,569 votes. He will hope that in November those votes, assuming they all turn out and are added to those of his competitors to give a total of some 89,613 votes, would gift him an unassailable lead right from the outset. It usually doesn’t work out that way, but it helps to recall that in the 2020 governorship poll, Mr Akeredolu won with a vote tally of 292,830 out of 572,745 valid votes cast. The remaining votes were cast in favour of Eyitayo Jegede (195,791, PDP) and Agboola Ajayi (97,039, Zenith Labour Party), both of whom are now in the PDP. In November, the PDP will hope that discontent in the ruling party will be strong and relentless enough to swing the pendulum in favour of the opposition. But the APC expects that the incumbency factor and the control of the federal administration might convince the voters to hold the fort. The expectation of an electoral fait accompli in November might have led the APC in the state into organising probably one of the worst primary elections the state has ever known.

    Everything indicated right from the beginning that the APC would make a hash of its primary. Firstly, there was the Mr Aiyedatiwa factor himself. Destitute of principles and sound judgement, and given completely to opening his mouth and putting his foot into it repeatedly, he was decidedly unkeen on ensuring fair play. A number of factors explain his predilection for realpolitik. One is that he knew he was seen as an outsider, and two is that he was, in addition, unable to trust even his own judgement in picking fights, most of them needless. But he desperately wanted to win every fight, whether he chose the fight or the fight chose him. So far, as his first name suggests, he has been lucky in winning even the unlikeliest of battles. Not too long after he was picked as deputy governor, his benefactor fell ill, and despite his churlishness and atrocious disregard for human feelings, his calculations that Mr Akeredolu would die before the APC would need to pick a standard-bearer were accurate. Ensconced in the State House thereafter, nothing he has said or done has prevented jobholders and vote herders from swarming around him. In such circumstances, fair or unfair, a primary election victory was a foregone conclusion.

    Secondly, since the forced exit of Adams Oshiomhole as national chairman, the APC has been poorly and controversially led. Discipline has been maintained with extreme difficulty. In fact, in most cases, there has been no regard for discipline at all. The current chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, is a little lethargic and hobbled by enemies back in Kano, his home state, who are snapping at his heels. They will not give him rest. He may be somewhat an intellectual and a little didactic, but he seems curiously unable to bring those talents to bear on a huge, combative and ideological party which had just managed to retain the federal administration against the run of play. The party has smothered internal rage fairly successfully, but it is, however, unable to placate the ethnic and ideological divisions simmering below the surface. Worse, not been quite as disciplined and ethical as the party demands and probably deserves, Dr Ganduje has been unable to give what he does not have, and was perhaps chary of imposing any kind of order and finesse upon Ondo APC whose leader, Mr Aiyedatiwa, may be the most unaware of APC governors in the Southwest, if not the country.

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    Thirdly, by the strangest and most bizarre of party administration actions, the national APC appointed Kogi State governor Usman Ododo as head of the primary election committee. But Mr Ododo is a rookie governor shackled by legal disputes and weighed down by the troubles of his predecessor, the importuning Yahaya Bello. The restless governor has not shown that he knows much of anything, and has so far not settled down long enough for anyone, let alone himself, to develop the administrative or ideological confidence that is an imperative for sound judgement and governance. To worsen a bad choice, Mr Ododo arrived in Akure, Ondo State, on the Saturday morning of the primary election. What could he do in hours before the poll? But unfazed by the complexity of managing a direct primary election, and unused to party members having and exercising real choices, he probably assumed that since party primary was a family and internal affair, it really didn’t matter whether it was done as spectacularly inept as the one Mr Bello deployed in foisting him on Kogi APC. Could Dr Ganduje pretend not to know these limitations?

    Unfortunately, days after the abysmal APC primary, and months after the party nearly botched the Edo State APC governorship primary, Dr Ganduje has met with party stakeholders to stitch a new cloth on an old garment. He appealed for unity and asked them to rally behind Mr Aiyedatiwa so that APC would retain Ondo. It helps the Bola Tinubu administration for the APC to retain control of Ondo, because it takes a whole lot of scheming, funding and organising to win new states. But if the party knew this, should they not have tried to organise a great primary which the governor would have probably won anyway? Now they want peace anchored on both unfairness and grave injury to the soul and fabric of the party. They have given the party a bad and appalling name, ignoring the fact that if the cheated party members rebuff their pleadings, it could spell disaster in November. They cannot pretend not to know the consequences of their action; they simply don’t care about the consequences of allotting votes as their whims dictated.

    The vacillating Dr Ganduje may be the party’s national chairman, and the contumelious Mr Aiyedatiwa the state’s party leader, but President Tinubu is the APC national leader. The president must, therefore, consider that these infractions and machinations were done in his name, for which he bears ultimate responsibility. He must ask himself what kind of party he wants to lead and bequeath to future generations: one led by Dr Ganduje and which produces governors who have nothing substantial to teach or give, or one which he as president inspires into embracing the tenets of democracy and greatness, a disciplined party that demonstrates utmost fidelity to the law and constitution. There is no room to straddle. The last Ondo APC primary was irredeemably fraudulent. It should be redone.    

  • How did Wike lose Odili?

    How did Wike lose Odili?

    Constancy is the mark of true love. This is the key message of William Shakespeare’s Sonnet 116. One of the events for which this message has relevance is the current souring of the relationship between two former Rivers State Governors – Dr. Peter Odili and Barrister Nyesom Wike. Dr. Odili was the Governor of the State from 29 May, 1999 to 29 May, 2007 and Barrister Wike was Governor from 29 May, 2015 to 29 May, 2023. Barrister Wike is currently the Honourable Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. Dr. Odili is 75 years old and Barrister Wike is 56. Moreover, Dr. Odili’s 72-year-old wife, Justice Mary Odili, who is a retired Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, is also of key significance in regard to the relationship between the two former Governors of the State.

    At the lecture delivered by Professor Julius Ihonvbere on 25 May, 2023, to mark Wike’s imminent end of tenure, Governor Wike said as follows about Dr. Odili and his wife: “One of the things that I can say, and I would continue to say it, that guided me before I was sworn in as the governor in 2015, I would not forget that, and which is what I have also told my successor. Dr. Peter Odili wrote out certain things and gave to me that these should be my guide; that he had made his own mistakes and he didn’t want me to make those mistakes. And I took that seriously and this is what has led me or led us to where we are today. So, Dr. Peter Odili, I sincerely thank you and your wife.”

    Tracing the benefactor and mentor roles that Dr. Odili and his wife had been playing in the lives of Wike and his wife far back in time, Governor Wike also said on 16 May, 2022: “Any day that I would make Dr. Odili and his family to cry, God, don’t allow me to grow. These people suffered blackmail, everything, because of people like us. Sir, sir, I want to tell you today, I want to tell you today before people here. I would never be alive to make you cry and your wife. I will never do it. … I will never abandon you and your family. See where I am today … I’m a governor. … Where would I have been but for you and your wife?”

    Considering the reverence in which he has held the Odilis, Wike has been cited as the epitome of political gratitude. In fact, in a 9 June, 2023 WhatsApp discussion of political mentees who had betrayed their political mentors, or those who had tried to edit their political mentors out of the mentees’ political history, Wike attracted the following compliment: “In contrast, former Governor Nyesom Wike is legendary in his constant appreciation of and loyalty to those who helped him to fame. For example, he acknowledged and tried to immortalise the Odilis at every opportunity he had.” This difficult-to-earn reputation of Wike is now at risk of being completely destroyed, because of the Minister’s obsession with cutting Fubara to size.

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    In what seems to be a gratuitous insult, Wike committed the Odilis to anonymity. He said as follows using innuendo on 25 March, 2024: “I hear they have a Judicial Consultant now who says they should not worry, [and that] as far as she’s there nothing would happen. That’s their business. … I built the cancer centre … and I named it after one man. I built a Judicial Institute and I named it after one woman.” “A Judicial Consultant” and “one woman”, here, appear to be jibes taken at Justice Odili (whom he had been calling “Mummy” or “My Mother” before now) and “one man” refers to Dr. Odili. Wike also uses certain derogatory expressions which as a consequence of ambivalence could be perceived as referring to the Odilis. Here, Wike seems to disregard the Yoruba proverbial admonition that whatever part of the body you designate as head, you shouldn’t use it to step on the ground (“Ibi tí a bá pè lórí ẹnìkan kìí fi í tẹlẹ̀.”)

    In fact, Wike told journalists on 2 April, 2024 as follows in response to the question whether he still had a good relationship with Dr. Odili: “As it is today, politically, we don’t have. We don’t work together [due to political differences].” He said further: “In politics, you see, for me, we have finished with this stage. It does not mean that in the next stage you will be in the same camp. No. He took a decision. I took decision.” This raises the questions, “Do favours have expiry dates beyond which it becomes ethical to undermine or attack one’s erstwhile benefactors? Do favours expire?” There are restrained ways of fighting one’s mentors. Engaging in public verbal attack of your mentor closes the door to reconciliation, because, as a Yoruba proverb puts it, “Ẹyin lohùn; t’óbá tí fọ́ kò ṣeé kó mọ́.” (‘Words are eggs; once broken, they cannot be collected into a whole again.’)

    On 24 March, 2024, Wike referred to his opponents in the Wike-Fubara feud as “political harlots” and “political charlatans”, and assured his own supporters as follows: “I will continue to defeat them. … In Ikwerre tradition, when you start beating the drum of wrestling, it’s not that time the real wrestlers will come out. … The real wrestlers will come in later, towards the end.” Wike’s self-portrayal as an unbeatable wrestler calls to mind this story on page 4 of Chinua Achebe’s Arrow of God:  “Once there was a great wrestler whose back had never known the ground. He wrestled from village to village until he had thrown every man in the world. Then he decided that he must go and wrestle in the land of the spirits, and become champion there as well. He went, and beat every spirit that came forward. Some had seven heads, some ten; but he beat them all. His companion who sang his praise on the flute begged him to come away, but he would not, his blood was roused, his ear nailed up. Rather than heed the call to go home he gave a challenge to the spirits to bring out their best and strongest wrestler. So they sent him his personal god, a little wiry spirit who seized him with one hand and smashed him on the stony earth.”

    The narrator continued: “Men of Umuaro, why do you think our fathers told us this story? They told it because they wanted to teach us that no matter how strong or great a man was he should never challenge his chi. … The fly that has no one to advise it follows the corpse into the grave.”

    Wike needs to recalibrate. It is hoped that he would not cast himself in the mould of a tragic hero. In literature, it is in the nature of tragic heroes that they possess some inimitable qualities which are undermined by a fundamental flaw in themselves. In fact, litcharts.com, states: “Tragic heroes typically have heroic traits that earn them the sympathy of the audience, but also have flaws or make mistakes that ultimately lead to their own downfall.”

    In his feud with Fubara, Wike needs to appreciate the Yoruba view that it’s difficult to fight a younger person. If the older one defeats the younger one, the older person is called “àgbà’yà” (‘Old bully’); and if the younger one defeats the older one, the older person is called “àgbà yẹ̀yẹ́” (‘Big-for-nothing old fellow’). In the ambivalent and complex case of Fubara, though he is the younger one, he has acquired the status of an ‘elder’ by virtue of his position as the incumbent governor. In fact, on 1 April, 2024, at the handing over of a health facility built by Dr. Odili’s foundation to the Rivers State Government, Dr. Odili said to Fubara: “You are the political leader of Rivers State.” It would therefore be a misjudgement to view Fubara from the prism of the pre-29-May-2023 mentee or political godson. As a Yoruba proverb puts it, “Ẹni tí ó bá fi ojú àná wo òkú, ẹbọra á bọọ lásọ.” (‘Anybody who treats a corpse as if it were yesterday’s living human being would be de-clothed by the spirits.’)

    Fubara may not yet have become a superlative verbal pugilist, but he’s making considerable progress. On 3 April, 2024, he sent the following warning to those who may be taking his implementation of the presidential peace deal as a sign of weakness: “And I am doing it because of the respect I have for Mr. President. But, let me say it here, if that action that I have accepted to take would be seen as a weakness, I will surprise them. I want this message to go to them.” On 4 April, 2024, in reaction to the outrage of the opposing camp at the original threat, he doubled down by saying: “You have seen how restless they have been since I made one small statement yesterday. We will continue to make them restless. They won’t know where we’re coming from. We will also hit them the way we hit them that day. …We will not allow anybody … to take our meekness for weakness.”  

    In an innuendo targeted at Fubara’s enigmatic transformation, Wike warned on 27 March, 2024: “And I tell you in life, be careful of those who don’t talk. … Be careful of people you say they’re very quiet. Be careful. … Be careful of those who … will never say anything.” This is in contrast to the nice things Wike said about the then-incoming Governor Fubara (affectionately called ‘Sim’) on 25 May, 2023: “You know he’s an Accountant. Accountants are very conservative. They don’t spend money anyhow. … But he’s a very good person, I can tell you. … He’s somebody you can rely on. His ‘yes’ is ‘yes’, that I can tell you.”

    As the competitive boasts and threats by the war-tested Wike and the simmering Sim continue, it is hoped that the brewing crisis would not boil over and enter the free-style, ruleless, unrestrained “two-fighting” or “roforofo fight” mode in which more erstwhile sacred relationships like the Odili-Wike one would admit impediments, suffer collateral damage and be thrown to the dogs.

  • Agitators only have themselves to blame as Tinubu won’t relent

    Agitators only have themselves to blame as Tinubu won’t relent

    Last week was a week coming after a rather lazy one: that week devoted five out of the seven days to holiday and weekend days. Of course the system naturally entered the slow mood and bringing it back to full speed will take initiating new activities, so there were not much of physical activities. In fact, since Monday when he returned to the State House from his Sallah holiday in Lagos, besides the launch of the National Single Window Project on Tuesday, and the meeting with leaders of the Afenifere on Wednesday, most of the activities of the President were rather proclamations, conveyed through press statements.

    On Wednesday, Mr President gave a very important pay back hosting leaders of the Yoruba apex socio-political organisation, the Afenifere, and he was believed to have consider it a very special and cherished occasion. The Afenifere, led by its Leader, Pa Reuben Fasoranti, had in the wake of President Tinubu’s declaration of his aspiration to contest the office of the President, come out to state its support for him, especially when it became clear that a group of senior citizens, among whom was former acting Leader of the Afenifere, Pa Ayo Adebanjo, was out to delegitimize him.

    That move by Pa Adebanjo, to make it look like Asiwaju’s ambition had been met with disapproval from his Southwest or Yoruba home base was strategic, and so was the loud endorsement by the Afenifere, under Pa Fasoranti, who followed up the organisation’s stance with a congratulatory message for the President when he won his party’s ticket and a public show of acceptance of his victory as President-elect.

    So when the group, still led by the very elderly Pa Fasoranti, visited the Presidential Villa on Wednesday, first time since he assumed office eleven months ago, it was an opportune moment for the respected Yoruba organisation to relish the feeling of one its own leading the nation and speak for the people it represents, and they sure made some requests on behalf of the Southwest. On the other hand, it was time for the President to say thank you, listen to them, as he had done to similar organisations which visited earlier. It was also an opportunity to send some words back home.

    Coincidentally, the visit by the Afenifere came within a time belt with an incident that the President, like most reasonable Nigerians, must have thought rather absurd. The weekend before the visit, precisely on Saturday, some Yoruba elements stormed the Parliament House at the Oyo State Secretariat, close to the office of the governor. The group, now identified as Yoruba nation agitators, dressed in military camouflage, aimed at seizing the premises that housed the Old Western Region’s authority.

    Although they were effectively subdued and taken into custody by security and law enforcement agents on that day and now being made to face the law, with their arrowheads still at large, this is the sort of indiscipline and sabotage that Tinubu will not condone, especially as they are his kinsmen, who ought to work for the success of Nigeria under his watch, now that he is doing everything to stabilise and firm up the judicial institution in the country. So in his speech while addressing his guests, the President sent a warning out to all elements, whichever section or category of society they belong, who think they could achieve the disintegration of the country, that they should be ready to face consequences of their attempts.

    “I am irrevocably committed to the unity of Nigeria and constitutional democracy. Constitutional democracy is reflected greatly here since we assumed office. What we face now is the challenge of terrorism. Security of life and property is very necessary for development. I can tell you we are achieving success. There’s improvement from hoisting flags on the Nigerian properties and sovereignty. We have degraded terrorism to a level that they cannot threaten the sovereignty of Nigeria any longer. Banditry and kidnapping will be defeated and there is no payment of ransom whatsoever. We are taking the battle to them. We are getting results more rapidly than before. We are working hard on intelligence gathering. Those who think they can threaten the sovereignty of Nigeria will have themselves to blame. They have a price to pay and we are not going to relent”, he warned.

    Meanwhile, on Tuesday the President had initiated another idea, which he tagged a game changer: the National Single Window Project. Keep it in mind that Tinubu, right from the onset, had hinted on his plan to take Nigeria through another route to nationhood, one we are not really conversant with, but which in the final summation will set us on the path to where we have always wished to be, like those other countries we have always aspired to be like. This time around, it is the system that will upgrade our import and export trade system to one that is very efficient, data-based, cost-saving and most contemporary. 

    As I understand it, the National Single Window Project is an initiative designed to harmonize all revenue collection into a single electronic platform to which all revenue generating agencies at all the nation’s borders are onboarded. This will ease port congestion and transactions and eliminate the incidence of imported goods lapsing to demurrage. It will essentially remove multiple payments and underhand dealings by unscrupulous people in revenue collecting agencies at the ports, air, land and sea.

    “The National Single Window is a game changer that will revolutionize the way we conduct trade. By simplifying government trade compliance through a digital platform, we will unlock the doors to economic prosperity and all other opportunities. This initiative will link our ports, government agencies and key stakeholders, creating a seamless and efficient system that will facilitate trade like never before. Imagine a Nigeria where business can save time and resources, where small enterprises can reach global markets and where the informal e-commerce sector is brought into the fold increasing our tax base. This is the Nigeria we are building with the National Single Window.

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    “The benefits of this initiative are immense. The paperless trade alone is estimated to bring an annual economic benefit of around $2.7 billion US dollars. Countries like Singapore, Korea Kenya and Saudi Arabia have already seen significant improvement in trade efficiency after implementing Single Window Systems. It is time for Nigeria to join their ranks and reap the reward of a streamlined, digitalized trade process. We cannot afford to lose an estimated $4 billion annually to red tape, bureaucracy, delays and corruption at our ports. The National Single Window will address these issues headlong, preventing revenue leakage and facilitating effective trade. By doing so, we will create a more transparent, secure and business friendly environment that will attract investment and spur economic growth.

    “The implementation of National Single Window will not be an overnight process, I know. It requires dedication, collaboration and a phased approach. But I assure you my fellow brothers and sisters, that we are fully committed to seeing this project through. We work tirelessly to ensure its success by engaging all partner agencies and stakeholders to create a system that works for every one of us”, he said.

    Attempting an explanation of his understanding of what President Tinubu is aiming to achieve with the project, a former Investment Banker, who is now devoted to agro-produce trading, Mallam Bolaji Lawal, said “the most important outcome of the National Single Window Project is the projected 7% annual GDP growth. This will lead to creation of jobs in the country, increase in government revenue, foreign exchange earnings and savings. Better days for Nigeria and its people”.

    That it was a week coming after a sluggish and scanty one did not make it event-less. Besides the outing with the Afenifere leaders and the launch of the National Single Window Project, the week was filled with loads of impactful activities from the desk of the President. For instance, he made a statement to acknowledge a very significant contribution of a Nigerian to the well being of all and the stability of the nation. On Wednesday he expressed gratitude to Aliko Dangote for his patriotic move by crashing the price of diesel, an action that is expected to have a ripple effect of the economy generally.

    Then on Thursday, he approved system-wide policies to comprehensively overhaul the education sector, aimed at improving learning and skill development, increase enrolment, and ensuring the academic security of the nation’s children. One of the policies will take care of a census for all schools in Nigeria, from basic to tertiary level. Then on Friday he made new appointments, first it was seven appointees for the Board of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), with Mairiga Katuka as Chairman. Then there was the appointment of another seven to the Board of the National Insurance Commission (NAICOM), with Ms Halima Kyari as Chairperson.

    Before the board appointments were announced later on Friday, he had already received letters of credence from the South Korean and Tunisian ambassadors, as well as the Zambian High Commissioner, all of whom are resuming their tour of duty to Nigeria. 

    He also did not fail to show his human side when it was called for. For instance on Monday, he reached the world through many media, both locally and internationally, to give hope to the loved ones of the Chibok Girls that are still not retrieved from their ten years of Boko Haram captivity. It was a message, not just to the parents of the girls, but all Nigerians. He said that sort of Chibok experience will cease soon. He celebrated Alhaji Mutiu Are, the Secretary of the Lagos State Governor’s Advisory Council (GAC), who turned 65 years on Tuesday and treated the Minister of State for Police Affairs, Mrs Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim, to a similar recognition on Friday.

    By now we are all aware that our President is not a slow mind and he finds it hard to be quite for too long. That is the guarantee you need to be certain that as this week starts, activities will gain momentum. Just hang on.

  • Class formation (II)

    Class formation (II)

    I have up till this point restricted myself to talking about England because the authority of William the Conqueror did not extend into Scotland. The separation of these two countries went back thousands of years and their physical separation had been established way back before Roman times when  Hadrian the ruling Roman emperor of the time built his eponymous wall which separated the two countries one from the other. In spite of the wall however, the two countries maintained an adversarial relationship which was always smouldering and catching fire from time to time. Incidentally, all throughout this period, the Scots were always allied to the French who themselves were always politically and then religiously opposed to English interests. This is in spite of the fact that the rulers of England were originally French! That the Scots voted to remain in Europe when their English neighbours voted for Brexit in that famous or perhaps infamous referendum shows that the Scots still have their eyes fixed on alliances across the English Channel.

    The two countries carried on their affairs as separate countries until 1707 when a treaty of Unification was signed and the countries stretched their respective hands across Hadrian’s wall and nominally at least,  became one. The Union has not always been amicable and even now, moves are afoot to achieve what has been described as the independence of Scotland from Britain because England with her large population and stronger economy has been by far,  the dominant partner.

    In the case of Ireland, the relationship has been clearer because England had colonised that country as far back as 1649. This being the case, the Irish had been dominated by England in the same way that Nigeria or Ghana, when it was known as the Gold Coast were dominated when more than two hundred years later, they were colonised by Britain. The point to be made here is that the dominant culture in the British Isles has been overwhelmingly English and so the class relations among the British was recognisably English. That is, an all powerful ruling class for whom the vast majority of the working class toiled for little reward.

    The polity may have been ruled by English mores and customs but things worked out quite well because there was little difference between the modus operandi of the ruling classes in both England and Scotland. It was indeed, almost identical. The Scottish Lairds or tribal chiefs like the English dukes not only owned all the land but also the people who lived on them. It was therefore easy for the Lairds to chase the crofters who lived within their area of jurisdiction away from the land when they needed the land to raise sheep on. This was at a time when sheep wool became a prime commodity. Many of those who were chased off the land had no choice but to migrate to Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the USA which is why today, you have a sizeable Scottish diaspora in those countries. A few of them can even be found in other countries which is why  names like Ruggieri Brown and Alexis Macalister have turned up on the Argentinian football team list in recent years.

    As for the Irish under English occupation, their fate was comparable to that of the serfs in England in the Middle Ages. They had nothing they could call their own outside their Roman Catholic Church adherence in a place where to be Catholic was to be classified at best as being third class. Their extreme vulnerability was shown up in 1845 when the potato crop failed. In the aftermath of this catastrophe, one million Irish men, women and children perished of hunger and another million hot footed it across the Atlantic to America in a bid to avoid certain death. A large number of those refugees settled down in Boston and surrounding areas and today, many of their descendants are policemen but, that is another story.

    A great deal has been written about the Irish famine of that period, but a great deal more remains to be talked about as far as that sorry episode is concerned. For example, many in Nigeria talk about Irish potatoes without knowing that there is nothing Irish about those potatoes which are indeed native to the Americas from where they were first imported. It was found that potatoes grew in great abundance in Irish soil and was a convenient subsistence crop for Irish peasants who needed only a little plot of land and a pig to provide food for their large family all year round. The humans ate potatoes and their pig was fattened on potato peels. The pig was then butchered and eaten in turn by the people who got a replacement piglet which was fattened and consumed in its turn at the appropriate time. In the meantime, the English employed most of the inhabitants of Ireland  to grow wheat on their estates. The hot and steamy conditions which destroyed the potato crop were favourable for the growth of wheat and so, in that terrible year of the Irish famine, the English gathered in a bountiful harvest of wheat which they loaded into heavily guarded railway trucks that took the wheat to the docks from where they were shipped across to England. There, it was consumed by the gentlemen and their ladies who could pay premium prices for fine wheat bread. In the meantime, over in Ireland where the wheat was grown, people were starving to death in their many  thousands everyday.

    The Irish as a group or class  formed an easily identifiable underclass which existed below the general British working class. They swarmed over from Ireland in the period immediately after the Industrial Revolution and came to dig the canals,  build the roads and carried out other muscular but menial and dead end jobs which the English, down trodden as they were, were not minded to do for the wages on offer. Expectedly, the Irish who came over to do those jobs were not just looked down upon but shunned like so much vermin that they were held out to be by their reluctant English hosts.

    On the whole, those of the British working class were in their turn a stratified demographic group with the Irish at the bottom of the pile. This position was reserved for them until after the Second World War when the British, full of the conquering spirit engendered by their victory in the war reached out to their colonies overseas and imported workers from the Indian sub-continent,  the Caribbean and later, to a little extent, East Africa to join the Irish in powering certain sectors of their economy. Things have not however worked out according to plan in this direction as the children and grandchildren of those immigrants are now running those countries, many of them holding top cabinet positions with the British Prime minister being an Indian with roots in Kenya. The Scottish first minister is an ethnic Pakistani whilst the shiny new Welsh first minister has roots in Zambia. Up till very recently, the Irsh Taoiseach or Prime Minister was also of Indian descent. Where are ethnic Britons to be found in leadership positions in the land of their birth? There are also the odd Nigerian and Ghanaian in powerful cabinet positions in the British government. It is apparent that this trend will continue, meaning that somewhere down the line, the British government will be dominated by formerly colonised peoples from all over the world with the occasional ethnic Briton finding themselves holding a cabinet position here and there. The indigenous working class people there, after centuries of breeding to their lowly status will only be relieved to yield ground to those immigrants who have not been brought up to kowtow to the home grown descendants of William the Bastard and company. These are people who have been primarily concerned with dealing with basic existential matters namely the provision of food, shelter and clothing for themselves and their children. The housing situation in Britain for example is the worst in Europe as they still live  mainly in terrace houses from Victorian times which are mostly impossible to be kept warm in winter. It is often said that spoils of Empire flowed into Britain but the members of the working class do not seem to have benefitted much from this largess as everything flowed into the cavernous pockets of their ruling class made up of only a small fraction of the population. Those nobles have been inter marrying for so long that they are now in danger of creeping idiocy which is the ever present danger in maintaining such relationships. In the midst of all these, the working class cannot be much concerned with basic morality so that in Britain,  they now have an amoral ruling class and an immoral working class trying to get on with life as best they could.

    Read Also: Class formation

    Sandwiched between these classes is the middle class which can be described as the conscience of the country. Recruitment into this class has been going on for a couple of centuries now and for part of the working class, climbing into the middle class has been a recurrent ambition over a long period of time. A great many have been successful in this endeavour but a middle class classification is not inheritable so that not all who reach this goal can pass it on to their offspring some of whom slide back into the chaos and anonymity of the working class within a single generation. In addition, the moral burden of the country is carried on the shoulders of the members of the middle class seeing that the denizens of the upper class are not burdened by any moral sensitivity or responsibility and those in the working class cannot afford the luxury of bowing to moral principles.

    The backbone of Britain is maintained in its entirety by members of the middle class who are to be found in the liberal professions, the officer class in the armed forces and the government. From this definition it is clear that the recruiting grounds for the middle classes are tertiary institutions where they work towards picking up those qualifications required for people in middle class occupations.  From this point of view,  British universities have been very successful at initiating a lot of Britons into the middle class. It has to be said that these recruiting institutions are restricted to the universities because most of the institutions reserved for members of the working class were once described  by Ralph Miliband, the great socialist intellectual as custodial institutions from which pupils are released after a prescribed period to take up the lowly jobs assigned to them practically at birth by their society. However, the golden era of this recruitment exercise into the middle class appears to be coming to an end as a very significant minority of students in British universities are now foreign students whose school fees are keeping the British university system afloat. With less money coming in from Indian and Nigerian students, the future of a number of British universities can however no longer be taken for granted.

    An interesting aspect of the recruitment of members of the middle class by British universities is that an overwhelming number of the members of the current  British government are Oxbridge graduates. For example, since the end of the Second World War virtually all British prime ministers, irrespective of their antecedents have been graduates of one of either Oxford or Cambridge. Most of them have in fact been graduates of a single hybrid course, Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). It appears that there is very little room in the British cabinet for those who have not gone through the PPE degree programme in either Oxford or Cambridge. And this is set to continue for long time to come.

    To be continued.

  • Adieu Sankore

    Adieu Sankore

    Death according to Shakesphere is a necessary end which will come when it will come. Just as we do not determine when we should be born, the decision of when to die is not within our powers.

     If only we could decide when people should die, we would want many who have died to continue to be alive because of their contributions in various ways and at various levels.

     Though that common line in condolence messages that someone died when he or she is still needed most to continue to play the important roles they have been playing is not necessarily true in all cases, some truly deserve to be so mourned.

     Such is the passion and diligence they bring to doing what they are known for that it would be hard to fill the vacuum their death would leave in the community where they have made a lot of impact.

    Though he has been sick for a while and receiving treatment, the last WhatsApp message he sent to me gave me hope that he would win the hard battle against cancer. He even mentioned gradually resuming work and I was looking forward to being able to meet with him soon to discuss some of our unfinished discussions about the kind of capacity development support journalists need to write better investigative reports and other content.

     Unfortunately, Rotimi Sankore, Executive Director of the African Centre for Development Journalism died on the day I wanted to reach him about a story he took special interest in that has turned out to be very relevant for the discussion on the appropriateness of seaside burial based on the culture in some riverine areas following the death of actors in Asaba recently.

     If he was still alive and well enough to respond, Rotimi would have been so glad that he waived the requirement for the Inequalities Fellowship that all fellows should not pitch stories outside their state of residence due to limited funds with the support from the Executive Director of the International Centre for Investigative Reporting, Mr Dayo Aiyetan.

     Godfrey George of The Punch Newspapers published the detailed report titled ‘How seaside burials poison water sources, endanger riverside residents’s lives’

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      Sankore was so passionate about data and evidence-based development reports that can hold the government accountable and wake the officials to their responsibilities that he devoted time to facilitating various trainings and providing informed analysis whenever he had the opportunity to do so. The Inequalities Reporting Fellowship by his centre was aimed at building the capacity of journalists to report different inequality themes at sub-national levels covering economic, education, food, gender, health, politics and other basic needs.

    Those who listened to his analysis on the radio while he was the Editorial Board Chairman of Nigeria Info knew he was not just another analyst, but one who had a full understanding of the issues he spoke on and backed his argument with necessary data and facts. His analysis is so convincing that one wishes the government would take his warnings of the danger ahead of us seriously.

     Sankore is indeed an accomplished Journalist, media trainer, development expert and human rights advocate who will be missed for his innumerable contributions to the media and development sector not only in Nigeria but globally where he served in various capacities.

  • Help from beside

    Help from beside

    For Mrs Oluremi Tinubu, the saying that behind every great man there’s a great woman strictly adheres. It takes an exceptional woman to be married to a man like Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu who can never be deterred from pursuing any goal that he sets his mind on. Considering the man’s audacity, many women would have ‘chickened out’ or done everything within their powers to stop such husband from pursuing especially the kind of political ambition Tinubu has been involved in, especially during the years of the locust that military rule represented for Nigeria.

    Is it the hide-and-seek game with security agents in the course of the struggle to return the military to their barracks that we want to talk about? Or life in exile where he fled to alongside other patriots when the heat was too much at home? Or even the many struggles that he has had to wage on the political terrain before he became Governor of Lagos State? The many back-stabbings by hitherto close associates and friends on the bumpy road to the presidency? As the Late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti sang: “how many, how many, how many we go count? Many, many.”

    It is no mean task for ordinary mortals to surmount these seemingly insurmountable difficulties. And the role or place of a supportive spouse cannot be discountenanced in all of these.

    As Tinubu was busy building bridges and extending handshakes across the Niger, the wife too was doing same across the country, especially with the womenfolk. Her main vehicles being her pet projects that spread across the country, with charity beginning of course from home, Lagos.

    As First Lady in Lagos State (1999-2007), she initiated, through her New Era Foundation, the Spelling Bee Competition for secondary school children in the state. The winner was then made One Day Governor of the state, and children who are not Lagosians had won this competition and occupied this seat at one point or the other. As a matter of fact, the winners of the maiden edition and the second — Master Ebuka Anisiobi, Maryland Comprehensive High School, Maryland, Lagos, (2001), and Miss Otiti Ovuewhorie of Lagos Model College Badore (2002) — were not Lagosians.

    Many of those who became One Day Governor then as youths have now become men and women, and as I learnt, they still find time to come together to share their thoughts. There are some experiences that remain evergreen in the minds of children. There is therefore no doubt that such people would not forget their experiences for the one day they acted as governor, with many of them telling Lagosians their plans and vision for the state. They would for a long time continue to remember the platform that conferred the privileges they enjoyed as winners of the competition and the person behind it. Many of them would have been in the vanguard of flying Tinubu’s flag in his political odyssey.

    Of course, Mrs Tinubu in her capacity as senator representing Lagos Central Senatorial District at the National Assembly from 2011 to 2023 also had some compassionate interventions in the lives of many Nigerians.

    And, since becoming the country’s first lady, she had also initiated some laudable projects to empower the womenfolk. In keeping with its mandate of empowering Nigerian women with enabling skills, her arm of the Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI) graduated the first set of beneficiaries of its Women ICT Training and Empowerment Programme last year.

    About 35 women drawn from across the FCT participated in the programme and were, upon graduation in August, presented with a brand new laptop and N100,000 intervention grant each.

    Also, in September, last year, the initiative distributed N500 million relief packages to about 500 families affected by communal conflict in six local government areas of Plateau State. There are others too numerous to name.

     So, what she is doing currently as the country’s First Lady is not new to her. She is walking on a familiar terrain, with the experiences she had gathered along the line, that are expected to be brought to bear on her present elevated assignment.

     I am talking about her agricultural support programme for women farmers under the larger umbrella of her husband’s RHI, in several parts of the country. My initial take was to see it as one of those projects, but it became a topical issue worthy of attention on this page when I saw that the project was not just taking place in a state but in several states in virtually all the geopolitical regions of the country simultaneously, except the south-south zone. It was launched last week.

    At this point, it became for me like the proverbial elephant that only the mischievous would pretend not to have seen and so would say ‘it seems something just walked pass’! An elephant is beyond ‘it seems’; when we see one, we should acknowledge it. I mean a project the magnitude of that undertaken by the wife of the President is worthy of attention and mention. Here, one is not talking about the quantum of resources but more in terms of the effects it would have on food security if faithfully implemented.

    Read Also: Varsity teachers jailed in Cameroon seek Tinubu’s, Reps’ help to regain freedom

    Speaking during the flag-off of the initiative on Tuesday in Jos, the Plateau State capital, the First Lady said the programme was currently ongoing in other regions in the country. Represented by Salamatu Gbajabiamila, wife of the chief of staff to the president, Mrs Tinubu said the south-south was the only region where the project was yet to be launched.

    Twenty women in each of the north-central states of Niger, Nasarawa, Plateau, Kwara and Kogi would share N10 million; that is N500,000 apiece. The aim is to boost food security as well as empower women in agriculture, hence the beneficiaries were mainly women involved in animal husbandry, poultry and fish farming. Only about 25 per cent of beneficiaries of the empowerment are men.

    “Today, we are flagging off the Renewed Hope Initiative Agricultural Support Programme for the North-Central Zone, in fulfilment of our promise to continue to promote the womenfolk, particularly farmers across the nation”, the First Lady was quoted as saying.

    She added: “Therefore, RHI’s commitment to supporting women farmers nationwide aligns with the broader national agenda to strengthen the agricultural sector.”

    Mrs Tinubu urged “all stakeholders, including government officials, community leaders, and non-governmental organisations, to work hand in hand to support local farmers to ensure food security in our communities and nation at large.”

    Helen Mutfwang, wife of Plateau State governor and the state’s coordinator of RHI, who was represented by Kachallom Gang, commissioner for higher education, noted the challenges that women in agriculture face, including limited access to resources, lack of training and education, and gender-based discrimination. She added however, that “this support will enable the women to reach their full potential and contribute to the growth and development of our agricultural sector.”

    This was the situation in all the other states where the launching was taking place simultaneously, with the wives of governors serving as coordinators of the project in their states.

    With this particular programme, she is not only lending a helping hand to her husband’s administration, she is also contributing to Nigeria’s efforts to fight hunger in the land. And when hunger is taken out of the poverty question, the problem is partly solved. One needs to eat and be alive to aspire to anything. Women have a lot to contribute to the efforts to feed the nation. Their attention is sorely needed to address the problem of food security in the country. This is why we should applaud Mrs Tinubu’s choice of the vulnerable, yet indispensable segment of the population, for this equally important assistance.

    However, for the grants given to bear fruit, and for similar efforts by governments and others to be meaningful, the government must be ready to guarantee security on the farms. The security agencies are trying but they need to redouble their efforts. Peace is sine quanon to any endeavour, farming inclusive.

    Moreover, transportation, especially in the hinterlands must be worked on. We do not have to concentrate efforts at constructing roads in urban centres to the detriment of the rural areas where the food we eat comes from. There should be easy access to and especially from the farms. The storage problem too must be addressed. The farmers should not be left to their devices after producing the crops. The best way to encourage them and therefore ensure stability of prices of foodstuffs is to buy off the products from them to cut their loss.

    Truth is, women are more dependable when it comes to money matters. One can say with a reasonable degree of confidence that the women that have been given the grants, or the ones still expectant would better utilise the funds than men. Empirical evidence has proven that over and over again. Many men who got such funds (or even loans) in the past spent the money to acquire more wives, among other frivolities. Even if women would be so much in love to want to shower such money on their lover, the tendency to do that would be very low.

    International agencies focus more on women empowerment schemes and projects affecting children, women and poverty for understandable reasons.

     It is heartwarming that Mrs Tinubu’s agricultural empowerment for women falls under this category and has therefore given it the endorsement of the United Nations (UN) that has expressed its readiness to work with the First Lady through the RHI in addressing challenges confronting the nation, particularly in these critical areas.

    Dr. James Emmanuel Kwegyir-Aggrey (1875-1927), a Ghanaian scholar and

    one of this century’s greatest educators it was who said: “if you educate a man you educate an individual, but if you educate a woman you educate a family (nation)”. This is true even beyond the realm of education, and the reason for this is simple: women are naturally kind-hearted and compassionate. The woman knows that when trouble comes, she and the children are usually the most vulnerable victims. So, she would be willing to do everything to avert that victimhood. Mrs Tinubu’s empowerment scheme has addressed some of the issues encountered by women in agriculture. It must be sustained and monitored for optimum results.

  • Trifling with agitation: Yoruba Nation Army

    Trifling with agitation: Yoruba Nation Army

    Two Saturdays ago in Ibadan, a group of starry-eyed agitators allegedly inspired and indoctrinated by Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, one of the widows of the late MKO Abiola, carried out an utterly inept attempt to proclaim and assert the independence of the Yoruba from the Federal Republic of Nigeria. They chose the Oyo State secretariat and the House of Assembly as the symbolic epicenter of attack to underscore their revolt against the system, particularly the country’s stifling political structure. They presumed to represent the Yoruba and the entire Southwest, even when the more astute Professor Banji Akintoye and the populist Sunday Adeyemo, aka Sunday Igboho, acknowledged they were making heavy weather of their agitations for Yoruba self-determination. The militants who carried out the half-hearted attack on the Oyo State secretariat gave a bad name to agitation, if not the Southwest as a whole. They were poorly informed about the principles of self-determination, were easily hoodwinked, were poorly armed because they thought their objective was a fait accompli, and under cursory interrogation displayed immense stupidity and lack of coordination.

    Mrs Onitiri-Abiola has not been apprehended. But she will be, sooner rather than later. Hopefully, interrogators will get a glimpse into the workings of her turbulent mind, whether her anger was politically motivated and even bore vestigial connections to the 1993 presidential election debacle involving her late husband, or whether it was ideologically grounded. By now she is probably disillusioned, in contrast to a few of her militants who swore to their intransigence. Whatever investigators find out, nothing will, however, detract from the horrifying incompetence she and her militants demonstrated on April 13. There is nothing theoretically wrong with agitation over any cause, particularly self-determination involving separation or dissolution of an entity, but there are legitimate ways to do it that preclude faked referendum. Prof Akintoye, who also leads a self-determination group, and others are passionate about the Yoruba nation cause, a subject that obsesses and absorbs the Southwest, but they are painfully aware of the difficulty of birthing it beyond its ideational fascination. The angry Mrs Onitiri-Abiola brooked no such scruples or hesitations.

    The Yoruba may be a fractious and republican people, but they are nevertheless calculating and in some respects farsighted. As attractive as self-determination is, they were reluctant to embrace Prof Akintoye’s perspective on the subject, a reluctance helped in no small measure by the dithering of the group headed by the mercurial professor, not to say the group’s shambolic bookkeeping. Beyond the initial flurry, Prof Akintoye soon discovered that the Yoruba began squirming over his methods, particularly his characteristic impatience, and started to put distance between their aspiration and the manner the professor sought to embody the cause. Yes, the Yoruba spoke daggers, but they were extremely hesitant to use daggers. And when Mr Igboho decided to give jagged teeth to the self-determination idea following the tantalising popularity of his anti-herdsmen campaign, Yoruba leaders summoned a conference on the subject, put their feet down, and stamped the idea out before it acquired wings. It was a risky gamble, especially under the Muhammadu Buhari administration when herdsmen were running rampage all over the country. But Yoruba leaders had learnt lessons from the revolts that were laying the Northeast, Northwest and Southeast regions waste.

    Had Mrs Onitiri-Abiola infused a little sense and restraint into her crusade, assuming she remained rational and less embittered over the years, she would have understood why the Southwest wanted a different method of prosecuting self-determination rather than arming a few disoriented and wild-eyed individuals to play roles far bigger than their intellects and socialisation could handle. Under President Bola Tinubu, national institutions are given room to work in line with the constitution, and they are in a vengeful mood, as the former Kogi State governor Yahaya Bello is finding out. However, Oyo State government’s hasty and indefensible demolition of the building associated with Mrs Onitiri-Abiola’s revolt and the Yoruba nation agitators will probably make the Amazon less inclined to give herself up. Indeed, her imagination about how she would be treated, should she be arrested, would be running riot already. The agitators have not the faintest clue what a rebellion looks like. They are, however, not alone in their naivety. By demolishing the agitators’ building in Ibadan, a needless resort to self-help despite a controversial procurement of a court order, the government manifests a crying lack of prosecutorial savvy. The state needs the building as well as all the items seized from it as exhibits in the prosecution of the agitators. The state needs to painstakingly build their case, down to the minutest details of which rooms arms and ammunition were stored, which room was allegedly used by Mrs Onitiri-Abiola to read her so-called treason speech, and proofs led as to what the other rooms were used for. That building ought to be preserved until the trial is over, especially because the suspects did not blow it up to cover their tracks and destroy evidence. Alas, the state obliterated much evidence on behalf of the agitators.

    There are indications that the Yoruba Nation agitators planned their action to engulf the whole Southwest. Hopefully the authorities, having again been caught flatfooted despite the magnitude of the plot, will get to the bottom of the revolt. Notwithstanding the tardiness of the intelligence community, the agitators and other self-determination groups will hopefully soon get the message that the Southwest will not allow a replication of the maladies demolishing the peace and stability of other regions. Yoruba leaders are clear about what ails their region economically and politically, and they have a fair idea of how to actualise regional stability and development. They are unlikely to allow themselves and their region goosestep into an inferno, or reenact the Yoruba-on-Yoruba violence that convulsed and fractured the region in the 1960s.

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    Yoruba leaders know just how difficult building a consensus in the region has become in the intervening years. They are, indeed, not unmindful of the shifting mores upending values and distorting perspectives in the region. They are keenly aware of the immense fascination self-determination holds for indigenes in the face of an underperforming country and inept national leaders. While they denounced the upheaval reportedly led by Mrs Onitiri-Abiola in Ibadan on April 13, they also managed to communicate to President Bola Tinubu, whom they visited last week, the urgency of rearranging the country in order to produce a political system and federal structure that completely renegotiate the 1914 amalgamation as well as dismantle the unitary command structure so inimical to the aspirations of nationalities. They may not have communicated to the president how that could be done, they will, however, leave him to grapple with the mechanics of that difficult assignment. They will hope his activist background, particularly in the NADECO trenches, can help him work the magic of conjuring what his disinterested predecessors failed to midwife – a new Nigeria. In short he will be called upon to mollify the suspicions of a North obsessed with unity as well as satisfy the longings of a South panting for decentralisation.

    By now the president must have realised that the country is running out of time to design a new constitution that enables the various nationalities full expressions and aspirations, which neither rampaging herdsmen nor rapacious federal government can abridge. To do this, he must build a national consensus to achieve that great goal. But he must first lead the effort to define that goal and intuitively identify the timeframe during his tenure when that restructuring could be birthed. It won’t be easy, and it may not even be soon. But Mrs Onitiri-Abiola’s rabble makes the task very urgent and inescapable, especially because the revolts in the North and Southeast, which have lasted for more than a decade, are indeed clumsy ventilations of real regional aspirations and self-determination goals. As the amateurish putsch in Ibadan also illustrated, and as all the ongoing rebellions in other regions are demonstrating, there are too many ignorant romantics fantasising about some utopian regions where all their chimerical dreams are capable of transmuting into reality.

    Under interrogation, a few of the Yoruba Nation agitators disclosed that they believed what they were told about the United Nations approving the proclamation of a Yoruba nation. It was not in their place to ask for clarifications or to disprove the fantasies of their manipulators. Many such ignoramuses believed the hooey propagated by Nnamdi Kanu of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra, thus destabilising the Southeast for years, and also took hook, line, and sinker the sectarian blather garbled by Boko Haram’s Mohammed Yusuf and Abubakar Shekau, which has cost the country dearly. If a workable federal arrangement is not found fairly quickly, many simpletons and cannon fodder will be available for destructive sectional or sectarian agenda. They will not care the cost to lives, nor bat an eyelid over the destruction of their regions. If someone of Mrs Onitiri-Abiola’s standing could embrace with all vehemence a farcical plot to attack a few key buildings in Ibadan in order to instigate a regionwide rebellion, millions less intellectually endowed will believe worse and lend their innate idiocies to the actualisation of far more spurious, dangerous and consequential plots. The country should not let them. Southwest leaders will of course smother the Yoruba Nation agitators, as they have demonstrated last week, but they will not be able to hold off for too long a group of dispossessed agitators eager to self-immolate.

  • Outfoxing Atiku in PDP’s cold war

    Outfoxing Atiku in PDP’s cold war

    Shortly after last Thursday’s National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), a few supporters of former vice president Atiku Abubakar whined that he seemed to have been left with the short end of the stick in his battle of wits with Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister Nyesom Wike. The battle between the two PDP leaders has been going on since 2022, and has now morphed into a cold war. They squared off over the presidential ticket of the party and ended up pitching the North against the South when the party’s informal zoning system was jettisoned. They are still at daggers drawn, with no sign of a thaw in the bitter recriminations that followed the last presidential election. Responding to his supporters’ apprehensions that he seemed to have lost to Mr Wike, the former vice president took refuge in homilies by eulogising the sovereignty of God who, he says, gives power to whomsoever he wishes. It is awkward that most of his homilies have not resonated outside the PDP, nor in any of the past six presidential elections, nor since he lost the presidential election last February.

    Alhaji Atiku’s supporters are sensitive. The setback suffered by their principal is too obvious to couch in euphemisms. Before last Thursday, the former vice president and his group had calculated on easing out the party’s acting national chairman, Umar Ilya Damagum, who is believed to be favoured by most PDP governors and particularly Mr Wike. To have him remain in office through the party’s congresses and possibly national convention was anathema. Mr Wike was not at first favourably disposed towards Ambassador Damagum, but as someone who thinks on his feet, he quickly realised the advantages of sustaining the status quo, and he leapt on the bandwagon. Having recently left the governorship of Rivers State, the FCT minister knew how difficult it was to subvert the wishes and interests of the governors. Staying and flowing with them was a far safer bet than any display of foolish radicalism. What is even far better for him is that on the whole, the PDP governors were deeply suspicious of Alhaji Atiku and resented his overbearingness, not to say his unreasonable loyalty to only his mostly northern crowd within the party’s middle and top echelons.

    Read Also: Atiku urged to stop fooling Nigerians

    If the PDP NEC wanted to remove Ambassador Damagum, they could find the contrivances to do so. But in the event, they found contrivances to elongate his chairmanship till August, with hints of even extending that elongation to September. The issue of replacing him, reports suggested, did not really arise at all. In addition, as proof that the interests of Alhaji Atiku were becoming more constricted in the party, the NEC, and particularly the influential governors in the party, gave hints that Ambassador Damagun might very well remain the chairman for much longer than is anticipated while his substantive position as Deputy National Vice Chairman (North) could be ceded to the North-Central, the region to which the chairmanship had been zoned. Somehow, the movers and shakers in the party secured the resignation of Iyorchia Ayu, the former occupant of the seat. Therefore, except something big happens, between April and August/September, the noose around Alhaji Atiku’s neck will tighten. He will become increasingly isolated, but the war may not be over yet.

    Once peace is restored in the PDP and they can manage to reform some of their processes and sanitise their rules and regulations, Alhaji Atiku will become less and less relevant. But he will still not be stone dead in the party. PDP governors may have given hint that they would resist anyone taking the party into an unapproved merger, a barb directed at the former vice president, but once they can cobble some form of unity amongst themselves, they will discover that the informal coalition they formed against Alhaji Atiku is laced with booby traps. Some of them cast furtive glances at the All Progressives Congress (APC), and others play the voyeur by admiring the steady and determined steps of the same APC federal administration. And since everything about the PDP war is aimed at readying the party for 2027, it is a question of time before the survivors turn on one another. If the former vice president is still waiting in the wings – and it is hard to imagine how he can survive till then – he will cash in on that dilemma. By every consideration, and regardless of who wins the war within the PDP, the party’s future is fraught with a lot of apprehensions.

    Read Also: Atiku Abubakar, Panama Papers and Lagos-Calabar superhighway

    The PDP may be loth to reconcile itself to losing presidential elections, but many in its ranks have become accustomed to flirting with political suitors outside the party. PDP warriors, including Alhaji Atiku himself, former senate presidents Olusola Saraki and David Mark, and many others, are either enervated by age or their vision is occluded by lack of principles. However, 2027 is eons away and the cold war within the opposition party can only worsen. They have enough time to hope for the best for their party and the worst for the APC. The storm may be overcast in their party, but they will still be able to tell whether the ruling party will become so complacent as to give the opportunity for the opposition to rally its forces. After all, that was how the APC itself got the opportunity to take the presidency in 2015. With the Labour Party (LP) in disarray and its former standard-bearer now convinced that going it alone is illusory, and with some states in the North suffering buyer’s remorse, the PDP, despite its internal rancour, will wonder whether victory can’t be snatched from the jaws of defeat with a simple coalition that precludes the aurochs, Alhaji Atiku.

  • EFCC versus celebrities

    EFCC versus celebrities

    The jailing of cross-dresser Idris Okuneye, aka Bobrisky, appears to have been a win-win situation for both the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the offender. The anti-graft agency got its conviction with minimal effort, and the cross-dresser took a six-month jail term for naira abuse rather than have the agency poking its anti-money laundering nose into his fairly substantial deposits. To all intents and purposes, Bobrisky was, or agreed to be, railroaded into jail. Everything seemed to have been negotiated. For the EFCC, the Bobrisky naira abuse case was a cause célèbre, essentially because the sentencing dispensed with the option of fine. Having pleaded guilty and saved the EFCC time and money in prosecution, everybody expected him to get a slap on the wrist, a conviction that would allow him to pay fine and walk home a free man.

    It is not clear whether the Lagos State Inland Revenue Service (LIRS) will investigate the cross-dresser’s finances, particularly his bank statements unearthed by the EFCC, and call him to account. But for the anti-graft agency, prosecuting Mr Okuneye for money laundering would probably be double jeopardy if the task is undertaken sometime in the future. In the initial six-count charge filed against Mr OKuneye, the EFCC was to pin him down over the payment of some N127.7m and another N53m into the account of his company, Bob Express, between 2021 and 2024. Eventually, the agency tried him for naira abuse, forswore the money laundering charge, and after he probably panicked and pleaded guilty, the court jailed him for six months.

    The conviction, not to say the unexpected sentencing without an option of fine, is a double-edged sword for the EFCC. A few short weeks after picking up Mr Okuneye for interrogation and successfully prosecuting him, the anti-graft agency has also picked up Pascal Okechukwu, aka Cubana chief priest, a socialite, for the same offence. The video of how he turned money spraying into a virtuoso art had gone viral and left the EFCC with no choice but to invite him. Even though the agency had explained that February 2024 was the cut-off date for those who committed the infraction to attract the hammer, it was nevertheless inundated with videos mostly of celebrities having fun at the expense of the naira and even dollars. To ignore the ‘helpful tips’ would open the EFCC to allegations of bias and selective prosecution, particularly of the most insidious variety. Already, there are insinuations that the EFCC targeted Mr Okuneye for his cross-dressing peccadillo rather than naira abuse. However, taking cognisance of the videos and acting on them could also expose the agency to allegations of persecution of celebrities; for clearly, naira spraying had become a sport for the rich and famous.

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    More importantly, by prosecuting Mr Okuneye and jailing him without an option of fine, the EFCC will have an uphill battle getting a plea bargain from any subsequent naira abuse suspect. It was not surprising that the second celebrity hauled into the anti-graft agency’s net adamantly refused to plead guilty and get a predictably short trial. Mr Okechukwu is both defiant and unimpressed with the EFCC’s charges. His lawyers may have told him that the grounds of the indictment against him can be successfully challenged. Spraying naira, they have probably told him, does not amount to abuse, mutilation or defacement. In any case, after Mr Okuneye pleaded guilty, it did not save him from a six-month jail term. So, why not fight the charges to its logical end? For, after all, a jail term is probably the best and worst option for anyone who pleads guilty or not guilty. Henceforth, EFCC can bank on offenders refusing to take the guilty plea, while unending supply of ‘helpful’ video tips and consequent prosecution risk turning the agency into a circus.

    While the anti-graft agency could not ignore the tips when they come, and had indeed tried to limit the number of cases to be prosecuted, it simply has to find a more ingenious way of walking back its earlier determination to deal firmly with the vice of naira abuse. The agency did well to prosecute Mr Okuneye and do it cheaply, but the more videos sent to the agency, the deeper the snare EFCC finds itself. It is an unprofitable venture open to a lot of interpretations and booby traps. The initial euphoria is dying down very quickly after the first prosecution. No wonder the Central Bank of Nigeria and law enforcement agencies had been disinclined to arrest and prosecute offenders. They showed little interest. They suspected it could quickly become a circus. Yet, the vice could not be left unattended to. It was necessary to do something; but what the EFCC has eventually chosen to do now seems nugatory. The government should, however, not give up; they have a responsibility of finding a nearly perfect way of handling the issue. One way is to amend Section 21 (1) of the CBN Act, 2007 and remove the jail term option and substitute it with a fine of say, N10m, adjusted for inflation as time goes on. That should rein in the naira spraying madness. Putting Mr Okuneye in jail is one more mouth for wearied Nigerian taxpayers to feed, and one controversial and difficult cross-dresser to maintain.