Category: Sunday

  • Creation of states nonsensical, counterproductive

    Creation of states nonsensical, counterproductive

    Last February, the Senate Committee on Constitution Review (CRC) indicated that they had received requests for the creation of 31 additional states and 18 more local government areas. Last week, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, however, announced that the requests for more states had grown to some 42. Whatever the number of states and LGs Nigerians are campaigning for, there is no doubt that all the six geopolitical zones are keen on the creation of more states and LGs which they see as the only way to engender inclusivity and development. Their developmental paradigms are, however, wrong. How they think fragmentation of states and local governments have positive correlation with development is hard to explain. But some Nigerians seem persuaded that a direct correlation exists between creation of states and development, and are unwilling to yield to any other paradigm, no matter how sensible.

    The six zones are hopeful that some additional states and local governments will be created at the end of the constitution review. The review process may be laborious and serpentine, as the senate president argued last week in his response to unfounded speculations that some states had already been recommended for creation, or insurmountable, as everything appears to indicate, but Nigerians are hopeful that they will get their wish. No geopolitical zone wants to be left out, regardless of land size and population, while national lawmakers continue to stoke the campaign. But if Sen. Akpabio’s misgivings are anything to go by, he suggests that the proponents of creation of states are chasing a chimera. In the end, other parts of the constitution review may likely get more and faster attention than the exercise of creating more states and local governments.

    Responding to media queries last week, former Works minister and ex-Lagos State Governor Babatunde Fashola told his interviewer it was constitutionally anomalous to talk of local government autonomy. He argued that since state Houses of Assembly still legislate for the LGs, it was contradictory to crave autonomy for them. Though the LG autonomy spoken about by the executive branch and sanctioned by the Supreme Court last year relates to the management of LG finances, and not their administration, it is difficult to draw a line between the two. But taken together, the creation of states campaign and the controversial LG autonomy project indicate that fundamentally, Nigerians exhibit a poor understanding of the dynamics of federalism. Even if more states and LGs are created, it will not solve the existential crisis the country has been immersed in since independence. Most of the states and local governments are unsustainable, and are unable to fund themselves. Unsustainable states exist because national earnings are pooled and distributed, thus enabling entitlement and inefficiency, and powering the needless campaigns to create many more.

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    There will not be any controversy over LG autonomy if the LGs were generating their own funds and spending their own money. There will not be unrelenting campaigns for more states if no centralised arrangement exists to allocate funds for their sustenance. As long as the country’s political structure is misshapen, and states and LGs depend almost wholly on so-called federal allocations, a sense of entitlement will continue to fuel the campaign for creation of states, while creation of additional LGs will be considered an advantage to buoy up state revenue. State executive branch and LGs will also continue to battle for a larger share of the freebies allocated to their states.

    Given the size of the Nigerian economy and its untenable political structure, the country is too balkanised to be run successfully under stifling and unitary arrangement. Not only is the country predisposed to gross inefficiency, it is also hamstrung by superfluous and retrogressive religious considerations as well as needless ethnic rivalry and unproductive competition. The problem of Nigeria is not the availability of resources or the skills needed to turn these endowments into wealth. If it is encumbered by mindless corruption, electoral chicaneries, poor allocation of resources, and all other issues that hobble or even retard progress, it is because the superstructure is hopelessly incapable of sustaining progress and stability. Hoping that additional states and LGs would help re-engineer and drive development is absolutely nonsensical. The constitution review exercise and legislature are barking up the wrong tree, and the entire country is simply putting off the evil day. President Tinubu will not touch the creation of more states and LGs with a long pole in the next two years. It is even doubtful whether after his reelection he would accede to the requests rather than restructure and rationalise a country that is at present so structurally disfigured and alienating that only few are committed to it.

  • President Muhammadu Buhari in retrospect

    President Muhammadu Buhari in retrospect

    Femi, you are an uncommon columnist with irreproachable integrity.

    You are your own man … that’s what your writings say, loud and clear – Akogun Tola Adeniyi, on my soon to be out Book: Simply a Citizen Journalist.

    Everything considered, President Buhari was a great Nigerian leader, indeed, a titan.

    As former President Ibrahim Babangida did not fail to mention  in his tribute to him at his passing, President Buhari was:”quiet yet resolute, principled yet humble, deeply patriotic, and fiercely loyal to Nigeria,” to which, according to IBB,”he gave his best”.

    I wish to commiserate with the people of Katsina state, the entire peoples of Nigeria, especially the immediate family of the late President and Commander- in – Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, President Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR.

    May the Almighty God grant him eternal rest.

    As a chronicler of events, and a trained historian to boot, I wrote copiously about President Buhari’s persona and government.

    I, therefore, not unexpectedly, had a torrid time trying to select three from my over fifty articles which dealt, in great detail, with his administration between 2015 and 2023.

    I will only plead with my editor to please grant me some extended space to put these 3 articles out for the reading public.

    In: ‘Is President Buhari Just Plain Unconcerned Whatever Happens to Nigeria or Nigerians’, of 3 January, 2021,  I wrote as follows:

    ” So much is wrong with Nigeria that I personally no longer  know  what to think or believe. Indeed, I no longer know what to write, having severally repeated myself on issues which, not only I, but even well known friends of President Buhari, the likes of the Emir of Katsina and His Eminence, the Sultan, have had cause to  speak about of recent concerning where the President has landed  Nigeria.

    Even as every organisation with the minutest connection to the North – Coalition of Northern Groups, the Arewa Youth Consultative Forum, NEF, ACF etc –  now equates the minutest criticism  of the Buhari government to regime change,  it cannot but be heartwarming that the usually forthright NEF spokesperson,  Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, could still permit himself to say the following: “There are many grounds to question the competence and sensitivity of President Buhari’s administration. Even his most ardent supporters, if he has any, that is, will wish he has shown greater respect for inclusion and accountability of those he chooses to trust with power. The nation is paying a heavy price for mediocrity and ineffectiveness in key areas of decision-making under President Buhari”.

    With truisms like this, one would not mind  putting  up with the obsequiousness of Presidential spokespersons, and those other hangers on who are now so dim- witted they cannot offer the President some honest viewpoints even as Nigeria regresses daily under his watch.

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    I am presently so completely tanked out having written  a whole year too early, on the topic: Annus

    Horribilis on 29 December, 2019 which would have been most appropriate today, pandemic aside.

    Readers will, therefore, please forgive me as I go back all the way to my archives to fetch an article that not only encapsulates the times, but generated so much furore, and trended on social media for well over two weeks.

    Published, 15 December, 2019, ‘What Is Happening Mr President’, was also deliberately misinterpreted by those who either are mischief makers or who, because they do not understand the English language, permitted themselves to be easily lured into thinking that I was on an errand for a particular politician who they say had an axe to grind with the President. 

    I had  no alternative than to urge them to go and read my column from inception which, incidentally, went back to COMET, and so debuted long before The Nation.

    That article will now be edited for space constraint.

    Happy reading.

    For those who may not know, I have more than established my bona fides as a supporter of President Muhammadu Buhari. When he was not anywhere sure he would emerge the APC Presidential candidate for 2015, I  wrote about  him as follows: “Nigeria, in its current dire straits, needs Buhari more than he needs Nigeria”.

    This was repeated in a book by the late Prof Tam David West when he wrote: “Buhari: The Politics Of Age, October 14, 2014:”Nigeria, in its current dire straits needs Buhari more than he needs Nigeria.” -Femi Orebe,“The Nation On Sunday”, September 28, 2014 Page 18”.

    I write  that to show  not just  where I stand on the Nigerian political spectrum, but to let President Buhari  himself know that in asking what are bound to be absolutely uncomfortable questions, they are not coming from enemy territory, but from the tortured  soul of a supporter of his, who has been at the receiving end of those Nigerians who claim I was one of those who sold them ‘a pig in a poke and  the most tribalistic Nigerian President ever’.

    In fairness to the critics, I have  often personally wondered  as to how the President still manages to sleep, if he is able to, after he must have taken a hard look at how the North has come to so completely dominate the Nigerian public space under his watch  to the extent that one would be right to say Nigeria  is under a Northern stranglehold.

    Worse really, is the fact that this seeming internal colonialism shows no signs of remission as various stratagems are still ongoing; examples being the Water Bill currently at the National Assembly, as well as  the case of the Federal Commission on Nomadic Education, which though has failed, maximally  in its core function, given the number of out- of -school children in the North, but is now doing everything  to insinuate itself into  the contentious grazing reserves matter which is aimed at sexing up the country’s demographics in favour of the Fulani.

    As I wrote earlier, these views of your government are now being shared by core Northerners.

    But like  one time House of Reps member, Dr Junaid Mohammed,  U S- based, Farooq A. Kperogi, has  rightly  described your government as ‘Government Of Buhari’s Family, By His Family, And For His Family’.

    He wrote more: “Before he was sworn in as President in May 2015, Muhammadu Buhari, without prompting from anybody, publicly told his immediate and extended family members to stand back from his incoming government. He even warned that any family member who used his name to peddle influence would face dire consequences”. ”I was so impressed by this declaration that in my May 16, 2015 column titled “6 Reasons Why Incoming Buhari Government Fills Me with Hope,” I isolated it as one of the six reasons I thought Buhari’s administration would “represent a qualitative departure from the legalised banditry that has passed for governance in Nigeria for so long.” Specifically, he continued : “Buhari’s symbolic but nonetheless significant gestures like telling family members to steer clear of his government and telling aides to obey traffic laws inspire me. I remember the President saying all that and I was beside myself with joy. You would, indeed, have ridden a horse in my belly. But all those soon  dramatically changed that the First Lady had to cry out, protesting what she called a hijack of your government. I thought that was impossible”.

    The rout is complete.

     I am aware that the First Lady  had once observed that you do not know many of  those working in your government,  but that notwithstanding, I think it is necessary I remind  your Excellency, that Nigeria presently has no less than 250 ethnic groups’, divided into  6 geo – political zones . Under no circumstances should these things happen as they are  totally unconscionable and a matter of great discomfort  for those of us still supporting you in this part of the country. It is extremely nauseating  that a part can so horribly dominate the rest when those others are no slaves.

    No genuine supporter of yours in the South can be happy, or roll out the drums for this state of affairs  as they are  not only unthinkable, but totally ungodly. It is  even worse, given Nigeria’s current realities of mass poverty and unremitting insecurity.

    Unfortunately, Nigerians are not hearing a word from APC leaders in other parts of the country who toiled with you in forming the party on which  you rode to power, thus heedlessly, and selfishly, disappointing those they led to  the party.

    Whatever you can do to correct these ungodly acts will be of great help, not only to your party, as it will  molify the people somewhat,  and most probably, secure a positive legacy for you.

    Otherwise all  your  contributions to Nigeria, at this extremely difficult time, may come to naught, which I pray, God forbid”.

    The second selected article is:’President Buhari’s 2nd Term: Where WillI The Votes Come From’ dated  17 September, 2017. 

    It reads:”When on Sunday, 17 September, 2017 I wrote the article below, my intention was to rouse President Mohammadu Buhari, free him from the suffocating grip of a mafia whose mindset is cast in the 17th century, and wake him up to the reality that he is President of  a multi- ethnic, multi-religious and, a culturally diverse country of  over 200 million people. That those hopes have largely been dashed became  obvious to me after the totally unconscionable appointment of a Northerner to replace the former Yoruba Director – General of the National Intelligence Agency, thus completing the banality of Northerners’ complete control of the Nigerian security apparatti, the effect  of which we now see in the shambolic way the security agencies are treating the murderous Fulani herdsmen.

    If the article was advisory then, things have so degenerated now that if APC is to have any hope of victory in 2019 , the Buhari government must be rescued from that un-elected cabal.

    “My prayer had always been that God will restore President Muhammadu Buhari to perfect health, to  such an extent his health will not even be an issue in the 2019 elections.

    That prayer has largely been answered in the affirmative.The question to now  ask is: where will the votes come from to earn him a second term? To answer that question, let us examine the man and his government.

    Relying exclusively on what I knew of contestant Muhammadu Buhari up until 2014/15, and seeing how then President Goodluck Jonathan had firmly enthroned systemic corruption in the country, I wrote  shortly before the APC primaries of December, 2015, that Nigeria needed Buhari more than he needed her.

     But can I, in all honesty, say that today? 

    President Buhari showed very early in his administration that he was not going to be his own man when, in what many saw as a dig at Ashiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man who gave a leg and an arm for his victory, he said he was for nobody, but for all, as if  anybody said  he should be beholden to Tinubu.

    By the time he ended his ‘search’ for his ministers – some 6 months after – his relations, and assorted Hausa/ Fulani/Kanuris, to the near  total exclusion of Nigerians from other ethnic groups, have taken over the government. That the country’s entire security architecture is in the hands of Northerners must have been the icing on the cake.

    If that was resented in the Southwest which had been crucial to his election, what about the North Central geopolitical zone which the progressives won for the very first time ever?

    Political pragmatism should have informed the President to encourage the party to cede the senate Presidency to the nPDP after CPC and APC had taken the Presidency and the Vice presidency, respectively. That is how, very easily, the extremely polarising executive –legislative face off  which has since haunted the party, and the government, could have been avoided. The President did no such thing. Today, the National Assembly is controlled by the ruling party only in name.

    How then have these avoidable missteps affected President Buhari in the performance of his duties, and how, in turn, will they affect election 2019?

    The President has recorded considerable achievement in the discharge of his promises to the electorate on anti corruption and the fight against the all pervading insecurity he inherited from President Jonathan, even though some critical, but avoidable, challenges remain. While inter agency squabbles have significantly hampered the anti corruption war, despite EFCC’s  successes, the judiciary has been most unhelpful, with some judges, despite ACJA, still granting unreasonably long adjournments, and giving rulings that show they don’t care a hoot if Nigeria goes to the dogs.

    The judiciary, especially some judges and a few, quite identifiable members of the senior bar, have constituted themselves into a bulwark of support for corruption’s ferocious fight back.

    Similar mitigating challenges also trail the war against insecurity, especially Boko Haram which remains not only a potent enemy of state, but one on which so much money is being  wasted.

    Kidnappings, armed robberies, serial killings etc continue to  be the bane of every Nigerian citizen. Cost of living is high just as youth employment gnaws at the heart of most parents.”

    All these should tell President Buhari he has his job cut out for him from now on.

    Nor can a resurgent PDP, which is already stoking the embers of citizen’s malcontent, be taken for granted. In this respect, President Buhari must realise that Nigerians have very short memories. Yes, PDP is a party of buccaneers, yes they stole the country blind, yes, they literally turned the country into Somali and Southern Sudan combined, but hey, if Nigerians are still this hungry by 2019, the electorate will not remember that it was President Jonathan who turned the CBN to an Automatic Teller Machine (ATM) and got, on his instructions, a 2.1Billion dollars earmarked for the military completely incinerated by his acolytes.

    How has the Buhari government fared on such key subjects as Education, top posts of which are also dominated by the North, Healthcare delivery, Housing, road infrastructure etc? Why so many strike in our institutions of higher learning and how come labour has become so unduly restive?” 

    When the above was written, the  Benue genocide and the Taraba bloodletting were  still aeons away. Police men have not yet become game for Fulani herdsmen, with our security agencies looking askance. An arrogant, Emirs -backing, miyetti Allah, confident the government would never lift a finger to check its murderous excesses, was still talking largely in whispers. Not now, when they are in the open, killing and maiming; burning villages and farmsteads, and telling state governments what laws they can, and cannot enact.

    Happily, President Buhari still has  some time, though not much, on his hands, to rouse himself, re brand, restrategise, and begin to run an inclusive government. He must ensure that these murderous killers are brought to justice, as killers must  get their comeuppance; albeit, through the  due process of law.

    The President must wean himself off his excessive ethnicity. It is as unjust, as it is unexplainable in a multi-ethnic society. He must see every part of the country, especially the thoroughly shortchanged Southeast, as deserving of fairness and equity”.

    Finally, the third article, captioned as ‘When Is a Failed State’ of 6 August, 2021.

    I wrote therein as follows:”The more I look at Nigeria, the more agonised I become. This gets worse when I look at her trajectory since 2015, a year Nigerians had believed would be the very beginning of our redemption from PDP’s 16 -year stranglehold – 1999 – 2015. How wrong this has proved?

    The Economist of London writes:”Nigeria now confronts six or more internal insurrections. Her inability to provide peace and stability to its citizenry has tipped the hitherto, very weak state, into failure”.

    The question that then arises is: were Nigerians wrong in 2015 when, on the election of President Muhammadu Buhari, they started to smell redemption from the quagmire which 16 years of the PDP threw them into?

    My answer would, undoutedly,  be that Nigerians had more than enough reasons to believe that given President Buhari’s incandescent personal integrity, his experience in government and the many years he tried to be voted president, Nigerians were not wrong.

    Yet, Nigeria is where it is today. 

    Why?

    The Economist touched on this very germane question when it wrote further: “A country plagued by acute corruption problems, and with the unremitted crude oil revenue scandal of 2014 still fresh in the people’s minds, many were eager for a change; the type never seen before. Here, after all, was a retired army general, one already experienced in governance, with a great strength of will, and supremely considered tough enough to take on the nation’s cabal of hardened criminals. He, indeed, had promised, during the campaigns, to appoint only technocrats to head the country’s departments and to see off the Boko Haram insurgency. For a nation lacking basic amenities such as power,  despite its huge energy resources, the choice could, in fact, not have been easier. To most Nigerians, therefore,  General  Buhari, with all his integrity was the man for the moment”.

    Nor was the Economist alone, as yours truly was sanguine enough to have earlier written, on these pages, that Nigeria needed candidate Buhari more than the obverse.

    As the Economist did not fail to mention, disappointment was not long in coming, adding that in “less than a year of his assumption of office, the economy which had  grown at an average rate of 7%  between 2011-2014, had plummeted into recession. He had taken 6 months to appoint a cabinet and far more to appoint heads of agencies and boards, just as he increased import duties on the most basic of commodities in a bid to raise government revenue”.

    Worse, however, was the unbelievable insularity that underpinned his appointments. His cabinet was presumably inferior, in the decision making process, to the  more powerful, thoroughly shadowy kitchen cabinet of alleged blood relations, and those loyal  friends and allies of his long political odyssey, irrespective of their individual competences, beyond hegemonic ties. In consequence of all these, the Economist went on, “the country’s currency lost 70% of its value, unemployment rose from 6.5 to 26%, commodity prices tripled across many quarters and the state-regulated premium motor spirit prices were hiked by 67%. Today the Naira exchanges for more than 500 to one dollar”.

    Nigerians, out of respect for  the president, could still have borne their increasing poverty with equanimity. After all,  Nigeria has been categorised as the poverty capital of the world. But the indescribable insecurity  changed all that.

    In every part of the country, you are  no longer  safe on farms, highways, forests, schools, but worst of  all, in your own homes, from where you or your children can be summarily  plucked, with the government hardly batting an eyelid.

     Even when hordes of literal sucklings, pupils aged below 10 years, were kidnapped from their schools in the North , the government still managed to feign complete ignorance leaving the parents to face the ordeal.

    Today in Kaduna, Zamfara and Niger states, like any state at all, I am not sure any parent sending a child to school in the morning can say with any certainty that the child would return home. Between Boko Haram and bandits, schools have truly become ‘haram’.

    While the meddlesome Sheik Gumi, and his entourage could make tourist -like soree’s to bandits’ hideouts,  kidnapped children could still spend days upon days – one was 55 days – and men and women of our security forces would be forbidden from attacking the rogue, non state actors. It has, in fact, been reported that bandits, some of who recently  shot down a fighter jet, do have more sophisticated weapons than our security forces. Is the Economist not correct about our status as a failed state when  bandits could shoot down a fighter jet, and hold their kidnapped victims for as long as they choose? What exactly stops the government from declaring a fullscale war on them or, j in the alternative, seek external help? Is it correct to assert that religion and ethnic consaingunity are behind government’s failure to tame insecurity?

    There is also the question of the ease with which Fulani herdsmen literally live above the law, maiming, killing and kidnapping at will.

    Let us now end this article with the views of Dr Hakeem Baba – Ahmed, the NEF spokesperson, as he expressed them in an expansive interview with The Nation newspaper of Saturday, 31 July, 2021.

    Question: “On a final note, despite all the criticism, are there any positives you see in six years of the Buhari administration?

    Dr Baba- Hamed: “No! And I say that with a lot of regret. If there were, I would  say so. I was among the tiny group of people who contributed to putting this man in power, and there were huge expectations.We genuinely believed that President Buhari would  fix  security, the economy and tackle corruption; that he would give this country a new lease of life, show leadership and be different from Jonathan’s PDP administration”.

    “We had very high hopes, particularly those of us in the North who were at the receiving end of Boko Haram insurgency at that time.We didn’t see any of those things. We have seen decline in the quality of leadership, we have seen decline in security, we have seen decline in the economy. If today I tell you, there are families in the northern part of the country in the rural North, which grows its own food and eat it, families that eat one meal a day, people will find that unbelievable, but it is the truth. If I tell you that there are women in some villages in parts of the North who sleep on trees at night because they are afraid that bandits will come in the night to take them away, people may not find that believable, it is the truth. If I tell you children leave home for  school and their parents are not sure whether they will come back and that a large number of parents are removing their children from school in the north which desperately needs children, particularly the girl child, to stay in school, some people will say that is not true. But, it is the truth.That is the reality we live in. If I tell you there are communities in the South that Northerners cannot go to, some  people will say it is not true, but the reality is that it is true. That is what the six years of Buhari administration has done to Nigeria”.

    “It gives no pleasure, believe me honestly, I wish  he  has done the opposite, so that, I can be proud and say thank God, all the efforts we had put in 2003, 2004, 2005 has borne fruits, that we have shown that we can actually produce a good leader that would make a difference, but he has failed to do this and my major concern now is that, I am worried that  the same administration is working to put another administration in power and the PDP is not any better. PDP just wants to wrestle power from President Buhari and do exactly what Buhari is doing, that is the tragedy for this country”.

    There you have it dear readers. But unlike Dr Baba – Hamed, do not judge President Buhari.

    Allow History to do that.

    Erratum

    Dr John Kayode Fayemi’s 60th birthday was on February 9, 1965.

    Apologies for wrong date quoted in last week article.

  • Week of mourning and magnanimity: Tinubu’s test of heart and history

    Week of mourning and magnanimity: Tinubu’s test of heart and history

    Last week may well go down as the most emotionally searing and physically punishing stretch President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has had to endure since assuming the mantle of leadership in May 2023. It was a week that tested his strength, stretched his soul, and reaffirmed his humanity—unfolding with an avalanche of events that no playbook could have adequately prepared for. It was not the kind of week one enters from a place of fatigue, let alone jet lag, but that was precisely the state in which Tinubu returned to Nigeria—worn from a 15-day diplomatic foray to the Caribbean and Latin America, only to be met with a thunderclap of sorrow.

    At about 1:30 a.m. on Sunday, July 13, President Tinubu landed on Nigerian soil after crisscrossing Saint Lucia and Brazil in back-to-back state visits that involved intense diplomatic exchanges aimed at expanding Nigeria’s global partnerships. Barely had he set foot on home ground than the chilling news reached him: his immediate predecessor and ally, former President Muhammadu Buhari, had died in a London hospital after a long and closely guarded illness. If that shock was not enough to stagger the President, another blow landed within hours—the transition of Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, the venerable Awujale of Ijebuland and one of Tinubu’s most trusted royal confidants.

    It was a double bereavement. Two titans of Tinubu’s inner circle—one a political icon and national symbol, the other a regal father figure with whom he had shared years of counsel and kinship—both gone, just as he was returning from a taxing overseas mission. The sheer emotional weight of that convergence is hard to describe, but Tinubu didn’t buckle; he moved—fast, deliberate, resolute. Within hours, he announced Buhari’s death to the nation and dispatched Vice President Kashim Shettima to the United Kingdom to retrieve the body. That singular move was emblematic: the journey home of Nigeria’s late leader was not left to protocol or bureaucracy—it was a matter of personal honour.

    In one of his earliest statements, Tinubu captured the magnitude of the loss: “President Buhari was, to the very core, a patriot. His legacy of service and sacrifice endures.” He would go on to order flags flown at half-mast nationwide and declare a public holiday for Tuesday, July 15. The decision to observe a full week of national mourning, followed by an emergency Federal Executive Council (FEC) session and a state burial of unprecedented scale, wasn’t just a matter of national ritual. It was personal. Deeply personal.

    Throughout the week, the President functioned not only as Head of State but also as a chief mourner. He received Buhari’s body in Katsina with solemn reverence, walking silently behind the military hearse that bore his remains. The President of Nigeria—who could easily have delegated the role—chose instead to bow his head in humility before the flag-draped remains of the man who once led the nation and was also his political comrade. That moment, etched into the collective memory of Nigerians, was more than ceremonial; it was symbolic of the way Tinubu views leadership—not as rank, but as responsibility, even to the departed.

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    The interment in Daura was executed with military precision and spiritual dignity. A 21-gun salute split the air and dignitaries from across the continent paid their last respects. Yet, beyond the optics, it was Tinubu’s steadfast presence and guiding hand throughout the process—from the airport in Katsina to the grave in Daura—that struck a chord with Nigerians. The man who had just returned from an exhausting foreign assignment chose not to retreat into rest, but to rise in tribute. He did not merely attend the funeral—he orchestrated it.

    The setting up of an Inter-Ministerial Committee, chaired by Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, to manage the funeral arrangements within a mere 48 hours underscored the urgency with which Tinubu approached the moment. For him, Buhari was not a ceremonial footnote in Nigeria’s history. He was a friend, a mentor, and a fellow traveler in the arduous road to Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. He could not be buried in haste or indifference.

    And then there was the special FEC session on Thursday—a gathering of national memory and institutional grief. Tinubu’s tribute was one of rare vulnerability and reflection. “He was unmoved by the temptation of power, unseduced by applause, and unafraid of the loneliness that often visits those who do what is right,” he said of Buhari, with a voice equal parts admiration and finality. The President described his predecessor’s courage as quiet, his morality unpretentious, and his leadership self-effacing. It was the sort of testimony only a close witness could deliver—one born of shared trenches and private trust.

    In one of the most emotionally charged moments of the week, President Tinubu announced the renaming of the University of Maiduguri to Muhammadu Buhari University, Maiduguri (MBUM). This gesture, coming from a leader who rarely indulges in the politics of monuments, was profoundly telling. The University of Maiduguri is no ordinary institution; it stands in the heart of a region long devastated by insurgency, which Buhari devoted much of his tenure to stabilizing. In naming the university after him, Tinubu immortalized not just a man, but a mission—a commitment to nationhood, education, and peace.

    The renaming of UNIMAID is one of those rare political acts that transcend symbolism. It codifies in the annals of public memory a man whose convictions often ran deeper than his words, whose governance was less about spectacle and more about service. In one stroke, Tinubu ensured that future generations—particularly those from the insurgency-battered North-East—will read the name Muhammadu Buhari not just in history books, but on admission letters, convocation certificates, and national academic records. It was a move rooted in respect, shaped by strategy, and inspired by legacy.

    But if Buhari’s death brought the nation to mourning, the passing of Oba Sikiru Adetona tugged at the President’s personal heartstrings in a way few others could. In his tribute, Tinubu confessed that the death of the Awujale, occurring on the same day as Buhari’s, met him with “double pain.” He referred to the late monarch not merely as a traditional ruler but as a confidant and “honest arbiter” whose wise counsel had served him across decades. “I enjoyed an excellent personal relationship with Kabiyesi. I will forever cherish our time together,” he wrote. That double loss, so soon after a diplomatic marathon abroad, could have overwhelmed a lesser man. But Tinubu bore it with stoic grace.

    Indeed, what played out last week was a masterclass in leadership under duress—emotionally, logistically, and symbolically. The President did not allow grief to paralyze governance. Instead, he fused both realms, transforming mourning into a mobilizing force for national reflection. He led not just by position but by posture—bowing when he could have stood aloof, walking when he could have driven.

    For a man whose critics often accuse of being calculative and strategic to a fault, last week revealed a side of Tinubu that was raw, unfiltered, and deeply human. It reminded the nation—and perhaps himself—that leadership is not only about policies and appointments, but about people, relationships, and the burdens of memory.

    In the Shadow of Loss, Tinubu Still Led

    Even in a week drenched with personal grief and national mourning, President Tinubu did not waver in his duty to the country. Beneath the emotional weight of former President Buhari’s death and the parallel loss of the Awujale of Ijebuland, President Tinubu continued to attend to the weighty matters of state. It was a demonstration of composure, resilience, and devotion to the presidential oath he took—not merely to lead in times of triumph, but also through adversity.

    On Sunday, the same day he broke the somber news of Buhari’s passing, the President also found time to publicly honour another towering figure—Professor Wole Soyinka. In a statement marking the Nobel Laureate’s 91st birthday, Tinubu described Soyinka as an “uncommon patriot” and a “source of inspiration to generations.” The gesture underscored a key facet of Tinubu’s character: his ability to balance grief with gratitude, to mourn the departed while still celebrating the living legends of Nigeria’s rich intellectual and cultural tapestry. It was not just protocol—it was personal.

    Reflecting on his own relationship with the literary icon, Tinubu said, “I value my association with Professor Soyinka and several collaborations to advance the progress and development of Nigeria.” That note of reflection stood out, coming as it did in the thick of national bereavement. It pointed to a President who understands legacy not only in political terms but also in the moral and cultural realms where voices like Soyinka’s have long held sway.

    By Tuesday, with Buhari’s body barely settled in Daura and the national mood still heavy, Tinubu turned to matters of international concern. He directed relevant agencies to swiftly address the reasons cited by the United States and the United Arab Emirates in their recent visa restrictions affecting Nigerians. Despite the mourning period, Tinubu was already back to enforcing his 4-D foreign policy framework—Democracy, Development, Demography, and Diaspora—by ensuring Nigeria’s global reputation remained intact and Nigerians abroad were protected. The message was clear: diplomacy doesn’t pause for grief.

    Then came Friday, and again, the President showed no signs of emotional withdrawal from his responsibilities. He announced a slate of strategic appointments across federal agencies, including naming Muhammad Babangida, son of former military President Ibrahim Babangida, as Chairman of the Bank of Agriculture. Other key appointments spanned sectors such as energy, education, peacebuilding, and trade. Even as he bade farewell to the past, Tinubu was busy engineering the machinery of the future.

    Later that same day, President Tinubu made a solemn visit to Kano to condole with the family of the late Alhaji Aminu Dantata, the 94-year-old elder statesman and business icon. The President’s words were moving: “He was not just a respected figure; he was part of my family.” His tribute echoed the one he gave Buhari earlier in the week—personal, grounded, and sincere. For Tinubu, mourning is not mere optics; it is a duty of the heart.

    Thus, even as the nation mourned and flags flew at half-staff, the President quietly sustained the rhythm of governance—engaging the world, appointing new leaders, and offering Nigerians a rare blend of strength and sentiment. In the heaviest of weeks, Tinubu carried on. And in doing so, he reminded the country that true leadership does not retreat when the heart is heavy—it rises.

    In a political culture often characterized by expediency, Tinubu’s handling of Buhari’s passing is a case study in loyalty, ritual, and personal involvement. His visible, physical, and emotional presence throughout the week’s events is a rare departure from the detached statesmanship that many of his peers may have opted for. From authorizing the state burial, to attending and personally guiding each phase, to pronouncing memorialisation—he bore the week not as a man in high office, but as a man of high sentiment.

    The page has now turned on a momentous week—one that forced Nigeria to pause, reflect, and honour two of its departed elders. But even as flags return to full mast and ministers resume routine briefings, what will linger is the image of a President—drained by diplomacy, battered by bereavement—still standing tall in the service of those he once called friends. For Tinubu, last week was more than a chapter in governance; it was a testament of heart, loyalty, and honour.

    And so ends a week of grief, legacy, and grace. May those who passed be remembered well. And may those who remain—like President Tinubu—find the strength to keep carrying the load of history with the same dignity and devotion.

  • Buhari: Remember six feet

    Buhari: Remember six feet

    Nigeria would be great again the day our leaders start to remember that they don’t have death in their pocket

    Even as an unrepentant critic of the Muhammadu Buhari administration, I concede that the man was great in death. As a journalist, why I am a natural critic of Buhari as president is not far-fetched.   At his first coming as military head of state in December 1983, the then General Buhari, among other things, promulgated the infamous Decree Four that was for all intents and purposes, a press gag law. The problem with that decree was that it was not after the truth but more concerned about not embarrassing public officials. No true journalist would like a regime that came up with such a draconian idea.

    That was why, when, during the Sallah of 2014 (I think) when we were catching fun in the house of a commissioner-friend in Lagos State, we discussed a series of issues over exotic wine and sumptuous meal. The 2015 elections were around the corner then. We were enjoying ourselves when a former commissioner in the state literally fouled the air, as it were, when he touted Buhari as a possible presidential candidate. Mind you, over 95 percent of the about 12 of us in the sitting room are journalists. Our reaction was spontaneous NO WAY. Thank God, we didn’t say that would only happen over our dead body, dejected as we were that such a satanic idea could have come from a senior colleague. Otherwise, we would have been forced to swallow our words when Buhari later became president.

    We debated the matter. In the end, the senior colleague asked one simple question: what did we think was Nigeria’s worst challenge then? Of course that was a simple question that even a pupil in kindergarten could answer. Indeed, it was not a matter of what we thought, but a matter of what was the main problem. We all answered: corruption. Then the next logical question: who did we think could solve the problem? Was it Atiku Abubakar? We were all silent because none of us believed Atiku had the guts to fight corruption. At the end of the day, we all grudgingly agreed that it was Buhari, given his stance against corruption when he was military head of state between December 1983 and August 1985.

    At that point, it became clear that Buhari was going to be the candidate of the three political parties that eventually formed the All Progressives Congress (APC) –the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), and the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP).

    The 2015 general election finally came and Buhari won, defeating the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan in the first such election where an incumbent president would be defeated in the country.

    He was sworn in and the rest is history.

    A lot has been said about his performance in office, so I wouldn’t want to dwell much on that. Rather, I want to make this a somewhat philosophical piece for our present leaders, particularly those of them who act and talk as if they already have death in their pocket.

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    Nonetheless, I said that Buhari was an analogue president who came in a digital age. I said that much while he was president, so, if I say it now, I cannot be accused of speaking evil about the dead. Whatever that is supposed to mean even? For me, that would be one of Buhari’s biggest mistakes. That was why, right under his nose, one of his top officials (or were they many?) could have owned 753 duplexes in the same Abuja that he was living without him knowing. A digital president would have got wind of that. The sad part of it was that when some of us called his attention to some of the barefaced corruption and cluelessness that defined his presidency, Buhari never listened. Our voices were like that of John the Baptist in the wilderness. As a matter of fact, I was so frustrated at some point that I was always saying that his top officials must have got the original of whatever they used to cast a spell on him because that was the only thing that would have made a president so aloof in the circumstance.

    As I said, I am not writing to praise Buhari or to bury him. I leave the question of whether he did well or not to posterity. This piece is more of one for introspection on the part of Nigeria’s current leaders.

    I watched a substantial part of the man’s burial live on television on Tuesday. I was fascinated by what I saw, particularly the place called his house where his remains were eventually buried. It was too modest for comfort, given the status of the man Muhammadu Buhari, ex-this, ex-that; former governor, former Minister of Petroleum, former chairman, Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), among others. What many of our politicians would call lucrative appointments that they would be ready to die for. Indeed, many Nigerians who eye public office would have mansions as head of the least rewarding of these institutions.

    And, to those of you who would be asking or wondering what of his house outside Nigeria, the man had answered your question before he died. “In one of my meetings with King Charles III, he asked me an interesting question if I had a house in England, and I replied that I don’t have a house, not an inch, anywhere outside Nigeria,” then President Buhari said while receiving Letters of Credence from the High Commissioner of the United Kingdom, Richard Hugh Montgomery, and his counterpart from Sri Lanka, Velupillai Kananathan, at the Presidential Villa in Abuja in May 2023, shortly before he left office.

    For me, this counts not just for something but for a lot, especially in a country where corruption is rampant and many people see public appointments as avenues for corrupt enrichment and personal aggrandisement.  When we see what some local government chairmen own just after four years in office, you wonder what product they are producing that is yielding so huge profit to provide the kind of comfort they sustain. Governors are in a world of their own.

    Buhari is dead and gone for aye. But I was somewhat touched when I read in the social media that Aisha, his wife, said after the man’s death that he asked her to apologise to Nigerians that he might have offended. And, as if to be answering the question of where precisely Buhari told her that, Aisha said: “Ever since he left office, he often told me that if he passed away before me, I should kindly ask Nigerians to forgive him for any wrongs he might have committed during his time in power.”

    Again, whether Buhari did well in office or not, he had a befitting burial. I doubt if there has been any Nigerian leader that had received the kind of befitting burial that the man got in recent years, and within so short notice. He died at about 4.30pm on Sunday, July 13, in a clinic in London and, his remains were committed to mother earth about 48 hours later in his hometown, Daura, Katsina State. Yet, it was as if he had died a long time ago and there was adequate time to prepare for his burial. Credit for this goes to the present government that did the needful in the circumstance.

    Everything, including the weather cooperated on Tuesday that he was buried. There was no rain even as the usually hot Katsina State had a relatively low temperature that made the occasion somewhat more of a pleasant experience for the mourners and guests that thronged the town of Daura from where Buhari hailed, to pay their last respects to him.

    My people would say “o ye Buhari, egan ni hee” (Buhari’s burial was grand unless we want to badmouth it)!

    Those who might have been wondering whether it was true he really had over 12 million votes on two of the four occasions he contested for the office of president must have seen it was for real and not the kind of fluke that usually attends such claims by politicians. He had six million in one and 15 million in another; that was when Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu (now president) intervened to boost his popular votes in the south. But for this, Jonathan would have had a better spread of votes and Buhari would have lost.

    I don’t want to be dragged into this unnecessary debate about Tinubu’s contribution to Buhari’s victory in 2015. But sometimes, not to do that would allow those wanting to turn history upside down to gain an undeserved and fallacious upper hand. As a matter of fact, I was also at a meeting of a few persons in the thick of Buhari’s illness where Tinubu said and I quote: ”Buhari, even on a stretcher”, unapologetically making his position known at a time many had written Buhari off.

    Be that as it may, the truth is; the man, Buhari, had the crowd. And when I say the crowd, I meant a genuine mammoth crowd of believers as against the rented crowds that many a politician is reputed for in this part of the world.

    Indeed, what kept running on my mind as I watched his interment live was that this could have been anybody. Here was a man who twice led this country, first as a military dictator and later as a democratically elected president, motionless. His body was wrapped with cloth just like any other person, and he was dropped six feet underneath like any other mortal, a sad reminder of the fact death is indeed a leveller. No special provision was made to import soil for his burial. No burial tourism.

    If our leaders reflect deeply on such occasions, this country would be a far better place to live in. They would realise that all these rat race for political office, stupendous wealth and fame would end the very day death comes knocking. I want to become this, I want to become that automatically comes to an end.

    I am here talking to today’s leaders in the country, from local government chairmen to governors and ultimately the president. They should all remember six feet. If they do, they will always do the rightful and Nigeria would be a better place for us all, even as their names would be etched in gold. That way, nobody would need to solicit for forgiveness for them when they die because they would have earned genuine commendation from Nigerians.  

    Definitely, it is not possible to please everybody at the levels of national service that Buhari operated. Nobody can walk without his head shaking, unless he has a stiff neck. What is important is for the office holder to do something good for the greater majority. Government policies must necessarily produce both positive and negative consequences. For instance, Tinubu government’s decision to remove fuel subsidy put an end to some people’s access to easy money without lifting a finger, and such people would never see anything good in the government. But the government should not worry about that, in so far as its decision serves the interest of the greater majority.

    That is the most profound lesson for them from Buhari’s death.

  • The movement of transition

    The movement of transition

    Last week, on Sunday to be precise, Nigeria lost two of her most famous sons. Even for a nation inured to endless mysteries and political perplexities, the astrological signals and significance of these departures could hardly be missed. It was like a double meteor falling off the skies in quick succession. Nigerians had hardly taken in the import of the passing of a former ruler of the country in faraway London where he had sought medical refuge only to be informed that a frontline traditional ruler had also joined his ancestors, this time in the privacy of the royal bedroom.

     General Mohammadu Buhari was a notable soldier and civil war hero who became a military head of state and was removed by his colleagues for his strong-willed inflexibility and inability to transcend primordial and provincial proclivities. A man of adamantine resolve, he later became a civilian ruler of the country after three unsuccessful attempts. In the case of Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, he was a stellar and outstanding product of Nigeria’s durable and resilient traditional institution, becoming the Awujale  at the youthful age of twenty six in 1960 and going on to rule over his people with courage and forthrightness for the next sixty five years. After some youthful indiscretions, he settled down to rule his people with much royal flair and firmness.

    It was, as they say in this clime, the end of an era. But it is much more profound than that. It was a historic watershed for Nigeria. It was the culmination of the movement of transition in a particular direction which makes reversal in the former direction totally impossible having exhausted its historical and material possibilities. As enunciated by our former teacher Professor Oyin Ogunba, a liberal humanist and scholar of distinction, the movement of transition stresses the absolute contiguity between the world of the living and the world of the dead in the Yoruba cosmology. But it is a one-way traffic or as Amos Tutuola will put it in his colourful English: it is a journey to the land of the “unreturnable”. The dead have expended their visa and cannot return to the world of the living. This is why certain deaths are symbolic of a collective closure and the culmination of a particular phase of existence in a particular nation. It is the unforced and unhurried exit of certain historical forces and exceptional personalities that have dominated and determined the fortunes of their country for good or bad. They are what Charles de Gaulle, thinking of himself, called “sacred monsters”.

     The case of the late Awujale is more straightforward and less complicated. The nasty posthumous spat with traditionalists who wanted to take control of the royal remains notwithstanding, he was a beneficiary of more benevolent historical forces and a benign conjuncture. His was a cohesive society with core values shaped by the history and culture of his industrious and enterprising people. Among the various sub-nations of the cultured and cosmopolitan Yoruba people, the Ijebu people stand out for the solidity of their worldview, the rigour of their traditional institutions and the breezy confidence with which they deal with existential and historical exigencies. They have been living in the same domain continuously for over a thousand years and they have never been militarily subdued except once when overconfidence and lack of discretion allowed vastly superior British artillery to overrun their ramparts ending in a humiliating rout at Imagbon in 1892. They quickly recovered the initiative   after taking to heart the lesson that ancient amulets are no match for modern bullets.

      There can be no doubt that Oba Sikiru Adetona left Ijebu-Ode a much better, more prosperous and culturally thriving place than he met it, with his people more united, more vibrant, more accomplished and forward-looking. Thanks to his cousin, Mike Adeniyi Adenuga the Globacom mogul, the annual Ojude Oba gathering has been transformed into a global cultural extravaganza which has brought world-wide fame and recognition to his domain. He had met Ijebu-Ode a rural municipality and had transformed it through sheer determination and the force of his towering personality to a thriving modern city with well-paved roads, majestic edifices, amenities, first class institutions and a slew of industries. Nothing that could add lustre and prestige to his beloved town escaped his attention and searching scrutiny. A personal example will suffice. After the burial of Toun Onabanjo in 2011, yours sincerely in the company of some notable Yoruba leaders, repaired to his palace.

     It was our first and last meeting. After introduction, the Awujale concentrated his gaze and attention on the columnist bemoaning the fact that one was one of those Ijebu children lost to the diaspora. Even after Chief Segun Osoba had told him that one was from a village in Osun State, the revered monarch insisted on our departure that the columnist must return home to put something on ground. Such was his charismatic charm and the goodwill he radiated. By the time he joined his ancestors last Sunday, the late king had been transformed into a supranatural personage of transcendental courage and immanent integrity, a mighty oak and auroch among men. Little wonder that the entire Ijebuland had been thrown into deep mourning and depression.

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     Unfortunately, the same thing cannot be said about the general from Daura who left his country far more bitterly divided, polarized and impoverished than when he met it as a self-professed born again democrat and civilian leader. In death as in life, General Mohammadu Buhari split his country and people centrally. While the Nigerian ruling class and its global cohorts showered effusive encomiums and fake testimonials on him, the teeming masses of Nigerians across ethnic and religious lines were not impressed. They jettisoned the cultural admonishment not to speak ill of the dead as nothing but feudal veto and autocratic overreach.

    Angry callers jammed switchboards condemning him as an ineffectual political leader and his reign a massive rip-off and hypocritical scam. Never in living memory, except the passing of General Sani which was met with widespread celebrations and wild jubilation in some sections of the country, has a Nigerian leader met with such hostility and scarification in death. They accused him of not walking his talk on corruption, of leaving Nigeria with a worse security nightmare and of compounding the problems of ethnic, religious and cultural diversities in the country. Yet others hailed him for his infrastructural feats which are unequalled and unprecedented in the annals of the country and his massive empowerment schemes which turned out a classic instance of Stone Age economics compounded by a fiscal fiddling of the Exchequer.

     These divergent and countervailing opinions point at something more fundamental: a deeper structural misalignment of the nation which Buhari was fundamentally incapable of perceiving. He was a systems man and not a system changer or disruptor. His was a narrow and circumscribed feudal worldview in which all the issues were already settled and in which everybody was supposed to know his place. Having such a man as a leader in a roiling postcolonial menagerie of combustible contradictions is a cruel set-up. But power hungry while being politically maladroit Buhari was a willing martyr and accomplice. He allowed himself to be set up while also setting up the country and its teeming expectant populace. Under the spreading colonial chestnut tree of political perfidy, you sold me and I sold you.

    A man of more cultivated social habits, wider reading regimen and sharper political instincts would have seen through the fog from a mile off. Throughout his life, there was a lingering whiff of spite, resentment and scornful contempt as if he could not live down the haughty condescension of the blue-blood feudal Brahmins who looked down on him as belonging to an inferior caste of forest dwellers and the humiliation of having been toppled by his own junior colleagues. After he was elected the president of the country, a senior military colleague and former benefactor was known to have remonstrated with him that it was time to forget and forgive those who had wronged him in the past. He was said to have looked up in consternation at his former boss before exploding: “Including Ibrahim?” Yet it was the same Ibrahim whose magnanimity and generosity of spirit made sure no harm came his way on the night he was arrested and dethroned.

    Nigeria is not a unified or homogeneous country. Its contradictions have not been simplified and unbundled to a simple confrontation between the haves and the have-nots. Those, including this writer, who invested unrealistic hopes in the general from Daura have not been fair to him or the country. We had unfairly surmised that with his populist mystique, his aura of authority and messianic infallibility he would be the avenging avatar that would drag the north by the scruff of the neck screaming and kicking into the portals of modernity. But General Buhari is not a Colonel Mustapha Kemal Ataturk; neither is he a Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser or even Colonel Muammar Ghaddafi for that matter. This is because Nigeria is neither Turkey nor Egypt or Libya. We must always modify our expectations based on the internal configuration and the state of nationhood of each country.

    General Mohammadu Buhari has given it his very best shot. He was not a rebel or a radical but a former herd-boy made good. In an engrossing play of irony, his military superiors who in 1976 upon the assassination of Murtala Mohammed foreclosed his appointment as Chief of General Staff, Defense Headquarters on the patriotic grounds that based on his political clumsiness such an appointment might imperil a sterling military career merely opened a surer path to political preeminence for him. General Obasanjo and General Danjuma could not see far into the turbulent future. Both Buhari and Shehu Yar’Adua, the man who acceded to the post, were classmates in Katsina Provincial College but there is no evidence of deep friendship between the two. The two military brass hats ended up in partisan politics with Yar’Adua perishing in Abacha’s Gulag while Buhari went on to become a twice elected civilian president.

      With the transition of General Buhari last Sunday, we have reached the end of an era; a critical threshold in the history of the nation and the culmination of events which began fifty years earlier with the overthrow of General Yakubu Gowon and the ascendance, military dominance and political hegemony of the civil war officers, those heady warriors who believed that because they fought for the unity and preservation of the country, they also had a right to control the political and economic destiny of the nation. They have left their deep marks on the tumultuous history of the nation. It has taken half a century for the nation to discharge its debt of obligation to them. But now, Nigeria has entered a new phase.

  • Atiku’s presumptuous politics

    Atiku’s presumptuous politics

    Former vice president Atiku Abubakar’s resignation from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) will be the third from the party since he began participating in Fourth Republic politics. He had defected from the PDP to the Action Congress (AC) in 2006, fled back to the PDP in 2009, then sauntered to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2014, and then crawled back to the PDP in 2017 for the purpose of contesting the 2019 presidential poll. After a long hiatus, in which he virtually abandoned the party to the likes of former Rivers governor Nyesom Wike, he rekindled his interest in the party essentially to contest the presidency in 2023. Finally, to cap an inglorious culture of political peregrinations, the nomad again resigned last week from the PDP to seek solace and fulfillment in another adopted party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC). After his 2023 presidential election debacle, analysts concluded that he had blown his last chance at winning the presidency. But he thinks he still has another ‘last chance’, hence his orchestrated mass migration to the ADC.

    He resigned from the PDP a day after former president Muhammadu Buhari died in London on July 13. While one of his aides, Paul Ibe, claimed the resignation letter was leaked and was not meant to overshadow the burial of the former president, another aide posted the letter on X (Twitter). There was of course no leak. Having tendered the letter to the appropriate authority in line with the PDP constitution, and with no caveat attached to its circulation, it was only natural that so significant a resignation should be publicised. More, for a man so taken by the inscrutable art of political metaphysics, he saw the death of the former president as a good omen for his political ambition, an augury that beckons immediate action. In any case, by July 16, Alhaji Atiku was reveling in the announcement of his resignation. He had attended the burial of the late president on July 15 flanked by former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai and former Sokoto governor Aminu Tambuwal as they walked to the late president’s residence on account of the crowd that thronged the funeral. Hailed extravagantly like heroes just back from battle, he and his cohort interpreted what seemed like a festival of welcome directed at them on the approaches to the Buhari residence as proof of resounding victory in the 2027 presidential election.

    The former vice president’s resignation letter illustrates a man who consistently labours under grand illusions. Apart from opportunistically projecting himself as the inheritor of the Buhari mystique – and it is extremely hard to see how or why – the letter also tells brazen lies about his intentions, his worldview, and his ambitions. He predicated his resignation, or ‘parting of ways’ as he put it, on “the current trajectory the party has taken”, which he argued diverged from the PDP’s ‘foundational principles’. This was of course an egregious lie. The party’s trajectory has not changed a jot, notwithstanding the convulsive politics of some of its panjandrums. What is more, its ‘foundational principles’ have remained neither fully conservative nor passably progressive. The party has in fact engaged in ideological straddle for decades, indeed from its birth. If anything has changed, it may perhaps be its repeated failure to muster the kind of subliminal confidence that attended its birth and weaning. Nothing else has changed except the defeats that have corroded its essence and denuded it of courage, a malaise contributed in no small measure by the political whoredom Alhaji Atiku practiced in and around the party and programmed into its mindset.

    Read Also: Presidency slams ADC over Buhari’s burial remarks

    Not done with exaggerations and fondness for outright mendacity, the former vice president boasted that he was a founding father of the party and was therefore heartbroken to resign. If indeed he was a founding father, no child should ever aspire to be groomed by such a truant and absentee father, one who kept running off with every voluptuous temptress in the neighbourhood. The truth is that Alhaji Atiku is totally bereft of conviction; he has no idea what the term ‘founding father’ means. Worse, to speak of heartbreak, a word he used twice in his impassive resignation letter, is to indicate a lack of lexical integrity to capture his false emotions or crystallise his thoughts. There was of course nothing heartbroken about his exit from the PDP. Had he been truly heartbroken even once, having exited the party three times in this republic, his heart would have been broken into a thousand pieces. The unvarnished truth is that he left the PDP because he had overstayed his welcome. He had played ducks and drakes with their affections, and had taken them for granted. He used and dumped them so many times that they grew weary of his excesses and shenanigans. He was indifferent to leaving the party, so, too, was the party in gladly getting rid of him, his kept aides, and his unfeeling cohort. Had the party pandered to his political whims, he would have stayed put and massaged their ego. He would have thrown a few bones to the party dogs and deployed them for his so-called last electoral stand.

    After many years of being tossed hither and thither by users and political adventurers, the PDP has finally come into its own. If they can leverage their newfound determination, if they can manage to refine their ideology and spruce up their platform, and if they can face their seemingly dire future with courage and pertinacity, they might yet confound sceptics and revivify their electoral chances. Their hope is not as grim as it seems on the surface, especially with the exit of the political wayfarers led by the former vice president. Despite the emergence of a third force in the shape of ADC, the PDP still has better footing than any other party save the ruling APC. One PDP leader said of Alhaji Atiku that his exit was good riddance to bad rubbish. That might seem harsh; but judging from the cavalier manner the former vice president plays his politics, every negative metaphor hurled at him must be deemed an absolute understatement.

  • Natasha and her contentiousness

    Natasha and her contentiousness

    The suspended senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is as inscrutable as they come. Until she broke into the national scene a few years ago, she was hidden in thorough anonymity. But once she turned her electoral contest against former Kogi State governor Yahaya Bello into a soap opera, there was no stopping her. Controversial, recalcitrant, and self-centred, she has also demonstrated a huge capacity to be exploitative and manipulative. Her current battle, however, is with senate president Godswill Akpabio. Yet, three times in her recent jousting with the man she had sensationally accused of sexual harassment, she was offered a way out of the bind in which she threw herself. Thrice she spurned the offers.

    She had hoped the case would be resolved in her favour through local and international public agitation. Despite her best efforts, including shedding crocodile tears and manipulating top Nigerian women whom she described as ‘useful idiots’, she came a cropper. Now, she has cases in three courts. In one, after Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court fined her N5m and asked her to apologise to the court for contempt, she has dragged her feet. In fact she has appealed, with the senate also embarking on a cross-appeal, thus tying up the case a few knots further. She seems to enjoy the reputation of being contentious, in addition to being naïve, pedantic and embroiled in completely needless battles and controversies. However, with each grueling case and controversy, she becomes less and less believable and credible.

    The movement of transition

    By Tatalo Alamu (PIX)

    Last week, on Sunday to be precise, Nigeria lost two of her most famous sons. Even for a nation inured to endless mysteries and political perplexities, the astrological signals and significance of these departures could hardly be missed. It was like a double meteor falling off the skies in quick succession. Nigerians had hardly taken in the import of the passing of a former ruler of the country in faraway London where he had sought medical refuge only to be informed that a frontline traditional ruler had also joined his ancestors, this time in the privacy of the royal bedroom.

     General Mohammadu Buhari was a notable soldier and civil war hero who became a military head of state and was removed by his colleagues for his strong-willed inflexibility and inability to transcend primordial and provincial proclivities. A man of adamantine resolve, he later became a civilian ruler of the country after three unsuccessful attempts. In the case of Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, he was a stellar and outstanding product of Nigeria’s durable and resilient traditional institution, becoming the Awujale  at the youthful age of twenty six in 1960 and going on to rule over his people with courage and forthrightness for the next sixty five years. After some youthful indiscretions, he settled down to rule his people with much royal flair and firmness.

    It was, as they say in this clime, the end of an era. But it is much more profound than that. It was a historic watershed for Nigeria. It was the culmination of the movement of transition in a particular direction which makes reversal in the former direction totally impossible having exhausted its historical and material possibilities. As enunciated by our former teacher Professor Oyin Ogunba, a liberal humanist and scholar of distinction, the movement of transition stresses the absolute contiguity between the world of the living and the world of the dead in the Yoruba cosmology. But it is a one-way traffic or as Amos Tutuola will put it in his colourful English: it is a journey to the land of the “unreturnable”. The dead have expended their visa and cannot return to the world of the living. This is why certain deaths are symbolic of a collective closure and the culmination of a particular phase of existence in a particular nation. It is the unforced and unhurried exit of certain historical forces and exceptional personalities that have dominated and determined the fortunes of their country for good or bad. They are what Charles de Gaulle, thinking of himself, called “sacred monsters”.

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     The case of the late Awujale is more straightforward and less complicated. The nasty posthumous spat with traditionalists who wanted to take control of the royal remains notwithstanding, he was a beneficiary of more benevolent historical forces and a benign conjuncture. His was a cohesive society with core values shaped by the history and culture of his industrious and enterprising people. Among the various sub-nations of the cultured and cosmopolitan Yoruba people, the Ijebu people stand out for the solidity of their worldview, the rigour of their traditional institutions and the breezy confidence with which they deal with existential and historical exigencies. They have been living in the same domain continuously for over a thousand years and they have never been militarily subdued except once when overconfidence and lack of discretion allowed vastly superior British artillery to overrun their ramparts ending in a humiliating rout at Imagbon in 1892. They quickly recovered the initiative   after taking to heart the lesson that ancient amulets are no match for modern bullets.

      There can be no doubt that Oba Sikiru Adetona left Ijebu-Ode a much better, more prosperous and culturally thriving place than he met it, with his people more united, more vibrant, more accomplished and forward-looking. Thanks to his cousin, Mike Adeniyi Adenuga the Globacom mogul, the annual Ojude Oba gathering has been transformed into a global cultural extravaganza which has brought world-wide fame and recognition to his domain. He had met Ijebu-Ode a rural municipality and had transformed it through sheer determination and the force of his towering personality to a thriving modern city with well-paved roads, majestic edifices, amenities, first class institutions and a slew of industries. Nothing that could add lustre and prestige to his beloved town escaped his attention and searching scrutiny. A personal example will suffice. After the burial of Toun Onabanjo in 2011, yours sincerely in the company of some notable Yoruba leaders, repaired to his palace.

     It was our first and last meeting. After introduction, the Awujale concentrated his gaze and attention on the columnist bemoaning the fact that one was one of those Ijebu children lost to the diaspora. Even after Chief Segun Osoba had told him that one was from a village in Osun State, the revered monarch insisted on our departure that the columnist must return home to put something on ground. Such was his charismatic charm and the goodwill he radiated. By the time he joined his ancestors last Sunday, the late king had been transformed into a supranatural personage of transcendental courage and immanent integrity, a mighty oak and auroch among men. Little wonder that the entire Ijebuland had been thrown into deep mourning and depression.

     Unfortunately, the same thing cannot be said about the general from Daura who left his country far more bitterly divided, polarized and impoverished than when he met it as a self-professed born again democrat and civilian leader. In death as in life, General Mohammadu Buhari split his country and people centrally. While the Nigerian ruling class and its global cohorts showered effusive encomiums and fake testimonials on him, the teeming masses of Nigerians across ethnic and religious lines were not impressed. They jettisoned the cultural admonishment not to speak ill of the dead as nothing but feudal veto and autocratic overreach.

    Angry callers jammed switchboards condemning him as an ineffectual political leader and his reign a massive rip-off and hypocritical scam. Never in living memory, except the passing of General Sani which was met with widespread celebrations and wild jubilation in some sections of the country, has a Nigerian leader met with such hostility and scarification in death. They accused him of not walking his talk on corruption, of leaving Nigeria with a worse security nightmare and of compounding the problems of ethnic, religious and cultural diversities in the country. Yet others hailed him for his infrastructural feats which are unequalled and unprecedented in the annals of the country and his massive empowerment schemes which turned out a classic instance of Stone Age economics compounded by a fiscal fiddling of the Exchequer.

     These divergent and countervailing opinions point at something more fundamental: a deeper structural misalignment of the nation which Buhari was fundamentally incapable of perceiving. He was a systems man and not a system changer or disruptor. His was a narrow and circumscribed feudal worldview in which all the issues were already settled and in which everybody was supposed to know his place. Having such a man as a leader in a roiling postcolonial menagerie of combustible contradictions is a cruel set-up. But power hungry while being politically maladroit Buhari was a willing martyr and accomplice. He allowed himself to be set up while also setting up the country and its teeming expectant populace. Under the spreading colonial chestnut tree of political perfidy, you sold me and I sold you.

    A man of more cultivated social habits, wider reading regimen and sharper political instincts would have seen through the fog from a mile off. Throughout his life, there was a lingering whiff of spite, resentment and scornful contempt as if he could not live down the haughty condescension of the blue-blood feudal Brahmins who looked down on him as belonging to an inferior caste of forest dwellers and the humiliation of having been toppled by his own junior colleagues. After he was elected the president of the country, a senior military colleague and former benefactor was known to have remonstrated with him that it was time to forget and forgive those who had wronged him in the past. He was said to have looked up in consternation at his former boss before exploding: “Including Ibrahim?” Yet it was the same Ibrahim whose magnanimity and generosity of spirit made sure no harm came his way on the night he was arrested and dethroned.

    Nigeria is not a unified or homogeneous country. Its contradictions have not been simplified and unbundled to a simple confrontation between the haves and the have-nots. Those, including this writer, who invested unrealistic hopes in the general from Daura have not been fair to him or the country. We had unfairly surmised that with his populist mystique, his aura of authority and messianic infallibility he would be the avenging avatar that would drag the north by the scruff of the neck screaming and kicking into the portals of modernity. But General Buhari is not a Colonel Mustapha Kemal Ataturk; neither is he a Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser or even Colonel Muammar Ghaddafi for that matter. This is because Nigeria is neither Turkey nor Egypt or Libya. We must always modify our expectations based on the internal configuration and the state of nationhood of each country.

    General Mohammadu Buhari has given it his very best shot. He was not a rebel or a radical but a former herd-boy made good. In an engrossing play of irony, his military superiors who in 1976 upon the assassination of Murtala Mohammed foreclosed his appointment as Chief of General Staff, Defense Headquarters on the patriotic grounds that based on his political clumsiness such an appointment might imperil a sterling military career merely opened a surer path to political preeminence for him. General Obasanjo and General Danjuma could not see far into the turbulent future. Both Buhari and Shehu Yar’Adua, the man who acceded to the post, were classmates in Katsina Provincial College but there is no evidence of deep friendship between the two. The two military brass hats ended up in partisan politics with Yar’Adua perishing in Abacha’s Gulag while Buhari went on to become a twice elected civilian president.

      With the transition of General Buhari last Sunday, we have reached the end of an era; a critical threshold in the history of the nation and the culmination of events which began fifty years earlier with the overthrow of General Yakubu Gowon and the ascendance, military dominance and political hegemony of the civil war officers, those heady warriors who believed that because they fought for the unity and preservation of the country, they also had a right to control the political and economic destiny of the nation. They have left their deep marks on the tumultuous history of the nation. It has taken half a century for the nation to discharge its debt of obligation to them. But now, Nigeria has entered a new phase.

  • Buhari eulogies and aftermath

    Buhari eulogies and aftermath

    In the next one or two weeks, the obituaries written on the late former president Muhammadu Buhari will dry up. It is in the nature of his life and administration that such compositions will have ephemeral value as his controversial image probably deserves. He died on July 13, was buried on July 15, and since then, for nearly one straight week, copious obituaries have been composed on his life and times, whether in or out of office. The obituaries have naturally been mixed, distributed almost evenly between those who eulogise him, some of them outrightly elegiac, such as the expanded Federal Executive Council confected on July 17, and those who dismiss his character and capacity in scathing and unsparing post-mortems. Given how polarising and unappeasable he was as a person and political and military leader, no one seems sure how heartfelt the eulogies are, whether they mirror reality or whether they are merely being politically correct. But as for the bilious post-mortems, no one needs to measure the amperage of the words to determine that they are unfeigned.

    The surprise in all this is the genuineness of President Bola Tinubu’s grief over a man who in his eight years in office was conflicted about requiting the devotion and reverence shown him by the future president. Ex-president Buhari of course deserved a state burial, and President Tinubu dutifully and wholeheartedly gave him one, including composing a stirring lamentation for the departed. But how much of it was duty or heartfelt may never be known. Perhaps it depends on which part of the former president the sitting president decided to focus on. There was the President Buhari who never really idolised President Tinubu, and had taken extraordinary steps to preclude him from succession, including exorcising the ruling party of all his influences, and promoting a cocktail of policies designed to make the former Lagos governor’s ascension impossible. Those hurdles were orchestrated over eight years, and in particular, and with added severity, over the last two years before succession. The late president was not averse to being sponsored in every material particular by the Lagos politician, but he was loth to compensate his devoted associate.

    But there was also the President Buhari who at the last moment, after the deluge of hostile and orchestrated policies had not barred the former Lagos governor from fighting for and winning the nominations battle, had sensibly got out of the way and declined to swing the presidential election one way or the other. President Tinubu had always said that all he needed was for the former president to observe strict neutrality, insisting that he was quite capable of dealing with his contenders, singly or collectively, be they the cantankerous and entitled former vice president Atiku Abubakar and the unprepossessing former Anambra governor Peter Obi. In the end, but indefensibly for a man who benefited so much from the former Lagos governor’s help in winning the 2015 election and the 2019 reelection, he decided to stay neutral. Neutrality may not indicate affection, but President Tinubu appears grateful that he did not have to battle an openly biased sitting president in addition to warding off attacks by fierce competitors, religious bodies, and even tactless and venomous Yoruba elite. However, it speaks to the essential Muhammadu Buhari that he never matched what he felt were the duties of others to him with the obligations he correspondingly owed them. How the eulogists of the expanded FEC, not to say his many faithful aides, glossed over this mainstay of his character is beyond comprehension. Did he perhaps reflect on this contradiction before he passed away peacefully in London? The story may never be told.

    On balance, and as many obituarists catch their breath in order to carefully pen their thoughts on the departed, it does seem like former president Buhari has been successfully characterised as shallow, pedantic, simplistic, boyishly honest, bigoted, and a blight on Nigeria. How much of this characterisation is fair and accurate may be difficult to gauge in the short term. There are always two sides to a man: one good, the other bad, and no one personified both sides than the former president. At certain moments and to those close to him, he seemed incredibly thoughtful, benign, empathetic, and unrepentantly nationalistic. At other moments, given his befuddling public speeches on sore national and existential issues, he seemed the total embodiment of ethnic and religious exceptionalism, in fact a promoter of Fulani hegemony. The debate will continue for some time. But whether the jury will be hung is hard to tell, especially if the eulogists do not, as expected, observe a ceasefire.

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    What appears indisputable about the late president’s life and leadership is that his limited education and exposure, particularly going by his disinclination to improve himself, conspired to render his projection of great principles and assimilation of a great sense of justice impossible. Presiding over a country of over 230 million people armed with a disparate sense of justice, an improper appreciation of the rule of law, a simplistic view of developmental economics, an impressionable understanding of the debilitating intrusion of religion in national politics, and inability to develop a penetrating vision of the future is bound to wreak havoc on any presidency. When he left office some two years ago, the lives of Nigerians were not altered in a positive and substantial way. He was in fact already mummifying in his retirement. Had his death not come a little quickly after he left office, though he always seemed quite older than his official age, he would have been confined to anonymity in a year or two more.

    In the months ahead, Nigerian politics will have to contend with the vacuum the former president’s death has left. Because he did not create a systematic body of thought, and since the northern elite as a group was wearied by his intransigence and wary of his mass appeal, his captive and generally unquestioning followers will now be rudderless and up for grabs. This vacuum may explain the avalanche of eulogies by politically correct aides and analysts, not to talk of the reticence of the northern elite. It may also partly explain why President Tinubu has been careful to give the devil his due, idiomatically speaking so to say. It is not known whether the president foresaw that this day would come earlier than expected; but he must now fashion a way to get a huge slice of the charged Buhari crowd, regardless of how viciously the CPC component of the APC constitutes itself into a wrecking ball. But judging from how deliberately little the late president impacted the 2023 presidential poll in favour of the ruling party, the president must now take his destiny in his own hands to woo a region he had for over two years bent over backwards to mollify. He may surprisingly have more success in that endeavour than he believes possible, for there will now emerge a fierce competition for the soul of the region by northern political leaders determined to avert an even more catatonic Atiku hegemony.

  • Sights and sounds of the Buhari burial

    Sights and sounds of the Buhari burial

    It is hard to miss the scores of anecdotes that came out of the Muhammadu Buhari burial rites, which the mainstream media either glossed over or buried in the bowels of their paragraphs. Three of the anecdotes deserve special mention. The first one came innocuously from Katsina State governor Dikko Radda. He recollected an interaction he had with the late former president over the fuel subsidy controversy. According to the governor, the former president had remarked with uncommon candour: “I pity Bola (President Tinubu) for what he is doing. He is a brave man for removing the fuel subsidy. When I was president, whenever I made an attempt to remove the subsidy, a lot of people would give me too many reasons not to do so. But Bola did it immediately. If he had consulted people, he could not have removed the fuel subsidy…” Nor could former vice president Atiku Abubakar and former Anambra governor Peter Obi, both of whom ran for the presidency and pontificated insincerely on what they would have done differently about the subsidy.

    The second anecdote was a Freudian slip from former head of state Abdulsalami Abubakar while paying a condolence visit to the Buharis in their London residence. Said he while recounting his relationship with the late president:  “My relationship with Buhari dates back to as far back as 1962; we joined the military, and he was my senior. During the unfortunate civil war, we fought in the same sector. Buhari is a gentle man who is very quiet but exceptionally honest.” Gen. Abubakar of course meant to praise ex-president Buhari, but he managed to cast doubt on the true age of the departed leader, a constant dubiety among Nigerian leaders, judges, and footballers. Gen. Abubakar himself is officially 83 years old, so how at death could his senior be younger than he is? Of course, according to some sources, the late president was about 89 years old. After all, former president Olusegun Obasanjo is over 91 years old, though he claims to be 88, much younger than those who called him egbon (senior).

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    The third interesting titbit, but a little more disturbing, came from one of the late president’s former longtime associates, Buba Galadima, an engineer and fiery politician. He stated categorically that he and others recruited the late president into politics for nefarious and sectional reasons. Hear him: “General Buhari came into politics; it wasn’t his province. He never liked politicians because he believed we are fake and that we don’t mean what we say, but there was an incident that made some of us to recruit him, convince him, and use other people to convince him to join politics, even though we had our own agenda…To cut a long story short, we achieved our first purpose of putting a brake to what OPC was doing because immediately Buhari joined partisan politics, we had a very big outing in Daura to initiate him into politics. The Obasanjo government became restive and was shaking to its bone marrow and because those were some of our thinking, Obasanjo had to really checkmate the OPC. So we achieved our first purpose of bringing General Buhari into partisan politics.” In other words, the late Buhari, perhaps unknown to him, was dragged into politics to help checkmate the Odua People’s Congress (OPC) militancy.

  • Adeleke, Aregbesola: opportunism trumps alliance

    Adeleke, Aregbesola: opportunism trumps alliance

    On the eve of Osun State’s July 2022 governorship election, former governor Rauf Aregbesola’s faction of the All Progressives Congress (APC) declared that its members would remain progressives. The Osun Progressives (TOP), as they became known, neither confirmed nor denied whom they would support, Ademola Adeleke, candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), or Gboyega Oyetola, the incumbent. Mr Aregbesola’s supporters, who had endured a bitter falling out with the APC’s Mr Oyetola, were noncommittal. They eventually worked for the ‘enemy’ in order to prove that alienating their leader could be catastrophic. Two days after clinching a decisive victory, Governor Adeleke confirmed on television that Mr Aregbesola’s men worked for his victory. By insinuations and public demonstrations, the former Internal Affairs minister proved to Osun and Nigerians that he was indeed pivotal to the outcome of that July 16, 2022 poll.

    That tentative alliance built on shaky foundations and subterfuge has finally collapsed. It was not an ideological alliance, for Mr Aregbesola is a pretentious socialist, and Mr Adeleke a hybrid conservative. It was also not founded on any firm convictions, for neither of the two leaders had ever demonstrated adherence to principles. Governor Adeleke is carefree and indifferent to ideas of any kind, and Mr Aregbesola is a bitter and vexatious politician who would seize upon any weapon or idea, no matter how contradictory, to execute his plans and overthrow his enemies. It was also not an alliance founded on anything enduring. Except to the excitable Mr Aregbesola, every other person in and outside Osun State knew that Mr Adeleke, as superficial as he seemed, was unsettled by his alliance partner’s politics. However, like every tactical politician, Mr Adeleke sensibly took advantage of a partner’s treachery, but recognised he would have to be on his guards against a newfound friend for whom betrayal was effortless.

    The governor’s fears have finally been proved right. His former partner has sworn to oust him from the State House in next year’s governorship election. Arriving back home in Osun last week to advertise his new political affiliations, the former governor, who is also the Interim National Secretary of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), had scorned Mr Adeleke’s political moves and promised that the ADC, which is the fulcrum of the Atiku Abubakar-led mega-coalition to unseat President Bola Tinubu, would take over Osun in 2026. He had declared: “Those who know my value and worth gave me this new position, and now they (APC and PDP) are making noise. Their noise doesn’t concern me — they haven’t seen anything yet…Before we started this journey, they said there would be three political parties in Osun State. It is obvious he (Adeleke) is decamping now. We will meet in Abere — ADC will win the Osun governorship race in 2026.”

    Cut to the quick, Mr Adeleke unleashed a verbal fusillade at the former governor. Speaking through his spokesman, Olawale Rasheed, the governor said: (Mr Aregbesola) is “a man who left a legacy of huge state debt, half salary, scam tablets, and several fanciful, inflated, and uncompleted projects…(His tenure was) the worst in Osun history…The empty boast of Mr Aregbesola about 2026 is a symptom of a troubled mind who sees wrong vision, who is battling his benefactor, and who is haunted by the pains and suffering he inflicted on millions of Osun people through his evil policies and programmes. A man who should be remorseful and tender public apologies for his years of maladministration has the audacity to threaten Governor Adeleke who is clearing the mess left behind by Mr Aregbesola after his eight years of anti-people, thoughtless leadership…Mr Aregbesola’s wickedness against workers, public servants, and Osun people knows no bounds while he wielded state power. A man who introduced half salary, misapplied contributory state pension fund, and misused state cooperative deductions fund should be ashamed of his temerity to attack a Governor who is now paying up the half salary affliction, clearing the unjustified debt and rehabilitating brutalised Osun workers…The Adeleke administration has paid 28 months out of the half salary left behind by Mr Aregbesola…”

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    Few Osunites saw this sustained piece of invectives coming from the dancing governor whom many believed couldn’t hold a grudge. But the suspicion is that Mr Adeleke, once he settled down into governance and weighed the enormity of Mr Aregbesola’s maladministration, waited for years to ventilate his feelings on the sordid mess he met on ground. The former Internal Affairs minister, not one to let bad enough alone, and too cocky and self-entitled to moderate his emotions or anticipate a trap, gave the governor the opportunity to disembowel him. After exhaling in that fusillade, Mr Adeleke probably felt his burden suddenly lightened. He has not demonstrated inspiring capacity in governance, but he is certain that Mr Aregbesola, of all people, can’t hold a candle to him. The governor might conceivably allow himself to play second fiddle to any other governor or former governor, but never to the preening Mr Aregbesola.

    Now that the opportunistic alliance in Osun has broken down irretrievably, Mr Adeleke can move on. He has insinuated he might be defecting to the APC, from whence he came in the first instance. But he is being resisted by APC housekeepers. If they can transcend their differences and kiss and make up, they will form a formidable pair. Mr Aregbesola has boasted about his invincibility; he is merely posturing. Neither he nor his supporters, nor yet the malformed and ambitious ADC, can stand before an APC into which the PDP in Osun has collapsed its structure. Fighting an incumbent electorally is not easy; fighting an incumbent who has migrated to the national ruling party would indeed be herculean. Not even the boastful and irascible Mr Aregbesola can pull a rabbit out of that Osun hat.