The Nation Newspaper

Category: Sunday

  • Resurgent PDP

    Resurgent PDP

    It can be safely claimed that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has finally re-established its bearing as a consequential party. This was amply demonstrated in the Consultative Conference of PDP Founding Fathers and Stakeholders which held at the Nigeria Airforce Conference Centre, Abuja, on 23 July, 2025, and was convened by Professor Jerry Gana, a member of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the party who is also a former Minister of Information and National Orientation in the PDP-controlled administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo. The theme of the conference was “Reclaiming our Legacy, Renewing our Collective Vision.”

    In his welcome address, Professor Jerry Gana invited the party stalwarts “very graciously, on behalf of all of us who are Founding Fathers representing our elders here, to kindly join me to really thank the Acting National Chairman for bearing the burdens. … Put your hands together for the Acting National Chairman and the Acting National Secretary. … Thank you very, very much.” The conference was also an occasion for reliving PDP’s glorious days and expressing commitment to repositioning the party.

    Professor Gana then said, regarding the crises rocking the party and the defections to other parties by some erstwhile members: “We are pleased to reaffirm to all of you and to Nigerians that the Peoples Democratic Party is alive, is flourishing, is mobilising, is moving. … The PDP is alive. … We are remaining in PDP. We are progressing in PDP. We are mobilising in PDP, and we are going to win in PDP.”

    He continued: “In forming the Peoples Democratic Party in 1998, the Founding Fathers were profoundly moved by timeless principles, deep-rooted values and fundamental objectives. Those leaders [did] not gather just to capture power. That is what other people do. They just gather to capture power. We were not gathering to capture power. We had very clear ideals and values and principles.” He specified these as follows: “The first two were really to terminate military rule in Nigeria and to restore democracy. … And the second part of it was really to ensure that civilian rule can be authoritative … so that the people can really enjoy.”

    Read Also: 2027: PDP shops for viable candidate against Tinubu

    Furthermore, Professor Jerry Gana said: “Hope is not lost. A new PDP is emerging. A new PDP is being reformed. It’s going to be responsive. It’s going to give excellent leadership. It’s going to move things forward. We shall not rest until Nigeria is rescued, until our economy works, until our schools and hospitals function, until security is restored, until our democracy thrives, until our national economy transforms and really creates wealth so that poverty is banished from the Federal Republic of Nigeria. By the grace of God, we shall rise again…. And we shall triumph.”

    In his remarks, the Acting National Chairman of the PDP, Ambassador Umar Damagun, said: “This gathering is more than symbolic. It is an affirmation that the Peoples Democratic Party is alive, resolute, and focused on reclaiming its rightful place at the centre of Nigeria’s political life. … Like any living institution, we have faced internal rifts, betrayals, and moments of national disappointment. In 2013, we witnessed one of such practices that shook us to our very core. A group of party leaders walked away from our party seeking new alliances. Today, we witness yet another. But history reminds us that splinters may form, but they do not define the tree.”

    Ambassador Damagun continued: “We are not easily shaken, because our roots run deep. The PDP offers more than a political structure. It embodies ideological clarity, resilience of spirit and the staying power to stand and overcome turbulent winds. But we must also confront the hard truth. Much of the injury the PDP has suffered has been self-inflicted from the Obasanjo era to this moment. We have often jettisoned ideology in favour of personal ambition.”

    He then reassured: “However, let it be said and known that our doors remain open to those who wish to return. … Our past has proven that self-inflicted wounds can be healed. If we return to our core and rise above personal interest, there remains a bright and redemptive future for the PDP and Nigeria. I want … to tell our members, ‘PDP is one.’ If you belong to PDP, you belong to PDP. You can’t have two parties at a time. You either stay or leave us in peace.”

    Bauchi State Governor, Bala Muhammed, who is also the Chairman of the PDP Governors’ Forum, also said: “Even our elders that have gone, we don’t want to diminish them. We don’t want to denigrate them or abuse them. We we are telling them with humility, ‘Come back.’ That’s what the National Chairman has said. ‘Come back. This is the house we have built where there are governors, where there are senators, members of the Houses, Speakers, offices, Local Government Chairmen. You are going to a party that has no office. How is that smart?’”

    Governor Bala Muhammed continued: “But certainly, as the Chairman has said, we cannot take indiscipline to a level where it becomes contagious. If you are in PDP, you are in PDP. You cannot be in PDP and be in the coalition or another party. … You cannot belong to two places. You cannot be a hermaphrodite. You cannot be a man and a woman at the same time. PDP is a man, and we are moving.”

    Governor Muhammed also noted: “But we will still give you opportunity to have a [rethink], because you are our leaders. But if you are going, don’t demarket us. Demarketing the PDP is not fair. Most of you actualised your political aspirations through this party. Some of them left us and caused our loss in 2015, and yet we accommodated them and they left and came back. Some of them became governors and some of them took tickets. This is PDP for you. It is only in PDP you get that [kind of accommodation].”

    In his goodwill message, former Senate President Bukola Saraki said: “I think it was Victor Hugo who said that there’s nothing like an idea whose time has come. This meeting has come at the right time and that is why I thank you all for organising it, because it is time for us to write our own story. It is time for us to provide direction for this great party. For many, they have already buried this party before now. But your presence here speaks volumes that nobody is going to bury this party. We are going to rescue this party.”

    Senator Saraki continued: “Yes, the party will have its challenges and is having its challenges. But the question we should ask is ‘Should we abandon this party because of these challenges?’ Yes, mistakes have been made in the past, but the question still is: ‘Should we abandon this party?’  I stand here as someone who has experienced being in this party and not being in this party.  I stand here as somebody who left this party with anger. Anger does not provide purpose to leadership. A lot of people who are leaving the party now are leaving with anger. … Yes, we have problems. But the other parties we’re talking about also have problems. … So, what are they offering Nigerians that PDP cannot offer?”  

    The former Kaduna State Governor Ahmed Makarfi, who is also a former Senator and a former National Chairman of the PDP, in his remarks, provided the following perspective: “You see, we had internal issue, not because we hate each other, [but having] to do with the office of the National Secretary. It took legal issues [and] INEC regulation issues. Leaders said: ‘Look, let’s not walk into a trap. What does the law say? What does INEC regulation say?’ And when we saw it clearly, we said: “Let’s bury the hatchet. Let’s move to our convention united, and elect new national officers that will drive the party.’” 

    The former Niger State Governor Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu also remarked: “… many a time, if you don’t look at your little history, you would be repeating the same problem. And I heard both the Chairman and the Chairman of the Governors’ Forum [being] very diplomatic, and [saying] ‘Come back. Come back.’ No, you don’t invite nomadic politicians back to your place. These were people with the history of nomadism. … We cannot keep on knowing that the black sheep in the family keeps on destroying whatever we’re building and then [keep saying] ‘Come back.’”

    He also pointed out: “Our party is not just to win elections. The party is also to ensure the culture of sane, real, principled politics. So, even if we don’t win elections but we are one united, principled party, we will be recognised. Please let us pay attention to what we should be doing rather than looking at those people who will never, never, ever think of you, but only think of themselves.” 

    The major test of the strength of the resurgent PDP would come in the form of how the leaders address “the Wike issue”. There is the tendency for some people to declare, without discernment, that the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, Barrister Nyesom Wike, is the problem or main problem of the PDP. When on 11 July, 2025, an impassioned young female ARISE News interviewer, expressed impatience with PDP’s handling of the Wike issue ‘with kid gloves’, the elderly, experience-rich Chief Bode George, a member of the BoT of the party, responded: “He is also a member of the Board of Trustees. So, you just don’t fire people of that status. … We had had to bend over backwards.” 

    Moreover, in a 31 July, 2025 Arise News interview with former Governor Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu, he noted with respect to indiscipline within the party: “There are many people in the PDP we should have suspended or dismissed. But we are so incapable, because they have been able to use money to penetrate all the organs of the party, and now we are trying to get it back together. And our frustration is that the people that would have joined hands together to get this party in a better form are the ones who are running away.”

    From all indications, the resurgent PDP seems to be a party of the future, with that future, all things being equal, starting from 2031. In the interim, the capacity of the current leaders of the party to stay the course would be put under sustained test. At present, PDP is a dazed party, but given how upbeat key participants at the Jerry-Gana-convened conference were, it is a stupor with an expiry date; and even that date can be brought forward with focus, tenacity and self-sacrifice.  

  • Tinubu has built the runway, now governors must let the people fly

    Tinubu has built the runway, now governors must let the people fly

    It began with celebration and ended with conviction. From the emotional highs of the Super Falcons’ historic 10th WAFCON triumph in Morocco to a decisive week of statecraft in Abuja, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu sustained a hectic but profoundly symbolic week of leadership. It was a week where he moved from encouraging sporting excellence to institutionalising grassroots economic empowerment, all while pressing Nigeria’s governors to shift from political posturing to practical delivery.

    While Monday was reserved for adulation and joy, Thursday was about reckoning. The President, in full command of both the emotional and policy arenas of governance, met with the National Economic Council (NEC) and did not mince words. He tasked the governors—many of whom had enjoyed soaring revenues in recent months—to match his administration’s macroeconomic victories with tangible action at the lowest levels of society. His charge was direct: let the wealth flow down to the wards, to the very soil of the republic and let the poor breathe.

    The outcome was the formal endorsement of the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme—a bold, sweeping initiative designed to drill the gains of Nigeria’s recovering economy directly into the country’s 8,809 wards. This was not mere policy theorising. This was Tinubu forcing the hand of the political class to embrace real federalism through shared economic responsibility.

    Governor Hope Uzodinma of Imo State, speaking after the NEC meeting, captured the moment succinctly: “The President came up with a programme that will fast-track the process of this additional money creating a bigger impact on Nigerians by making sure that it trickles down to the grassroots.” That is Tinubu’s central thesis—economic reform means little unless it is felt in homes, farms, workshops, and marketplaces across Nigeria.

    To be clear, President Tinubu’s economic reforms are no longer speculative theories—they are validated and praised by global institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), in its 2025 Article IV Consultation, applauded Nigeria’s post-subsidy macroeconomic recalibration. Higher federation revenues, a stabilised naira, and increased oil output are signs of renewed strength. But Tinubu knows what the people feel is more important than what analysts write.

    So when he stood before governors last week, it wasn’t to revel in progress—it was to press for delivery.

    And that’s where the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme breaks the mold. Anchored by the Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning, this plan targets 1,000 economically active individuals in each ward, empowering them to drive local production, generate employment, and combat poverty from the bottom up. This is the economics of empowerment, not entitlement. This is Tinubu saying: “I have built the runway; now let your people fly.”

    As Minister Atiku Bagudu rightly observed, “Having stabilised the macroeconomy, the next step is to drill down development to the lowest levels.” And there’s no lower and more foundational unit in Nigeria’s political structure than the ward. If democracy must serve, let it begin at the roots. This is the constitutional vision that President Tinubu is resurrecting, inspired by Chapter Two of the 1999 Constitution which mandates all governments to ensure the prosperity and welfare of the people.

    Read Also: Onuesoke faults Kwakwanso’ claim on Tinubu’s alleged marginalisation of North

    But Thursday’s NEC meeting was only the climax of a persistent campaign that had begun even before Tinubu became President and recalled just a week earlier at the APC National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting. There, President Tinubu spoke bluntly to the governors elected under the ruling party’s platform. “Nigerians are still complaining at the grassroots,” he declared. “You have to wet the grass more”. In one poetic turn of phrase, he laid bare the imbalance between macroeconomic gains and microeconomic experience.

    He has been consistent in this. From urging states to deploy new federal revenues more creatively to calling for more state-level investment in food security and security infrastructure, Tinubu has never hidden his view that Nigeria’s true development lies beyond Abuja. It lies in the hinterlands—in places often forgotten once elections end.

    Last week, the President took one more step in closing that governance gap. He made it clear that the era of “federated aloofness” is over. Every tier of government must co-own and co-drive development. The federal government alone cannot bear the burden of revitalising the nation.

    Yet, amid all the weighty statecraft and strategic reform, President Tinubu did not forget to celebrate national excellence. If his Thursday at the NEC was about lifting people out of poverty, his Monday was about lifting the nation’s spirit.

    When the victorious Super Falcons landed in Abuja fresh from their dramatic 3-2 WAFCON final win in Rabat, it wasn’t just a football team returning—it was national inspiration on parade. And Tinubu gave them a welcome worthy of history. Not only did he fulfil his promise to receive them personally at the State House, but he also institutionalised a reward culture that recognises achievement and inspires future greatness.

    Each of the 24 players and 11 coaching crew received the national honour of Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON), a three-bedroom apartment under the Renewed Hope Housing Scheme, and the Naira equivalent of $100,000 and $50,000 respectively. That’s N4.5 billion worth of appreciation (for the cash gifts)—not just in cash, but in the value it signals.

    “You have inspired millions,” Tinubu told them, his voice thick with emotion. “You have inspired me, too. It’s great for a nation to have assets that are the hope of today, tomorrow, and the day after. You represent that hope”. This wasn’t just a reward; it was a cultural statement. In this administration, excellence is no longer overlooked.

    He joked about his own nerves during the match, how he almost couldn’t bear to watch, and how the First Lady nearly abandoned his dinner for the final. But in those light moments, the gravity of his leadership shone through. He had not just celebrated a win; he had elevated the team into enduring symbols of national pride and possibility.

    His Unyielding Commitment to Reform and Inclusion

    Meanwhile, last week, President Tinubu demonstrated once again that his brand of leadership is rooted not in rhetoric but in deliberate action. From celebrating excellence in sports and youth service to tightening the bolts of institutional reform and national inclusion, the President kept faith with his Renewed Hope Agenda and did much more.

    For instance on Monday, besides honouring victorious Super Falcons, Tinubu also celebrated seasoned Lagos politician, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, praising his decades of dedication to public service. On Tuesday, he gave a historic lift to youth development by awarding automatic federal employment, ₦250,000, and PhD scholarships to 200 outstanding NYSC members—an unprecedented move that speaks volumes about his belief in generational renewal.

    Wednesday took a political turn, as the President received Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin, an ally of Kwankwaso, in what may be the opening act of a broader realignment ahead of 2027. Yet, Tinubu showed no sign of pausing for political drama. That same day, he activated the leadership machinery for the Ogoni Federal University, empowering a long-overlooked region with transformative education infrastructure.

    By Thursday, governance took centre stage. He extended the tenure of Customs CG Bashir Adeniyi to consolidate reforms, chaired a consequential FEC meeting that greenlit ₦213.7 billion in electrification projects, and kickstarted a bold ₦900 billion aviation overhaul. Before these these, he had swore in Hon. Nnana Uzor Kalu as National Assembly Service Commission (NASC) Commissioner and mourned a fallen statesman; Caleb Olubolade, who served at different time, in different capacities, in the Federal Executive Council.

    And on Friday, the President turned to Nigeria’s most vocal generation—digital influencers. He challenged them to build, not break; to verify, not vilify. His message was clear: the future is now, and it is theirs to shape—with truth, unity, and responsibility. Tinubu isn’t merely governing—he is leading with purpose.

    Indeed, it is this duality—policy reform and human celebration—that defines Tinubu’s governance. He understands that numbers must walk in tandem with narratives. That a government must both feed the body and lift the soul. In one week, he led an economic transformation agenda and made sports heroes of our daughters. That is the balance of leadership.

    But now the governors must step up. President Tinubu has opened the door to wealth redistribution by stabilising Nigeria’s macroeconomic landscape. He has secured federation revenues, liberalised forex, and begun correcting the country’s fiscal posture. But if the wards—the beating hearts of Nigeria’s communities—do not benefit, the gains will ring hollow.

    The Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme is not just another federal policy. It is a clarion call to state governments: the era of blaming Abuja is over. The President has brought Nigeria to a turning point, but the states must walk the people across it.

    No governor, no local council chairman, no party leader has an excuse anymore. The roadmap has been drawn. The resources are flowing. The people are watching.

    As the President said “we must invest more. Not just in infrastructure, but in our people.” He is doing just that—one ward, one policy, one celebration at a time.

    So, whether it is through rewarding the Super Falcons or realigning national revenue to touch the poor, Bola Ahmed Tinubu is proving that governance must be both compassionate and consequential. He has moved the conversation from politics to performance.

    And now, the rest of Nigeria’s political class must catch up. The time of excuses is over. The age of delivery has begun.

    Dr Leon Usigbe: A Torchbearer Now at Rest

    In the often unforgiving world of journalism, where deadlines chase by the minute and truth must be pursued through storms, Dr Leon Habby Usigbe stood tall—a dependable compass of clarity, courage, and quiet conviction. News of his passing on Friday, July 25, at the age of 62, struck a chilling chord through the corridors of the State House and among colleagues nationwide.

    ‘Dr Leon’, as he was fondly called by those who knew him—whether colleague or President—was more than the Bureau Chief of the Nigerian Tribune in Abuja; he was the embodiment of principled reporting. Sharp-witted and ethically grounded, he chronicled power not to flatter it, but to question it, always in service of the people’s right to know.

    He was a familiar and respected presence in the State House Press Corps. One of the oldest among us, yet the fastest on the keys, Leon showed that professionalism never ages. He typed with the urgency of a cub reporter and the wisdom of a newsroom elder. His spirit was undimmed by time.

    Beyond the beat, he was a family man, disciplined, health-conscious, and personable—a standard many of us quietly admired. That his departure came amid a perplexing battle with unclear ailments only deepens the ache of our loss.

    For me, his death is personal. From Port Harcourt to Abuja, we shared more than bylines—we shared a bond.

    Sleep on, Dr Leon. The newsroom mourns, the nation remembers. And we, your friends, will not forget.

  • SDP sensationalises el-Rufai’s expulsion

    SDP sensationalises el-Rufai’s expulsion

    WHEN he finally makes up his mind to say something on his expulsion from the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and 30-year ban for antiparty activities and impersonation, former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai should dismiss his tormentors’ presumptuousness and follow it up by accusing the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) as the chief instigator of the disciplinary action purportedly taken against him. After all, it is in his nature to look for scapegoats anytime he is cornered, since he does not ever accept responsibility for his actions. Some members of the Kaduna chapter of the party have come to his aid, arguing that he properly registered as a member in the state; but it is not clear that their efforts will be far-reaching enough to offer him the relief he seeks. When he peremptorily defected to the party from the APC months ago, he had hoped that his co-travellers, former vice president Atiku Abubakar and Rotimi Amaechi, among others, would follow suit. But those ones were more cautious and calculating than Mallam el-Rufai was angry.

    More and more, it is beginning to look like the problem is personified by the controversial Mallam el-Rufai, the Kaduna gadfly who flies off the handle at the least provocation. He is reinforcing the suspicion, if not conclusion, that whatever he touches becomes controversial – indeed, that his very presence anywhere is tantamount to controversy. Even though the former Kaduna governor has dithered in his association with the much-ballyhooed African Democratic Congress (ADC) as the final special purpose vehicle destination for Alhaji Atiku’s presidential ambition, the acrimony within the SDP has all but made it clear that the so-called mega coalition to fight President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 election will never berth in the SDP. ADC may be rife with its own legal conundrums and administrative lacunae, but the SDP is now in obviously much worse condition than probably any other fringe party intent on prostituting itself for the next polls. The reasons are not far-fetched.

    Read Also: SDP disowns El-Rufai, says ex-Gov not a member

    When he began associating with the SDP, Mallam el-Rufai immediately postured as the soul and nerve of the fringe party. He dictated what they should do, and because he is naturally outspoken and glib, he said to the world and the media what he thinks the party should say. A few thoroughbred politicians in the party resented his audacity and impertinence, but they bided their time until his cup was full. Even before his arrival, the SDP was not quite the somnolent organisation its long history of electoral misfortune indicated. It required calmness, maturity and perception for a new ‘intake’ to navigate the party, let alone chivalrously thrust himself forward as their conscience and saviour. Mallam el-Rufai had no such virtues, and thanks to him, the SDP is now in full-blown rebellion. On July 25, the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC), including some 23 state chairmen, reportedly met and sacked the party’s feuding factions led by Chairman Shehu Gabam and Secretary Olu Agunloye. Mallam Adamu Modibo became the acting chairman of the party’s National Working Committee.

    While Mallam el-Rufai was transfixed by the turn of events, some three days later, the party upped the ante and engaged him in a street combat by fingering him as one of the agents provocateurs in the party and going ahead to expel him and ban him for 30 years. In a statement disseminated to the media last Monday, the SDP national publicity secretary, Araba Aiyenigba, indicated at length that the former governor was unwanted in the party. Here is what he said: “El-Rufai never registered with the SDP at his ward level as required by the party’s constitution, yet falsely declared on social media that he had joined the party. He further forged documents claiming membership and took photo opportunities with suspended party leaders to reinforce this falsehood. In line with the constitution of the SDP, the ideology, manifesto, principles and practices thereof, and in consonance with the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Electoral Act pertaining to the exclusive right of a political party to determine its membership, the National Working Committee deliberated on the controversial membership status of Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai from Kaduna State who has in recent months been parading himself as a member of the SDP despite the assertion of the Kaduna State executives that he has not joined the SDP, but has instead been promoting the activities of other political party in the state.”

    Continuing, and barely able to conceal their contempt for the former governor, the statement added: “At the initial stage, this individual Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai was given the benefit of the doubt, given his status as an elderly person, a former minister and state governor who should know the implications of false representation and impersonation… However, upon thorough inquiry, it turned out that the Kaduna State SDP was right, and this individual had not joined the SDP…El-Rufai was confronted by serious eligibility problems, given an unpleasant history of intolerance and persecution of the SDP as an opposition party during his time as the Governor of Kaduna State under the APC. Having confirmed that he publicly declared for the ADC and continued to act in a manner contrary to the principles and practices of the SDP, the party has no option but to disassociate from and excommunicate him…”

    Mallam el-Rufai must be livid. But this time, he is not just transfixed, he is also probably dumbfounded. No one, not to say a man of his political pedigree, had ever been so summarily booted out and banned for decades. Alas, the former Kaduna governor becomes the first politician to enter the SDP Valhalla. Did they manage to embalm him before interment, seeing that there does not seem to be any cadaverous scent around him? But even if he is appalled by this riveting soap opera at his expense, he will simply sneer at them, blame the APC for his ordeal, and with as much conceit as he can muster, dismiss their fury with a casual and idiosyncratic wave of the hand.

  • The Charly Boy brouhaha

    The Charly Boy brouhaha

    It is a sign of the vulgarisation of Nigerian politics that the renaming of bus stops in Lagos, particularly the one involving Charly Boy, the irreverent and infamous anti-establishment agitator and undistinguished musician, became news. All his life, whether it relates to his claptrap music or slapstick television shows – now all distant memories – he was never outstanding. So, he chose agitation, achieved renown, and confused that little publicity with legacy. For years he imposed himself on everyone he came across: his neighbours and neighbourhood, and the yokels entertained by his lewd theatrics. How he managed to have a bus stop unofficially named after him is still difficult to explain or imagine.

    Read Also: How ‘Charly Boy’ bus stop was named after me – Charly Boy

    Even if it was official, the local government/local council development area whose remit it is to make edicts on such matters as street names and bus stops has finally woken up to its responsibility of sanitising its operations. Some have said the actions of the local government bore resemblance to hate speech and ethnic bigotry, and agitator Omoyele Sowore and civil rights lawyer Femi Falana have tried to draw a distinction between local council development area and local government area as the final authority on naming bus stops. But they are simply tilting at windmills. The change is popular, though it may take a long time to get used to. More, this matter is one clear case where common sense has triumphed over legalism. The public should get used to it, because there will be more such interventions and symbolisms.

  • SNAPSONG  264 

    SNAPSONG  264 

    When NEPA kills the light

    It kills the Nation’s Light

    It is seven days now since the sun

         Beamed its blessing

    On our shy, expectant brows

         The clouds stand still in nonchalant distance

    Like airy sentries between

         The sky and our wondering eyes

    A strange, unseasonable cold has stolen

         The warm imagination of our night

    As trembling dreams mock the truth

         Of our fraying blankets

    Read Also: Sani distributes free fertiliser to 100,000 farmers, launches crop insurance scheme

    And frigid fabulations unnerve

         The motions of wingless yearnings

    Idle window panes burn my fingers

         With their cold, immutable temper

    Even as the hinges crick and crack

         Between the posts and their swinging doors

    Lightless labs, humless factories

         Merciless markets, aching pockets

    Forbidding threnodies; the frightening

         Rhyme and un-reason of Hunger and Thunder

    But a thousand hilarious hurrays

         For the priceless Super Falcons whose honour

    Scored countless goals and warmed a billion hearts

         Beyond the orgy of dizzying dollars.

  • ADC swimming against the tide

    ADC swimming against the tide

    Of all the things driving the unstable African Democratic Congress (ADC), the most potent is the desire to dethrone President Bola Tinubu. Established in 2005, the fringe party has no state or local government under its control. It has only two members in the House of Representatives. In each of the presidential elections it participated in since 2007, including in 2019 when ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo adopted it for his Coalition for Nigeria Movement, it never got up to 100,000 votes. It consistently underperformed, lacked ideological clarity, and has had a perverse fondness for being prostituted. It is to this party that the Atiku Abubakar-led coalition has turned for refuge and succour. In preparation for the 2027 elections, particularly the presidential poll, the ADC’s new leaders hope to change their party’s permissiveness and trajectory. To provoke that change, however, they will have to do a character surgery on the party’s new helmsmen and purge the party itself of the lethargy that had debilitated it for about two decades.

    The party lacks ambition. So, those who have taken it over are desperate and eager to inject it with a horse dose of ambition. They see the party as the last straw they must clutch at, and the next presidential poll as the very last they stand any chance of participating in and winning. Apart from Alhaji Atiku, other new ADC leaders are former senate president David Mark, former Osun State governor and Internal Affairs minister Rauf Aregbesola, former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai, and former Rivers State governor Rotimi Amaechi, among many others. Former Anambra State governor and Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate in the 2023 poll continues his curious straddle, unsure whether to fully commit himself to a party he strongly doubts their bona fides. He is naïve to think they would be sincere enough to give him the presidential ticket. Former Ekiti State governor Kayode Fayemi continues to snap at the heels of the APC and the president in particular, but he has been reluctant to openly and hastily commit himself to the ADC. He wants to see which way the cat jumps before he commits political suicide.

    These leaders, whether they are still in the closet or have openly committed themselves to the ADC cause, will do their utmost to ply the party with huge funds to make it competitive. They are scared of founding a new party and labouring to prime it for 2027. They are unsure they have the competence to run a hijacked party, and so they will do everything to prevent the adopted party from imploding. What might undo the party and probably cause it to unravel is, however, intrinsic to the personalities and character of the new leaders, not money. Most Nigerians already view the party as coalescing around the worldview and ambition of the former vice president. They are not wrong. Alhaji Atiku might have been unable to dominate the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for more than three election cycles, and whimsically for as long as he wished, but in the ADC, he is primus inter pares. The PDP is finding it hard to secure a southern candidate for the coming poll, for the ADC, it is much harder. But should the coalition defy Alhaji Atiku and secure the nomination for a southern candidate in alignment with conventional wisdom, they would find him a harder sell, for the party is unlikely to generate the momentum needed to drive the candidate to victory or aggregate a consortium of altruistic financiers and thinkers which that candidate would need to stand any chance of success.

    The ADC’s dilemma is not helped by the person and character of Alhaji Atiku. He has shown over the decades that he looks after number one with unbridled fanaticism. He left the PDP because of his presidential ambition which he thought was being jeopardised by finicky and irresolute party leaders. He would be mystified to be asked to help build the ADC only to cede the nomination to a southern candidate. It is not in his character to surrender anything priceless for the common good. More importantly, for someone so fanatical about winning the presidency some day, it is strange that he has never really given a thought to the stabilising dynamics of preserving national unity through rotation or zoning of the presidency. Machiavellian through and through, he is in sum unconcerned about others, unconcerned about the stability of the country, and is inured to the feelings and patriotic actions of others, not to talk of having the capacity to adopt or promote lofty principles.

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    But he is not the only exponent of realpolitik in the new party. Mallam el-Rufai and Mr Aregbesola are cut from the same cloth, and are the archetypal politicians: opinionated, conceited, and verbally violent. Both owe no loyalty to anyone or idea. The ADC acting chairman, Sen. Mark, has sometimes been cast as a hero of democracy on account of his involvement in finding a solution to the succession impasse that crippled the country in the closing days of the late President Musa Yar’Adua’s life. If he didn’t see any advantage for himself and those who surrounded him, he would have abandoned any pretext to patriotism as eagerly as he colluded to undermine the final moments of the former military head of state Ibrahim Babangida’s transition programme. He undermined the consummation of the said transition and helped in no small measure to derail MKO Abiola’s crowning after the 1993 presidential poll. The 77-year-old senator is no democrat; in fact, despite presiding over the Nigerian Senate for eight years from 2007, there was no time he said anything profound, or took inspiring step to fortify democracy.

    Mr Amaechi does not necessarily bring up the rear in the ADC leaders’ display of lack of character. He nevertheless ranks fairly well for entirely the wrong reasons except in one area where he is incomparable. Some Nigerians think Mallam el-Rufai arrogant in part because he views politics through the prism of Fulani exceptionalism. Yes, he is irredeemably conceited, but he is no match for Mr Amaechi. The former Rivers governor has no unique gifts, whether rhetorical or intellectual, and he demonstrates no fidelity to truth; but he is proud, dismissive of others, and projects messianic propensity. Eight years as speaker of the state legislature, eight years as governor, and another eight years as Transportation minister have dulled his senses for comparison and proportion, and inculcated in him the delusion of grandeur. But like other ADC leaders, he does not know he is plagued by character deficit.

    Overall, none of the ADC leaders can be pinned down to any philosophy or ideology, or any unique idea of Nigeria for that matter. Character in politics or leadership goes beyond the dictionary definition that equates it with “the mental and moral qualities distinctive to an individual.” It instead and more poignantly involves the possession of the “internal resources of strong moral compass, resilience and self-awareness”, and the “demonstration of integrity, responsibility, and commitment to ethical behavior” that ultimately manifest in great and lasting impact on the society. Two weeks ago, this column argued that the ADC had a long way to go to transform into a serious political party of any kind. If it managed to transcend its legal troubles, the piece said, a feat that might yet prove herculean, it would need political impresarios to turn the party into a full-fledged political organisation anchored on discernible and coherent ideological platform. It must, therefore, find a way to prove that it can build itself into a party inspired by the noble virtues of justice and equity, concluded the column.

    A little more has become known of the party since that piece was published. A few political juggernauts previously sitting on the fence have thrown in their lot with the party; but so far, there has been no indication whatsoever of any of the new helmsmen being associated with noble or extraordinary ideas. Mallam el-Rufai is still embroiled in controversy in the SDP, which he threw into turmoil once he got into their midst; the surreptitious Kayode Fayemi, who is still expected to join the party, is still throwing darts at the president and the ruling party on the sidelines; and Mr Aregbesola has thrown himself into the thick of the street fighting he is used to in order to sow confusion and distrust in the Southwest.

    If by some miracle the party acquires a measure of stability, and manages to attract an influx of stranded political souls, it will nevertheless still have to struggle to hold its centre together during electioneering as well as labour even more tediously to hold on to its converts as it tries to proselytise around the country selling political sure cures against hunger and northern and south-eastern marginalisation. The auguries are not good at all for the ADC. In the end, if the coalition leaders are not forced to take poison by going for a new party altogether, it will need tons of money to canonise the ADC and beguile the electorate. When the APC was on the back foot in 2015, it had the good fortune of crystallising its messages around the freshly varnished former president Buhari. The ADC does not boast of any such centralising figure, flawed or not, and may be unable to find one in the near term. But it has many makeshift magicians in its ranks who can perhaps conjure a few genetically modified rabbits from their worn hats.

  • Benjamin Kalu’s failed ‘Indigeneship’ Bill

    Benjamin Kalu’s failed ‘Indigeneship’ Bill

    Last Tuesday, House of Representatives deputy speaker, Benjamin Kalu, withdrew the Indigene Status by Birth Bill (HB.2057) sponsored by him and some six other lawmakers. He anchored the withdrawal on concerns raised by the public and intervention by the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS) which identified contradictions in the bill. It is unlikely the bill, popularly referred to as Indigeneship Bill, will ever be presented again. Not only was it not well thought out, in a country still contending with the vestiges of unitary system bequeathed Nigeria after the 1966 coup d’etat, it also attempted to take the bitterly controversial unitary system a notch higher. The controversy the bill stirred was so intense that some sceptics described it as a bill primarily designed for a hostile takeover of Lagos. Hon. Kalu did the sensible thing by withdrawing a thoroughly bad bill flexing notoriety.

    The Bill had hoped to create a pathway for any Nigerian to claim indigene status of a state as long as he had resided in that state for 10 years and paid tax, or was born in that state, or had been married for five years to an indigene of that state. Had the bill sailed through, it would have amended Section 31 of the 1999 Constitution. The sponsors initially defended their action by suggesting that the bill hoped “to promote national unity, equity, and inclusiveness among all Nigerians, regardless of where they reside.” Even though it was not indicated, and no one voiced it, the bill probably drew inspiration from the political sociology of the United States. The sponsors were, however, guilty of tunnel vision. Nigeria’s turbulent history, including its long-lasting resistance to every effort to legislate and coerce unity, should have restrained the sponsors from their exuberance. The US is not a good example at all, and in any case, that country is now mired in ‘birther’ controversies and jousting with birth tourism. Indeed, rather than get more multicultural, the world appears to be relapsing into far-right nationalism.

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    The Bill was irredeemable from the outset. From the First Republic to the Fourth, most Nigerians know that Nigeria’s founding paradigm was untenable. Everything ancestral and cultural about Nigeria violently wars against the bill. In addition, even if the bill had passed, it would not have created the utopia the sponsors dreamt. The problem assailing Nigerian unity is too deeply structural and cultural to yield to simplistic palliatives. Decades of military rule have merely worsened the crisis, and all panaceas, including the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme, have not made any dent on it. Indeed, whether intended or not, the bill would only have rewarded ethnic groups with proclivity for migration. Nigeria is already deeply embroiled in a contest of wills between indigenes and settlers in many cities and states, especially over economic and political rights, and so far there has been no lasting solution. To design a bill that legitimises and encourages those migrations is to ignore the tragic lessons of other countries.

    Rather than derive inspiration from the US where longtime residence opens political doors – not even indigene status – Hon. Kalu should have studied why the social and political engineering of Yugoslavia failed, why Canada, Switzerland, and Belgium have struck a delicate ‘ethnic’ balance in their constitutions, why Russia and Ukraine are at war, and why Nigeria’s former colonial master, Britain, bequeathed a constitution that did not seek to obliterate Nigeria’s cultural dividing lines or create pathways for ambitious ethnic irredentists to the appropriation of other people’s ancestral lands. And since unfortunately the 1966 coup imposed a unitary system upon Nigeria through a half-baked political engineering supposedly designed to promote unity, the country has reeled from one existential and structural crisis to another. During the decolonisation process, Britain recognised that it was attempting to do the impossible by welding together vastly differing nations that were at different stages of civilisation. Most of them shared little in common. To defuse tension and address concerns, the colonisers built a number of safeguards into the Independence constitution. Since those safeguards were obliterated following presumptions that what Nigeria needed was more ‘unity’, the country has not known peace.

    Hon. Kalu and his co-sponsors did not do their homework well. Like the 1966 coupists, they assumed that what Nigeria needed was more unity rather than structural equilibrium based on ethnic nationalities. They thought less about the fears of communities burdened by heavy migrations from obtruding cultures attempting to superimpose their ways of living on host communities, and aggressive groups not averse to supplanting or dominating their hosts. It was those fears Hon. Kalu overlooked that triggered the controversies around the ‘Indigeneship’ Bill. If the deputy speaker had done his homework well, he would have abandoned the fool’s errand he sent himself and applied his skills to more rewarding lawmaking. In the end, the bill had no redeeming virtue at all. He might have meant well, as his supporters said, and might have genuinely wanted to find a solution to the ethnic distrust and animosity seething below the surface. But he almost naively exacerbated the problem by adopting a one-dimensional approach probably influenced by his background to tackle a fundamental problem affecting the country’s superstructure.

    History has shown that racial or ethnic nationalism follows cycles. Whenever it rears its head, it engenders chaos or, in extreme cases, war. Suggesting that ethnic animosity fully explains the resistance to migration, political miscegenation, or cultural dilution is counterfactual. Nationalism reared its head in World War II, and is again suffusing the politics of Eastern Europe and the United States. Nationalism undergirded and shaped Brexit, and at different times and different places had led to horrific genocides and pogroms. Rwanda, Argentina, Yugoslavia, and Belgian Congo (DRC) are typical examples. Nationalism is a volcano. If it is dormant today, there is no proof it cannot erupt on a hypothetical tomorrow. As many historians know, the story of humanity is one of migrations, supplantation, domination, and wars and genocides, sometimes interspersed with extraordinary but brief eras of development and discoveries. Few regions or continents have enjoyed centuries of unbroken peace and development.

    In the 1950s and 1960s, Nigeria’s political titans engaged in recriminations over ethnic domination until a civil war broke out. Decades later, neither the anxieties that triggered war nor the political recriminations that fouled ethnic trust have abated. It was, therefore, bad timing, especially in the context of the tension generated by the 2023 polls, that Hon. Kalu sponsored a bill interpreted as a deliberate machination for ethnic domination. He should have been more sensitive. And in the light of stirrings in some parts of Southern and West Africa, where nationalism is on a gentle but steady and invidious rise, it is urgent to develop systems, structures and solutions that address the country’s national question rather than resort to knee-jerk legislative or political responses that deepen the country’s contradictions.

  • Tinubu, Sanwo-Olu, First Lady celebrate Obanikoro at 65

    Tinubu, Sanwo-Olu, First Lady celebrate Obanikoro at 65

    President lauds ex-minister’s role in Lagos, national politics

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, and the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, have extended warm felicitations to prominent Lagos politician and former Minister of State for Defence, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, on yesterday’s celebration of his 65th birthday.

    The President praised the Lagos politician for his steadfast service to the state and Nigeria.

    In a statement in Abuja by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, President Tinubu described Senator Obanikoro as an influential leader within the Lagos political landscape and a dependable stakeholder in the All Progressives Congress (APC).

     “Senator Obanikoro’s significant contributions to Lagos State, particularly during his tenure as the Chairman of Lagos Island Local Government and as Commissioner for Home Affairs and Culture under my administration as governor, remain worthy of commendation,” the President said.

    President Tinubu noted that Obanikoro’s service extended beyond state-level responsibilities, recalling his impactful roles as a Senator representing Lagos Central from 2003 to 2007 and later as Nigeria’s High Commissioner to Ghana.

    Currently an apex leader in the Lagos APC and a member of the influential Governance Advisory Council (GAC), Obanikoro, fondly called “Koro,” was celebrated by the President for his “commitment to Lagos development and his pivotal role within the state APC”.

    He urged the celebrant to continue dedicating his experience and influence to the unity and progress of Nigeria, praying for his long life, renewed strength, and more fruitful years in service.

    Senator Obanikoro remains one of the most recognisable figures in Lagos politics, with a career spanning local government administration, national legislature, diplomacy, and executive appointments.

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    In a statement yesterday by his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Mr Gboyega Akosile. Governor Sanwo-Olu praised Obanikoro for his contributions to Lagos State’s development and his selfless service across all levels of government.

    “On behalf of my wife, Ibijoke, the people and government of Lagos State, and the APC and GAC members, I congratulate Senator Obanikoro,” he said.

    Sanwo-Olu described Obanikoro as one of Nigeria’s most decorated politicians, having served diligently as chairman, commissioner, senator, minister, and high commissioner. 

    According to the governor, Obanikoro was a good ambassador of Lagos as the senator representing Lagos Central in the Fifth Senate.

    As a lawmaker, he contributed significantly to legislative work in the National Assembly.

    The governor prayed for Obanikoro’s continued good health and strength to render more service to Lagos State, Nigeria, and humanity.

    In her congratulatory message to Obanikoro through her media aide, Busola Kukoyi, Mrs. Tinubu said: “I celebrate with you, your well-wishers, associates and family members on your 65th birthday.

    “As senator, minister, and diplomat, you have contributed meaningfully to national development.

    “I pray you celebrate many more years in Divine health, joy and peace. Happy birthday, your excellency!”

  • Testing, testing 2027: Brief switch to politics didn’t hurt the focus

    Testing, testing 2027: Brief switch to politics didn’t hurt the focus

    Last week marked a decisive inflection point in the political trajectory of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. Having dedicated the previous week to the solemn remembrance of his immediate predecessor, the late President Muhammadu Buhari, President Tinubu entered this past week not with the lingering gloom of mourning, but with a firm sense of political resolve. In a span of just a few days, he signalled a clear shift from his earlier posture of political aloofness to a more assertive engagement with partisan strategy — a recalibration driven, not by ambition alone, but by necessity.

    From all indications, President Tinubu’s original game plan was to keep politics at bay — at least until closer to the 2027 general elections. Since his swearing-in in May 2023, the President has consistently framed his mission around national reengineering, economic stabilisation, and institutional reforms. But events do not always wait for intentions to mature at their own pace. With opposition forces gradually coalescing into a more assertive bloc under the African Democratic Congress (ADC), a party fast becoming the convergence point for dissident politicians and defectors, it became increasingly apparent that political detachment would come at a steep cost.

    It was, therefore, unsurprising that President Tinubu chose this past week to abandon restraint and formally activate his political apparatus. He did so methodically and strategically, using each engagement to advance a layered agenda — consolidating power within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), reconnecting with old political allies, neutralising external threats, and reinforcing grassroots mobilisation. In a week that saw multiple closed-door meetings, executive decisions, and symbolic encounters, the President emerged not just as head of government, but once more as leader of the political coalition he founded with others.

    The most visible manifestation of this pivot came on Thursday, at the 14th National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting of the APC. There, Tinubu made a rousing call for party unity and capacity-building, while firmly steering the NEC through the election of new leadership — a long-anticipated “house-cleaning” exercise. The NEC filled three key vacancies: that of the National Chairman, vacated after the resignation of Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje; the Deputy National Secretary; and the National Legal Adviser. These appointments were no mere routine — they were pivotal in recalibrating the party’s internal machinery ahead of a decisive political cycle.

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    Professor Nentawe Yilwatda, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, emerged as the new APC National Chairman, a choice reportedly forged through consensus and consultations — a reflection of Tinubu’s preference for cohesion over confrontation. In his address, the President did not hide the strategic intent of the moment. He declared that the party’s doors were wide open, and that more high-profile defections were not just expected but imminent. “We might form the party of elders,” he mused, referencing the influx of political heavyweights eyeing the APC. “More members are still coming.”

    These were not idle boasts. The President confirmed that governors and federal lawmakers from opposition parties were already queuing up to defect. And, in a direct swipe at the3opposition coalition, he quipped that it was “not a bad idea to abandon a sinking ship and be absent from a coalition of confusion.”

    The President’s reengagement with party politics, however, did not begin on Thursday. The groundwork had been laid earlier in the week, with a flurry of strategic meetings. On Wednesday, he hosted the 24-member Progressive Governors’ Forum (PGF), where matters of party unity, grassroots mobilisation, and succession planning were reportedly discussed behind closed doors. Though the official reason for the meeting was to condole with the President over Buhari’s death, few missed the deeper significance — it was a pre-NEC caucus meeting, essential for sealing the consensus on the new leadership slate and preparing the state chapters for the political battles ahead.

    That same day, President Tinubu received a delegation from Ekiti State, comprising Governor Abiodun Oyebanji, Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, and — most significantly — former governor Segun Oni, a once-prominent figure in the South-West who had publicly exited partisan politics in 2024. Oni’s presence at the Villa, after nearly a year out of politics, has been interpreted in many quarters as part of a deliberate rapprochement, likely orchestrated to woo him back into the fold ahead of 2027. If successful, this move could help consolidate APC’s strength in Ekiti and perhaps even across the entire South-West.

    President Tinubu rounded off his political outreach on Friday with a lesser-publicised but equally symbolic meeting with his fellow governors from the 1999 class — an exclusive fraternity of political veterans with deep grassroots influence and national spread. This gesture, seemingly nostalgic, was in fact profoundly strategic. It signalled his intent to reactivate dormant alliances and reassure long-time associates of their place in his evolving political blueprint.

    Each of these engagements — from the NEC reshuffle to the consultations with Ekiti leaders and his 1999 peers — had a targeted constituency and a defined political aim. Together, they illustrate a shift from quiet contemplation to proactive consolidation, an early preparation that may ultimately prove decisive in 2027.

    Still, even as he turned his gaze toward politics, President Tinubu did not abandon governance. His week remained tightly interwoven with statecraft and policy execution. On Tuesday, he met with the key members of his fiscal and energy team — including Finance Minister Wale Edun, Budget and Economic Planning Minister Atiku Bagudu, the Governor of the Central Bank, and the FIRS Chairman, Dr Zacch Adedeji. The briefing covered a broad sweep of the national economy — from monetary policy and inflation control to budget performance and oil and gas investment. These engagements served as an assurance to Nigerians and the global business community that the President’s economic agenda remains firmly on course.

    That same day, he hosted Africa’s foremost industrialist, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, for a private meeting at the State House — another nod to the importance his administration places on private sector partnerships and industrial revival. And on Friday, even as he was finalising political realignments, the President convened a high-level meeting with electricity generation company (GENCO) operators, pledging to resolve longstanding liquidity issues. The move was part of a broader push to stabilise the power sector and energise economic growth.

    Also notable during the week was the visit by a World Bank delegation, led by its Managing Director and CFO, Anshula Kant, to discuss a 90,000-kilometre fibre-optic project backed by global partners — a transformative initiative aimed at digital infrastructure development. It served to reinforce Tinubu’s commitment to structural economic reform and his capacity to secure international support for key development goals.

    Beyond Politics: It Was Tinubu’s Week of Tributes, Patriotism Human Touch

    Amid the strategic political engagements that shaped the just-concluded week for the President —especially the recalibrations within the All Progressives Congress (APC)—another equally telling narrative unfolded, marked by acts of remembrance, celebration, and the President’s human touch in matters of national emotion.

    On Sunday, President Tinubu stood in Ijebu Ode to pay solemn tribute to the late Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, the revered Awujale of Ijebuland. In his stirring message at the eight-day Fidau prayers, the President urged unity, particularly among the Yoruba, and called on Nigerians to preserve the monarch’s legacy of truth, integrity, and fearless leadership. “Let us cherish his legacy and appreciate him in death,” Tinubu said. “It is left for you and me to reflect the values he represented.”

    That same day, the President honoured one of Nigeria’s elder statesmen, Major-General David Jemibewon (rtd), on his 85th birthday, lauding his patriotism and lifelong dedication to national service. On Monday, he extended similar felicitations to Senator Gbenga Ashafa, whom he described as an “invaluable asset to Nigeria,” and to his Senior Special Assistant, Fredrick Nwabufo, for his bold contributions to public discourse and commitment to unity at age 40.

    Tuesday brought a celebratory tone as the President joined Nigerians in hailing the Super Falcons’ semi-final triumph over South Africa at the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations. In a post on social media, Tinubu praised the team’s “indomitable spirit” and urged them to secure Nigeria’s 10th title—a moment of national pride amid governance routines.

    Wednesday saw a mix of celebration and reflection. The President saluted Oba Abdulwasiu Lawal, Oniru of Iru Kingdom, on his 55th birthday, reminiscing about the monarch’s days as his aide-de-camp and praising his enduring leadership. The same day, Tinubu mourned Professor Jonah Elaigwu, a towering political scientist who championed federalism and democratic governance.

    On Friday, the President once again donned the garb of mourner-in-chief, grieving the loss of Dr Ibrahim Bello, the Emir of Gusau. “This is a collective loss,” he stated, praising the monarch’s service and leadership. Later that night, President Tinubu received President Adama Barrow of The Gambia, who came to pay respects to the late Muhammadu Buhari, calling him a benefactor and democratic role model.

    In all, the week told a compelling dual story: a President who remains deeply invested in the complex work of national transformation, and yet politically astute enough to recognise that governance and politics are not mutually exclusive — particularly in a high-stakes democracy like Nigeria’s.

    If there was a message in the events of the week, it was this: President Tinubu may have initially intended to stay off politics until closer to 2027, but the evolving political climate has necessitated a change in tempo. Opposition forces, increasingly aggressive and organised under the ADC umbrella, have made it clear that the contest for power is already underway. For a man who rose to national leadership through an unmatched mastery of political chess, Tinubu has simply responded in kind — with quiet confidence, timely adjustments, and characteristic calculation.

    The Renewed Hope Agenda, at its core, remains a developmental blueprint. But last week, the President showed that renewal must also extend to the party that brought him to power, and that hope, to be sustained, must be anchored in both economic revival and political resilience.

    In the weeks and months ahead, more realignments may emerge. Old rivals may return, fresh alliances may be forged, and the APC’s internal architecture may continue to evolve. But what is now beyond dispute is that the 2027 journey has begun — not with noise, not with rallies, but with quiet, strategic moves made behind closed doors and around the negotiation table.

    President Tinubu, long a student and master of political timing, appears to have made his opening move. Whether it proves decisive will depend on how well he balances the two core mandates of his office — to govern effectively and to win politically. Last week, he showed that he is more than capable of doing both.

  • Indigeneship Bill: Dishonest push to redefine indigeneity in Nigeria

    Indigeneship Bill: Dishonest push to redefine indigeneity in Nigeria

    Indigeneity is defined as the “fact of ORIGINATING or OCCURING NATURALLY” in in a particular place – that is what some people are dead set to change.

    “Azikiwe: “Let us forget our differences.”

    Ahmadu Bello: “No, let us understand our differences. I am a Muslim and a Northerner. You are a Christian and an Easterner.

    By understanding our differences, we can build unity in our country” -being arguments during the campaign for the federal elections of December 12, 1959 when the man who most exemplified division in Nigerian history, coyly preaching unity because he erroneously believed that his people will Lord it over the other parts of the country.

    Sequel, among other stratagems, to Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma’s remarks  on the Indigeneship bill at the South East Public Hearing in Owerri, a

    highly perspicacious Press Statement, in the form of a WhatsApp post, trended throughout the past week.

    Authored by  Otunba A.J Odunowo, it read as follows:

    “RE: My Position on HB2057 and the Push to Redefine Indigeneity in Nigeria

    I have observed with deep concern the recent push to alter the legal definition of “indigeneity” in Nigeria, particularly as proposed in HB2057, sponsored by Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu and echoed by Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma in his constitutional reform remarks at the South East Public Hearing in Owerri.

    While I support every Nigerian’s right to dignity, inclusion, and development wherever they reside, I firmly reject the dangerous attempt to legislate indigeneity as a residency-based privilege.

    Indigeneity is not a status that can be assigned by fiat. It is rooted in ancestry, cultural lineage, and historical custodianship of land. It represents a community’s identity, heritage, and connection to its homeland. To redefine it as something that can be acquired through birth or prolonged stay undermines the very fabric of our multicultural nation.

    We must not confuse civil inclusion with cultural inheritance.

    My Position Is Clear:

    1. Indigeneity is non-negotiable.

    It cannot be transferred, awarded, or diluted by residency or “good conduct.” No serious nation legislates away the ancestral rights of its native peoples.

    2. Equal rights for settlers must not come at the cost of indigenous rights.

    Nigerians living in other states already enjoy full civil liberties the right to vote, own property, do business, and hold public office. What they are not entitled to is custodianship of cultures they do not descend from.

    3. HB2057 is anti-indigenous and unconstitutional in spirit. If passed, it will breed resentment, escalate land disputes, and deepen cultural dislocation. It threatens traditional institutions and undermines the federal structure.

    4. The National Assembly must refocus its energy on the real demands of the people, that is, restructuring Nigeria into federating units aligned with ethnic and cultural heritage, equitable resource control, and strengthening state-level governance, including state policing.

    I encourage all well-meaning Nigerians, particularly traditional rulers, indigenous associations, and civil society organisations across all regions, to reject this bill in its entirety.

    Nigeria cannot build unity by erasing identity.

    We can only build a truly inclusive nation by recognising and respecting the diverse foundations upon which this country stands.

    Let us defend indigeneity not to divide, but to preserve the integrity of our shared heritage”.

    I am allying myself with this press statement as it is very much in tandem with my position in the article:’Taking the wind out of Hon Kalu’s indigeneship bill’

    of 4 May, 2025 which reads as follows:”Hon. Benjamin Okezie Kalu CON, of the All Progressive Congress, is an Igbo politician and current Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives. He represents the Bende federal constituency of Abia State.

    It is not surprising, therefore, that he is the sponsor of the Indigeneship Bill now before the House of Representatives. The Bill

    seeks to grant indigene status to individuals who have resided in a state for 10 years or married a native for the same length of time.

    It is coyly proposed as a progressive bill intended to cohere the country like the National Youth Service which mandates Nigerian University graduates below a certain age to serve for one year in a part of the country different from theirs.

    But nothing can be further from the truth.

    Given Igbo’s very small piece of territory which, besides its size, is landlocked and impedes their truly industrious proclivities, they are spread so thin all over the country that there can be no community in the country, no matter how

    small in which you will not find an Igbo.

    While this in itself is not bad, Igbo’s inexplanable, but totally unchecked, desire to own things, belonging to others, especially other peoples lands, is the elephant in the room. This abhorrent characteristic of theirs has rendered them completely otiose to other Nigerians in literally every part of the country.

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    But please, do not take my word for it.

    Rather, see below a WhatsApp dialogue, moderated by a so- called Okonkwo and several other Igbos, concerning Yoruba land, especially Lagos, which they love to call a ‘No Man’s Land’, and for which they would readily kill without batting an eyelid:

    DISCUSSION THEME: Ndigbo Will Conquer and Rule Oduduwa Republic.

    “We must take Lagos. We must. Those who want to keep it are fighting themselves.Those of us who want to take it must fight harder. The people who want to keep it are threatening, we that want to take it must be prepared for that threat.

    There”s no new thing they are going to do now in Lagos. We already know what they will do. Therefore we must prepare ourselves in large numbers …”

    “Because if we do not take Lagos, I do not know if you can still stay in Lagos.To remain in Lagos, for your parents to go to that church, for you to enter that estate, enter that bus, Igbos just must take Lagos” – mind you, they don”t even want to win but TAKE Lagos”.

    “… the only way is to defeat them; so we can lock them up and send them to jail”.

    That is what motivates all this rambunctious fight for an indigeneship bill.

    It is ill motivated.

    The quoted portion above was spoken in a stentorian voice that could only have reminded one of Ojukwu’s efette boasts shortly before he led millions of them to their early graves in an unnecessary war, after which he promptly evaporated”.

    But that is not all to the Igbo plan, to consummate which Hon Benjamin Kalu is now feverishly at work in the Peoples’ House.

    They went further:

    “We will join Afenifere and soon be part of the powerhouses that will be eligible to be crowned Obas -(these are a people without Obas, historically without leaders.)

    We will get married to the daughters of Oduduwa , build mansions in their towns and villages and only visit our country home in the land of the rising sun, once a year, as usual. Gradually we will turn Oduduwa Republic into one of the most ethnically mixed countries in the world.

    Can a war plan be more detailed?

    What Igbos are saying is that they would do anything to win Lagos state – rig, burn, kill etc,  come the next election.

    All these also remind me of my article of 16 February, ’25

    titled: Non – Indigenes Should Be Barred From Contesting Governorship, Senate, House Of Representatives and Council Elections wherein I wrote:

     “If for the sake of equity amongst all Nigerian states,  representation in the senate is set at 3 members per state, and constituency, determined by population, is the basis for allocating the number of Reps a state can have,  why are non- indigenes allowed to  contest for these positions outside their state of origin?

    I consider this grossly unfair in a country like ours where, for instance, some states in the Southeast geo- political zone would not tolerate a Catholic cleric, even of the same Igbo ethnic stock, as their parish clergy – even if appointed by the Pope himself – if he comes from outside their state.

    This we have seen severally.

    It could, in fact, be far worse, as happened when the entire indigenous peoples of Aba Ngwa not only rose, like one man, to reject a non- indgene as the Mayor of Aba, but  dared their  governor, Alex Otti, to do so – see  Vanguard October 19, 2023.

    These are the same people who come loaded with money, from all manner of sources, to try everything  to contest elections in Southwest Nigeria in particular”.

    Why would Igbos not understand that this is nothing short of long throat. Why are they ever so desirous of that which belongs to others, even when they would not extend such privileges to non- Igbos anywhere in the entire Southeast?.

    This is the same reason  IPOB’s map of Biafra extends far beyond Ndigbo territory into far away Edo, Delta, even  Bpenue.

    LHowever, the time has come for them  to apply the brakes. They must not only know that enough is enough, they should realise the following facts as put together by another writer on Hon Kalu’s bill:

    “… if passed, the bill will undermine the fundamental essence of indigenous identity, thereby jeopardising the rights and cultural heritage of Nigeria’s indigenous communities.

    The fundamental problem, as the  writer put it,  lies in its attempt to replace birthright, ancestral lineage, and deep-rooted cultural identity with superficial, time-bound criteria since idigeneity is not something one acquires through mere residence or marriage.

    It is an inheritance passed down through generations, woven into the very fabric of a people’s history to tamper with which wil undermine the very essence of our traditional societies.

    All the points being adduced in justification of the bill fall flat because they fail to recognise the spiritual, historical, and cultural depth that define an indigenous person. In Yoruba land, for instance, being an indigene is tied to ancestral lineage, not just a length of stay. This bill therefore seeks to erase the sacredness of identity in favour of some generic, politically motivated re-definition, all for the purpose of exploitation by a people who are never content with what God has given them.

    Finally, if they are not being selfish, they should ask themselves questions as to how many non – Igbos would benefit from this law, if passed, in places like Enugu, Onitsha, Aba, Owerri etc even when whole Igbo cities would literally empty themselves into other parts of the country just to take undue advantage.

    The National Assembly sure has its job already cut out if its members would like to be on the right side of History.

    Potential for exploitation and marginalisation

    Opening the gates of indigeneity to non-indigenous individuals through residence and marriage introduces the risk of opportunistic claims, which could lead to the marginalisation of authentic indigenous populations. As history has shown, policies that do not adequately safeguard native rights often result in the displacement of the very people they should protect. If enacted, HB.2057 could enable those with no genuine ancestral connection to a land to claim indigene rights, potentially sidelining original inhabitants from economic opportunities, governance structures, and access to local resources.

    Threat to local culture and governance

    Every indigenous community in Nigeria has a distinct governance system, deeply rooted in traditions that have been carefully upheld for centuries. The passage of HB.2057 would create an avenue for those without historical ties to a land to participate in and influence its governance, often without understanding or respecting its cultural nuances.

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    Yoruba land, for instance, has a long-established system of monarchy, chieftaincy, and traditional councils that regulate societal structures in line with historical traditions. Allowing external influences to dictate the affairs of an indigenous community would disrupt these systems and gradually erode the unique governance identities of different ethnic nationalities.

    Questionable motives behind the Bill

    HB.2057 was introduced by Hon. Benjamin Okezie Kalu and six others under the guise of national integration and unity. However, its political undertones cannot be ignored. If truly aimed at fostering national unity, why was there no broad-based consultation with traditional leaders, cultural custodians, and grassroots communities before its presentation? The bill appears to serve a larger agenda—one that prioritises political convenience over the preservation of Nigeria’s diverse ethnic identities.

    Our stand: The preservation of indigeneity

    As Yoruba people, and as Nigerians committed to the protection of our cultural heritage, we stand firmly against HB.2057. Indigene status is not just a label—it is an embodiment of ancestry, tradition, and history that should not be compromised for political expediency. We, therefore, call on the Federal

    Government, the National Assembly, and all stakeholders to:

    (i)Reject HB.2057 in its entirety. This bill is a direct attack on the foundational identity of indigenous Nigerians and must not be allowed to stand.

    (ii)Preserve the original meaning of indigeneity. Indigenous status should remain a recognition of those with deep, historical, and cultural ties to their communities, not something that can be obtained through temporary residence or marriage.

    Engage traditional institutions in any discussions on indigeneity.

    The Nigerian government must recognise and involve community leaders, traditional custodians, and indigenous groups in any discourse surrounding national identity, governance, and resource allocation. Such a crucial matter should not be decided in the corridors of political power without consulting the true custodians of heritage.

    Conclusion: A call to action

    Indigeneity is not up for negotiation. It is not a status that can be handed out based on convenience. It is a sacred right that has preserved communities, cultures, and traditions for generations. HB.2057 is an assault on this legacy, and we must resist it with all our might.

    We call on all Yoruba sons and daughters, and indeed all Nigerians who value their heritage, to reject HB.2057 and demand its immediate withdrawal. Let us unite to ensure that our birthright is not sacrificed in the name of political convenience. Our ancestors fought to preserve our identity—now, it is our turn to defend it.

    • Bokini wrote on behalf of Yoruba Nimi Empowerment Foundation.