The Nation Newspaper

Category: Sunday

  • There’s no mollifying Fubara, Wike

    There’s no mollifying Fubara, Wike

    They seem to have a different temperament down there in Rivers State, a difference probably unrelated to the March 18 proclamation of a state of emergency. It must be something far deeper, far bigger, and perhaps much more intense to frame in inoffensive words. Between suspended governor Siminalayi Fubara’s tactlessness and Federal Capital Territory minister’s intransigence, no one has been able to settle the question of whose deportment is worse or who is more voluble. Unfortunately, Rivers State has had the undistinguished honour of abiding both vices since Mr Fubara became governor, or, more correctly, since he was foisted on the state by the unappeasable Mr Wike who hides his fractiousness under his charisma.

    These typifications are not a deliberate attempt to slander Rivers State. Having been known through decades of election cycles as probably the most remarkable churner of dizzying electoral figures, much of these statistics coming from the fishing creeks, the state is now acquiring a different label of irresoluble political conflicts confined to its leadership elite. Tonnes of essays have been written to pacify or placate the state, to make it amenable to finer discourses and get it in tune with the rest of the country, but few in that state seem to pay heed. They have raved and ranted, and insulted and cursed. And the two men at the centre of the disagreeable mood suffocating the state have ridden blissfully on the disputative waves in the state, thundering against each other, and making snide remarks about each other’s followers.

    Last week, just one day apart, while posturing as earnestly questing for peace, Messrs Fubara and Wike once again lanced each other, one by the agency of a church service in honour of the late Niger Delta icon, Edwin Clark, and the other by the beaten path of a media chat. They were adamant, sarcastic and corrosive. The two had met in April in Abuja to see whether they could paper over the cracks between them. They seemed to have reached a tentative understanding which, however, quickly unravelled when their combative supporters, who have been conditioned to fight to the finish, recklessly began throwing barbs again. During last Sunday’s service of songs in Port Harcourt, Mr Fubara sounded surprisingly more conciliatory, even though he ended his remarks with a hint of sarcasm.

    Hear him: “I have peace. If you have known me, you’ve been seeing me; you can see I look better now…Some of you, have you asked yourself, do you think I’m even interested in going back there? I want to ask you, don’t you see how better I look…Do you think I’m interested in it? If I have my way, I would say this is it. This is an altar of God. I don’t wish to go back there. My spirit left that place long ago…So, all these, I want everybody to focus, please. There are fights you don’t fight, there are some things you don’t do because you need to ask the person, Does he want it?…If I had my way, I wouldn’t want to return. But many people, including the late Chief Clark, have made sacrifices for me. That’s why I must stand by them.”

    If Mr Wike had appreciated his predecessor’s verbal awkwardness, he would perhaps be less scathing. In the suspended governor’s quoted remarks, he inadvertently displayed two eccentricities: one, that he is often truly naïve about the import of his many weighty but sometimes circuitous remarks; and two, that he is feckless and eternally prone to wilting before the most tenuous of oppositions. Instead of appreciating the semantic limitations of Mr Fubara, and taking his generally innocent statements gamely, the primed and judgemental FCT minister took umbrage, drew his verbal sword, unfastened his scabbard and flung it away, and went for his predecessor’s jugular.

    Here is how he thrust his triumphalist sword into his predecessor’s heart during the media chat: “I told him (Fubara) I don’t think you have the capacity to really make this peace. It’s not easy; if you’re making peace, your people are demonstrating every day. If you are making peace, your people are busy on television insulting people…Yes, he came with two governors and another person, but unfortunately, the two of them are APC governors. I wouldn’t pursue him. He said he wants peace, and I said I want peace too. But there are steps. You people think this is about just saying, ‘I want peace’ and then you go. What that means is that there’s an open window for you, take the necessary steps to show you want peace. Indeed, this is a self-inflicted injury. He doesn’t need it. When this crisis started, I called him. Seyi Makinde, Ortom, Ikpeazu, and Umahi were there. We sat him down and said, ‘This is not good for you. God has given it to you; don’t allow people to push you. You’re a governor, we know. Don’t forget people laboured day and night. What I have said is: don’t forget people who toiled day and night.”

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    Clearly, for every inch Mr Fubara’s nursery rhyme went, Mr Wike’s tirade went a yard, for he is a far more consummate politician than his dour predecessor. Indeed, during the media chat, the FCT minister went beyond triumphalism; he also displayed a frustrating sense of entitlement and came close to playing God. He said: “I told him, ‘Go this way, and you will not have a problem’. People came and said, ‘Don’t mind him; assert yourself as governor’. Now trouble has come. They declared a state of emergency. He who wears the shoe knows where it pinches him. Who suffers? Assuming you don’t settle this problem and the state of emergency is called off, has the problem ended? I told him, ‘I don’t think you have the capacity to make peace. Your people are demonstrating every day, going on television to insult people’. Have you met the Assembly people? There are leaders you should meet. It’s not just to say, ‘I want peace.’ You must show, by conduct and action, that you want it.”

    Mr Wike was angry that some people close to the governor advised him to assert himself. Given the FCT minister’s imperious remarks, not to talk of the tone of finality with which he couches his decrees, it is not hard to imagine how heavily he obtruded upon the governance of the state. On the few occasions in the past when the governor had mellowed down and sounded conciliatory, Mr Wike had remained unyielding and supercilious. Mr Fubara of course has his faults, obviously amplified by his unpolished and indecipherable approach to politics, but nothing suggests that Mr Wike has all the solutions. Until they find a common intersection in their approach to politics and governance, the disagreement between the two men will be exacerbated by their dissonant backgrounds. Hopefully, someone somewhere will arrive on the scene and help them beat their swords into ploughshares, especially as the state of emergency begins to run its course. If no meeting ground is found, it could spell disaster for the state. Mr Fubara cannot regain the six months lost to emergency; he should, therefore, find a way to be all things to all men, guileful, proactive, and witty. If nothing else, let him at least have a great one term.

  • The Pope of Good Hope

    The Pope of Good Hope

    Reimagining a new world order

     It is a wonderful irony of history that the papal conclave in Rome should choose as the new pontiff, Cardinal Robert Francis Prevost, who , at 69, is the 267th occupant of the throne of St Peter and the first American ever to be so elected. The Roman Catholic conclave and its grizzled cardinals are consummate past masters and poker-faced gnomes of global geopolitics and its great, irrational dynamics. There are many shrewd observers who believe that this is not a play of irony at all but a compelling game of bridge enacted at the highest echelon of global politics. As the new pope, Leo X1V brings to office the exalted virtues of humility, compassion and nobility of worldview. In a world sent reeling and gasping for breath by the combustible and disruptive politics of another American, these are values so antithetical to the worldview of Mr Donald Trump that one can be forgiven for wondering whether it was the same country that threw them up.

      Yet they are. Both president and pope represent two antipodal possibilities of leadership in the same society and the promise of redemption once a society gets it right. Consequently, no human society, nation or race can be written off on the basis of current misdirection or misapplication of national genius. It is the triumph of hope and human salvation over the horrors of actual existence. It is to be noted that unlike Mr Trump who comes with overwhelming military, political and economic capability to impose his will on a global scale, the pope is armed only with his moral authority and the leverage of outstanding personal example. It is the might of example over the example of might.

      It is a long time ago when Josef Stalin as the undisputed master of the Soviet Empire and arguably the most powerful man in the world at that point sucked at his famous pipe and wondered aloud about how many divisions a sitting pope could muster. This was in response to diplomatic murmurs that the pontiff was very unhappy about Stalin’s conduct. Among the communist triumvirate that took over power after the Russian revolution Stalin, a failed seminarian, was the most militant and open in his hostility to formal religion. In a story possibly apocryphal, it was said that when Stalin after becoming the undisputed master and law-giver of the Soviet Empire returned home to his native Georgia, his mother, a feisty Georgian matriarch, reportedly crowed that it was a pity the great man failed as a priest.

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          The old woman may have a point. Long after the Soviet Empire had collapsed and disappeared in the sand of time, the church, particularly the Roman Catholic empire, is still standing and waxing stronger. Despite the great political turbulence occasioned by ever-shifting geopolitical dynamics, despite the occasional resort to underhand economic deals and fiscal dodginess, despite the frailties and peccadilloes some of its priests, the Catholic church has fought along the side of the people particularly in predominantly Roman catholic nations such as Brazil, Portugal, the Philippines and East Timor in their struggle against autocracy and indigenous tyranny. Its great Jesuits and brilliant priests have contributed greatly to the expansion of the frontiers of knowledge and learning, opening new vistas in science, astrology, astronomy, geophysics and philosophy. For every Copernicus and Galileo persecuted, there were great pathfinders such as Augustine, Francis of Assisi, Thomas Aquinas, Spinoza, Ignatius of Loyola and several other lesser known grandees of human thought and development such as the liberation theologians of Latin America. Almost six centuries later, the voice of Bartolome de las Casa, the local Catholic Bishop of Chiapas, continues to ring out from the grave about the horrendous atrocities committed at the Spanish mines of Potosi leading to the extermination of the indigenous populace and captive Africans who were dragooned to work the mines.

     This is the great tradition and the heroic forebears that have thrown up Pope Leo and his illustrious predecessor, the much revered and much beloved Pope Francis who originally hailed from Argentina and was a man of cosmopolitan distinction who labored greatly to enhance the status of the poor, the underprivileged and the under-represented of the world. Pope Leo himself did some back-breaking  work among the poor and the wretched of the earth in Peru. Such was his devotion to his congregation that he took up Peruvian citizenship and for a long time many were wont to think of him as a Peruvian rather than as American-born. Such is the solidity and organic coherence of this noble tradition that Pope Leo has reaffirmed his commitment and adherence to the path taken by his noble predecessor. His opening gambit has not disappointed those who expected him to be a champion of the poor and he has  made a pitch for the global underclass and voiced his concern about the horrific carnage in Gaza and Ukraine and the plight of their hapless denizens in his usually calm demeanour.

      This quiet stubbornness and insistence on what is right, just and fair for everybody, this steely obduracy about speaking out against injustice and about the appalling condition of the human species and the growing abridgement and outright abrogation of freedom of speech in an America lurching to the far right is bound to push the new pope on the path of conflict with the new authorities in the land of self-evident truths about the unalienable rights of humanity. The fact that the new pope is American-born heightens the contradictions and poetic ironies. For it gives him greater clout than his predecessor could ever dream off to act as a countervailing voice against the new autocrats of Europe and the authoritarian fiasco brewing in his own backyard. This is probably why the conclave pushed for him in a moment of inspired calculation. Since this is essentially a battle of will and a duel of wits, matters are not expected to get out of hand, but if they do, one can hear the American royal protagonist screaming: “Who will rid me of this turbulent priest?” This is just as it happens in Murder in the Cathedral. It will not be the first time a pope is in mortal danger because of his steadfast convictions.

    Without any iota of self-irony and in a revelation laced with blindness and insight in equal measures, Donald Trump has let it be known that he was responsible for the election of the new pope. As we can see from the preceding analysis nothing can be closer and farther from the truth at the same time. The pope might have been elected because of Donald Trump but not for the reasons he thought as he is bound to find out in the long run. As we have noted in an earlier column, it will be unfair and unwise to demonize the American president just because of what he is. Donald Trump is a product of the American society and its regnant contradictions. From a particular transactional prism, much of what he has to say is true and telling. Even in the most liberal and generous of traditional African society, there is a saying that they will not continue to invite you to communal dinner if you have nothing to contribute. As Franz Kafka would have put it, “it is not that what you say is untrue but it is so harsh”. Economically beleaguered countries must get their act together.

      As a young nation and fresh society, that is if we discount the decimation of the indigenous populace, America has been spared the pathologies of old traditional societies and their memory-encrusted traumas. This vigour and freshness of vision are what have borne the new nation along as it traversed new political and economic territory, leaving older nations stranded behind.  But like a mysterious and mythical bogey, the old world and older civilizations often disturb and destabilize America’s self-assurance and swashbuckling confidence by the imponderable deviousness of their ways and their unfathomable political resilience. In dealing with this bogey, America oscillates between extreme calculated cruelty and stupendous child-like generosity. This is what has brought Trump as a final solution. 

    In re-imagining a newer and better world away from the current meanness of spirit and horrific destruction, it is the America of oceanic plenitude of resources which it was willing to share, the America of the massive and paradigm-changing Marshall Plan that rescued Europe from economic ruination, the America that left thousands of its own behind in Parisian graves as it fought to rescue Europe from the clutches of fascism, the America of the Peace Corps and ASPAU and the America that lent its enormous resources to prodemocracy forces in Nigeria in their struggle to rid their nation of military despotism that must come to the fore of the human imagination.

    This is the America that threw up the current pope with his nobility of purpose, his compassion and charity towards all. There are millions of Americans like him out there. But we must not get carried away by the euphoria of premature triumphalism. The pope’s voice does not carry any economic weight, nor does he have troops at his command, as Stalin famously reminded his papal forbear. His is the force of overwhelming moral authority and outstanding example. This is what should matter in a re-imagined world. We say welcome to the Pope of Good Hope.

  • Okon heads to the east to join wonder-boy

    Okon heads to the east to join wonder-boy

    Despite the recent presidential charm offensive and promises of wondrous sweeteners, all is still not well in the land of the rising sun. There is still a lot of turbulence in the air. With the dreaded IPOB threatening another massive lockdown which will shake the entire beleaguered enclave to its roots, there is reason to believe that something nasty and sinister is in the offing. Like an old metrological savant, yours sincerely has been monitoring the inclement clouds with mounting concern and anxiety wondering whether it will all fizzle out or end in a malignant downpour. IPOB and its trigger-happy affiliates have promised to honour and celebrate the departed icons and heroes of its struggle even if it means putting the entire region on a war-footing. How it expects the authorities to sit idly by and watch this challenge to the legitimacy and authority of the state remains a source of profound mystery. The only problem is that the Nigerian security forces are fighting off too many challenges to the sovereignty of the state on many fronts.

      All of a sudden, Okon crashed into the living room and dropped a heavy bag on the floor, disturbing the peace and harmony of the hour after the gentle drizzles which went on all night. A startled snooper sprang up on the sofa. But before one could say a word, the crazy boy opened up.

      “Ha, oga no vex at all. I wan quickly reach dem old Orlu Province make man join dem Biafran volunteer group”, the mad boy announced with flourish and excitement. The heart warmed and glowered at the prospects hoping that this time around the lunatic will meet his terminal comeuppance.

      “General Okon, welcome to the front!” yours sincerely noted with a cynical guffaw.

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      “Ha oga, I no be general at al at all. Dem general no fit shoot and dem dey run even from dem rabbit. I be Commander Gburugburu from Oji River”, the mad boy shouted. At this point, the ancient generator that had been working all night suddenly hissed like a mad camel and then went dead.

      “Ha oga, you see yourself now? We never chop meat for dis house for six months now. Na so so Yoruba insect and dem ancient mushroom. Now dem generator don kaput. Even dem Biafran people no dey treat dem old officer like dis. At least dem still dey supply dem with monkey meat and manpower. And….” At this point, yours sincerely tried to hush up the crazy fellow and his subversive ranting.

      “Wo, Okon shut up and face your own problems. By the way, you never said you are Ibo and a member of IPOB”, yours sincerely noted with a blackmailing frown.

       “Oga, na double-barrel question you dey ask me. I no dey answer double-barrel question”, the mad boy retorted.

       “So, how are you going to get to IPOB heartland?” snooper demanded from the crazy fellow.

        “When I reach Uturu Junction from Afikpo, I go cross to Ihube in Okigwe and from there I go reach Isuochi from the backdoor and then on to Mbala and Agwuata,” Okon reeled out as if reading from a war map. His knowledge of the Igbo heartland was so compelling and detailed that it set off a quiet wave of panic in yours sincerely.

        “If I had known that I have been harbouring a rebel insurgent in the house, I would have invited these people to come and take you away a long time ago..” yours sincerely moaned as fright and premonition set in.

      “ Ah oga no be like dat ooo. No be like dat at all. I no dey fight oo. I no be soldier. I just dey supply dem with  fresh palm wine from Itigidi and Biakpan. You no say na my papa dey sell better palm wine for Calabar. Even dem Awolowo dey come drink palm wine for dem place after dem mala capture am. At time, dem old Yoruba witch go disappear and him go reappear just like dat”, Okon sang.

      “Shut up, Okon. Awolowo was a teetotaler “, yours sincerely screamed at the mad ruffian.

        “Taller dan who? Oga, Awo na short man, him no tall pass nothing”, the crazy boy retorted and then winked. “Oga, I no be dem IPOB. Na dem mad boy for Anambra who dey fire and wire all dem Ibo women who come invite me make I become him assistant. Him say work dey boku and Ibo women plenty yanfunyanfun and dem go pay me for direct gbam and for assist”. On that note, snooper threw a shoe at the urchin which sent him packing.  

  • Significance of Ahmadu Bello Platinum award to Air Vice Marshal John C. Ifemeje (rtd).

    Significance of Ahmadu Bello Platinum award to Air Vice Marshal John C. Ifemeje (rtd).

    By Kalu Okoronkwo

    At a time when Nigeria’s socio-political fabric is constantly tested by divisions, insecurity, and economic turbulence, a moment of national unity has arisen that signify hope. One such moment came with the conferment of the Sir Ahmadu Bello Platinum Leadership Award on Air Vice Marshal John C. Ifemeje (Rtd) by the Arewa Youth Council (AYC).

    More than just a ceremonial honour, this award symbolizes something deeper, a recognition of selfless service, a celebration of integrity, and a powerful gesture towards national cohesion.

    This national honour recognizes the retired military officer’s exceptional contribution to national development, security, and the unity of Nigeria.

    Air Vice Marshal John C. Ifemeje (Rtd) is not a stranger to excellence. His career in the Nigerian Air Force was marked by tactical brilliance, disciplined leadership, and a commitment to the security of the nation.

    From commanding air operations to shaping military policy, AVM Ifemeje rose through the ranks with honour and distinction. But even beyond the battlefield, he remained a statesman, quietly mentoring, guiding, and building bridges where many only saw walls.

    The Arewa Youth Council, a leading voice among young northern Nigerians, saw in AVM Ifemeje a model of the leadership that Nigeria desperately needs, one grounded in humility, merit, and national interest.

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    His tenure in the Nigerian Air Force was marked by a series of strategic and leadership roles that have significantly contributed to the operational efficiency and administrative excellence of the force till date. 

    As the former Air Secretary at NAF Headquarters, a position that entrusted him with the critical responsibilities of overseeing personnel management and administrative policies, he was known for notable initiatives that enhanced the welfare and professional development of Air Force personnel, reflecting his dedication to the human capital that constitutes the backbone of the military.

    He was also at a time, the Commandant of the Armed Forces Command and Staff College (AFCSC) in Jaji. a premier military institution dedicated to the professional development of officers in the Nigerian Armed Forces and allied nations.

    This role was instrumental in implementing advanced training programs that emphasized leadership, strategy, and joint operations, thereby preparing officers for the multifaceted challenges of modern military engagements.

    His leadership at AFCSC not only elevated the institution’s standards but also reinforced its reputation as a center of excellence in military education.

    The Sir Ahmadu Bello Platinum Leadership Award is no ordinary accolade. Named after the legendary Sardauna of Sokoto — a visionary leader who championed education, unity, and development. The award is reserved for individuals whose leadership reflects these enduring values.

    By honoring retired Air Vice Marshal Ifemeje, the AYC made a profound statement: that excellence knows no ethnicity, and service to the nation transcends regional divides. It is a recognition not only of what he has done, but of what he stands for, unity in diversity, strength through service, and leadership by example.

    Nigeria’s history has been defined by regional loyalties and ethno-political fault lines. But this award marks a pivotal counter-narrative, one that says a new generation is rising with a different vision. The Arewa Youth Council, through this recognition, declared that leadership should no longer be judged by geography but by character.

    Therefore one can boldly that , this is not just an award but a message to the country, a message that Nigeria can still be united,  a message that young people can choose role models not by tribe, but by track record, a message that integrity still matters

    Though retired, AVM Ifemeje continues to inspire. His voice remains active in national discourse — often advocating for peace, responsible governance, youth empowerment, and security sector reforms. His leadership has seamlessly transitioned from the rigid lines of military command to the flexible but impactful corridors of civic influence.

    In a world where many fade into silence after public service, AVM Ifemeje chose to stay visible, not for applause, but for responsibility. This is the essence of true leadership: when the medals have been worn, and the uniforms folded, the heart for service still beats.

    The conferment of this award offers Nigeria a moment to pause and reflect — on what kind of country we want to build and what kind of leaders we want to follow. It challenges citizens, especially the youth, to seek inspiration in those who lead by action, not by noise.

    It reminds us that the ideals of the founding fathers ,  unity, sacrifice, and integrity,  are not relics of the past but blueprints for our future.

    As Air Vice Marshal John C. Ifemeje stood to receive the Sir Ahmadu Bello Platinum Leadership Award, he did not just accept a medal. He carried the weight of a national hope, that somewhere between the lines that divide us, there are leaders who still believe in one Nigeria.

    And for the Arewa Youth Council, this moment was not about celebrating the past, but shaping the future. A future where merit is honoured, unity is embraced, and youth-led initiatives become the driving force behind national rebirth.

    In a land thirsty for true leadership, this was more than an award.

    It was a statement.

    It was a spark.

    And, hopefully, it will be a turning point.

  • Oloyede, victim of own standard

    Oloyede, victim of own standard

    Hullabaloo over UTME glitch because of the superhuman heights he has taken JAMB. We saw worse scenarios before.

    Professor Ishaq Oloyede, the registrar/chief executive of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), knew what he was saying when he appropriately titled the speech he delivered at the press briefing he held last week Wednesday, on the technical glitch that happened in some centres during the last Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), “Man proposes, God disposes”.

    As a former vice-chancellor, Oloyede had addressed many press conferences. He had also addressed many press conferences in his present capacity. He had spoken to the ‘gentlemen’ of the press in his several other private or official capacities.

    But the press conference of May 14 was of a different kind. It’s good music when you come prepared with record achievements that you want newsmen to tell the world. It’s good music when you won national or international accolades for exemplary performance. Good music when you are to be showcased as a man who has breathed life afresh into an institution that was on the brink of collapse.

    But it’s something else when all eyes are on you for the wrong reason. This is especially so for a man who has worked conscientiously to earn whatever he has become today. It is the more so for a man that has come to be known as ‘Mr Integrity’ because he cares about his image.

    The saying that when you don’t plan before embarking on a project, you have only planned to fail is an acclaimed truism.

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    In terms of preparations, JAMB had done what was humanly possible to ensure a hitch-free 2025 UTME. Realising that its workers cannot do the job alone, JAMB brought in a lot of people of integrity across board to ensure a smooth conduct of the examination, and as part of its quality assurance measures.

    As Oloyede said at the press briefing, “There are peace monitors, of 41 women of substance who are or have been principal officers of Nigerian universities; we have chief external examiners (CEEs), who are vice-chancellors, rectors and provosts of universities, polytechnics and colleges of education. Each state also has chief technical adviser, a reputable professor who is an expert in computing and cybersecurity.

    “We have peace monitors, civil society group, equal opportunity group, the general monitors group, high-powered opinion leaders, the roving group, technical advisors group and the virtues vanguards. All of these groups play critical roles and complement our staff in ensuring quality and troubleshooting challenges.”

    That was for adhoc personnel.

    What of technology? If we begin talking about this, we won’t ever finish because it is the backbone of whatever Oloyede has achieved in JAMB, after God.

    So, how do you now explain that 379,997 of about 1.9 million candidates who sat for the exam that you had so elaborately prepared for are to resit the same examination?

    That is the big question. And that must have been the basis of Oloyede’s ‘man proposes, God disposes’.

    The answer was found in discrepancies linked to faulty server updates in JAMB’s Lagos and south-east (Owerri zone) comprising the five South-east states: Abia, Enugu, Imo, Ebonyi and Anambra, which led to the failure to upload candidates’ responses during the first three days of the examination. Unfortunately, this was not detected before the results were released.

    The mass failure that trailed the release of the result on May 9 was attributed to this avoidable lapse. More than 78 per cent of candidates scored less than 200 points out of the 400 maximum obtainable points.

    There was public outcry and JAMB consequently emplaced a committee of various examination and educational experts to review the results. It was in the process that the glitch was discovered and Oloyede publicly accepted responsibility for the technical error and tendered an unreserved apology to the nation.

    “As registrar of JAMB, I hold myself personally responsible, including for the negligence of the service provider. I unreservedly apologise for it,” Oloyede

    said, tears in his eyes.

    Agreed, people are usually interested in result, not efforts. Again, the gravity of what happened notwithstanding, the apology should do. After all nobody is perfect. Even if such a glitch occurred elsewhere, the best that would be ordered is a retake of the examination in the affected centres, and not a wholesale cancellation of the result as some people were canvassing, since the glitch was not nationwide.

    But, what do we see? A barrage of criticisms calling for Oloyede’s head in a golden plate. It is refreshing though that some of the professionals in the social media space did report and analyse the incident professionally.

    Really, sometimes one is usually at sea to decipher certain things, especially where Oloyede’s tenure in JAMB is concerned. One finds it difficult to differentiate between genuine critics of the board and those who do so because they are part of the people that Oloyede’s stringent policies have denied the opportunity of fleecing either the hapless candidates through all manner of illegalities, or even the country.

    There is the third group that is neither here nor there. This comprises armchair critics who think the only way they can be relevant is to criticise the system, whatever happens. To them nothing good can come out of the country and when it does; it must have been a mistake.

    But it is unfortunate that the technical glitch of 2025 UTME provided an ample reminder for people who never saw anything good in either the government or JAMB under Oloyede to reopen the debate on the huge remittances that he has been making to the federal purse since his assumption of office. To date, that is said to be over N50 billion in seven years, a thing the Federal Government has commended JAMB for.

    This is despite the fact that Oloyede has reduced the application fees for UTME forms by N1,500. To date, he has never thought of increasing it despite the

    vicissitudes of the nation’s economy.

    The critics keep saying he should still reduce the fees to help poor parents even when we can see some of the benefits the money has been spent on through the awards the board organises every year to encourage the higher institutions to keep to the rules.

    Curiously, such critics are mum about those who either embezzled or misapplied what Oloyede has been remitting to the government since the board came into existence in 1978.

    What a country!

    Under him, JAMB has demonstrated uncommon courage in enhancing accountability, transparency, and openness in its financial practices by making public its income and expenditure profiles weekly since 2017. How many government agencies can do such?

    All of these are aside the technology that he has leveraged on to improve the fortunes of JAMB and the integrity of its examinations.

    One thing many of us, including Oloyede himself, may not realise is the fact that he is a victim of his own standard. Many things that people would simply have shrugged off as one of those things in the dark years of the board have now become cornerstone expectations from his JAMB.

    And the brickbats, could either come as genuine friendly fire from people who feel, ‘no, this man has gone past this kind of mistake’. Or from people who, as I said earlier, Oloyede’s policies have deprived the opportunity of fleecing candidates or the country, who would want to seize a moment like this to extract their pound of flesh from him. To such disgruntled elements, Oloyede is an irritant and pollutant whose ouster from the system they would gladly embrace and or orchestrate.

    I said this not to make light of the UTME glitch but to just put the record straight.

    Indeed, while putting this piece together on Thursday, I saw a piece written by someone who said he scored 90 something in his UTME and that when his father wrote JAMB because he trusted in his ability to have done better in the exam, his mark was changed to over 200. I was taken aback. I thought it was part of the fallout of the current UTME, only for me to read down the line that that happened about 24 years ago! That was where we were coming from with regards to JAMB and UTME. Sadly, we have forgotten so soon. These days, UTME is held without many people, except those directly concerned, knowing.

    The chaos of the past whereby candidates would be running from pillar to post in search of their centres, the very many problems associated with the manual conduct of the examination, etc. have since Oloyede’s coming become things of the past.

    Oloyede has since his appointment been conducting UTME yearly. He had been vice-chancellor in one of the country’s top notch universities, among others. So, he knows his onion. He has international recognition for his handling of his assignment as JAMB registrar and, in fairness to him, his performance every year has always been better than the previous year.

    But it is gratifying that some institutions and individuals have shown solidarity with him at this point in time. He needs such; the country needs such. Otherwise, we would be inadvertently yielding the space to the vocal critics who are in the minority, thus giving the impression that they are in the majority. Ours is a country with too many critics, many of who cannot administer a single classroom but they are fast at calling for the heads of otherwise hard-working Nigerians simply because of one mistake or grouse, or the other.

    It is sad that one candidate, Faith Opesusi, took poison allegedly over her ‘failure’ in the mass failure and died. Ordinarily one would only have stopped at sympathising with her parents and relatives, but it is also good to counsel both parents and candidates over an incident like this. In this kind of situation, the youths need counselling.

     If there was mass failure in UTME as it happened, JAMB and the tertiary institutions would not go to America or South Africa to look for students. They would still have to admit students from those that ‘failed’. If it meant lowering further the requirements, it would be done. That was what happened as it was reported that her admission letter came shortly after she had committed suicide. Many great people in the world had cause to resit some examinations several times before finally making it. We need to drive the fact that an examination is not always a true test of one’s ability into their heads.

    This is not an occasion to dwell extensively on why standards are falling in many of our schools, because mischief makers could term it as dancing on the grave of the poor girl. Mischief-making has no limit in our clime.

    Suffice it to advise JAMB to use the technical glitch of the exams to reflect, once again, on its processes. It is sad that an examination that the board had envisaged as a poster exam has been marred by this avoidable human error.

    At 70, going to 71, Oloyede should know that such is life.

  • Cricket, lovely cricket – A nod to Ewa Henshaw

    Cricket, lovely cricket – A nod to Ewa Henshaw

    People in my baby boomer generation were brought up on a relentless diet of sports in a way that cannot be appreciated by those who are now growing up. In our time, we all went to schools to which a sports field was attached and were encouraged to use them. After all, sporting activities were part of the curriculum and we went to school with our PT shorts under our school uniform so as to take part in whatever sporting lessons that had been scheduled for any particular day.

    When the time came for me to go to the secondary school, my overblown interest in sport paid up most handsomely. At the brutal five day interview process at Igbobi College, we were minutely examined for our sporting potential and given my weakness in arithmetic, I am convinced that my eventual success in that stern examination was due as much to my ability to manipulate the English language, my dexterity with a football at my feet as well as my lung capacity which allowed me run a rather long distance in the wake of the school athlete who put us through our paces. My interest in sports has not wavered an inch since I ran that first cross-country race. That was all of sixty-fouf years ago.As anyone who lived through the sixties would testify, Igbobi College was a powerhouse of sports at that time. I have no doubt  that this shaped me as much as the hours I spent in the pressure cooker atmosphere of the typical Igbobi College classroom.

    I was extremely lucky to have made an acquaintance of newspapers, particularly the Daily Times very early on. Indeed, I am convinced that I learnt how to read properly from reading the Daily Times. And,  my incentive for developing my reading skills was to keep abreast of what was happening in the world of sports. This was at a time when radio penetration was low and not a single television station existed anywhere in Nigeria. Most, if not all we knew about sporting events we got from the newspaper or by word of mouth from any available source. Given the unreliability of such sources, you can imagine that a great deal of fantastic stories were current in those days.

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    The first Nigerian sports hero that I was made aware of was Hogan Bassey. Before he became world featherweight champion by beating Charif Hamir of France in 1957, he was Kid Bassey but after becoming world champion, he became King Bassey throughout the length and breadth of Nigeria. He became a hero, a legend even and for good measure, has a popular street, appropriately next to the National stadium named after him. Those were really exciting times for Nigerian boxing. Dick Tiger was soon to become world middleweight champion and great things were expected of the flamboyant Rafiu King Joe whilst Dele Jonathan was also making a name for himself in the ring. It was a time of great expectations and members of my generation followed their exploits with great interest on radio and the newspapers we read with bated breath. In those days when each weight division had only world champion, any world title fight commanded our full attention and our heads were full of the exploits of those heroes.

    Then as now however, our passion for football was dominant. We not only read about football in the newspapers but listened to all available commentaries on radio. And there were some legendary football commentators to keep us titillated, the doyen of them all being Isola Folorunso. Without the benefit of sight we were transported to KGV (King George V) stadium on the sound of Isola Folrunso’s voice and taken to sporting Nirvana for ninety exhilarating  minutes time and time again. And there was no shortage of football competitions to keep us interested. This was the period of the ECN FC domination, followed by the arrival of Stationery Stores FC with her hordes of fanatical football fans, their fan base sprinkled with more than their fair share of hooligans. Such was the influence of this team that the tempo of football activity in Lagos was toned down somewhat by the death of Israel Adebajo who went as far as recruiting players from Ghana to build the Stationary Stores FC, arguably the most exciting football club in the country at that time.

    Unlike now, when virtually all our sporting heroes live abroad, all the sportsmen and women we heard of or read about lived and breathed amongst us. We trod the same earth and they mingled with us in the same space. I remember, how can I forget, the day, when on my way to the National stadium, I saw the king, Hogan Bassey no less, hanging out in his garden on Hogan Bassey Street. What joy it was for that little boy to be in the presence of a man who until then was only truly alive in the vividness of his imagination.

     This is very much unlike now when our elite sportsmen and women are only seen in the flesh on the occasion of their infrequent visits to Nigeria. They are about as real to us as a mirage in the desert. A great many of our Eagles, are, in the manner of tokunbo cars flown in from Europe a couple of days before a match. Many of them are indeed qualified to be called Tokunbo since they were born abroad. It is not impossible to think that in the future, the bulk of Nigerian football teams both male and female will be Tokunbos.

    In those days, those long gone days when there were no television broadcasts, we depended very much on the words of those who were lucky enough to be spectators at the venue of football or other sporting contests. We were too young not to trust the veracity of our interlocutors and so, we swallowed their every word hook, line and sinker. Actually, much of the news we received had been recycled through many mouths before they were whispered into our ears. It took the filter of many years before we twigged on to the fact that most of the stories which we also passed on were pure, unadulterated fiction. Our heroes sprang fully formed from fertile imagination. The subject of some of the most lurid of these tales was Etim Henshaw or to give him his most recognisable appellation, Henshaw of Marine.

    From reliable history, what we can say of Etim Henshaw with confidence is that he was the first person to captain a Nigerian selected Football XI. He also played for the Marine team. But what he was famous for was his reported ability to propel a football at such pace and with such venom that several goalkeepers who rashly stood in the way of his shots ended up in hospital and on one tragic occasion lost his life and was buried with the offending football. Very colourful stuff which we believed implicitly. For all that, the Henshaw in the title of this article is not Etim Henshaw but Ewa Henshaw, his son.

    My first acquaintance with Ewa Henshaw was as unforgettable as it was unfortunate. That year, Igbobi College was drawn in the first round of the Zard cup against Kings College. That was in 1964. The year before we had come within less than five minutes of winning the cup in a tense replay against Lagos Anglican Grammar School as they were called then. Although the mighty Asiodu had left, we were more than confident of shifting Kings College out of the way. We really should have but football is played out on a field and reputations have very little to do with the outcome of football matches. We lost that game to KC by a margin of two unreplied goals, both of them scored by their muscular centre forward, Ewa Henshaw. Ewa scored many goals that year which is why Kings College went all the way to winning the trophy. He also weaved his magic the following year and took his team to the final, at which stage they were eviscerated, clinically taken apart by Ahmadiya College parading what was arguably the most potent schoolboy strike force of all time; containing as it did, Shamsheden Osodi, Muyiwa Osode and Tunde Disu. All of them names to conjure with.

    By the time the competition came around in 1966, we at Igbobi College were elated to have captured the biggest fish imaginable when Ewa Henshaw was admitted for the two year HSC course. We were sure that we had  captured the last piece of the jigsaw with which we were going to break the jinx which year after year had stopped us from winning that elusive trophy. Unfortunately, there was no fairy tale ending to that story as we were knocked out of the competition in the first round of the competition in the next two years, the presence of a Henshaw notwithstanding. It was clear that Etim’s boots were too big for Ewa to fill. But he could and indeed he found another pair of boots to fill. He was a superlative cricketer, a batter who scored many runs for Kings College, Igbobi College, LACC and Nigeria.

    As I have had cause to admit several times that there was a time in my life that I allowed the possibility of becoming a professional cricketer to flit through my juvenile mind. It did not take hold because I quickly realised that I had not been born at the right time or in the right place to give my dream any chance of being fulfilled. I don’t know if Ewa harboured the same thought about becoming a cricket professional but in the end that is what he had the courage and resilience to be.

    Less than two years after leaving school, in 1969, Ewa made his debut for the Nigerian cricket team under the captaincy of Namse Eno. He quickly became a fixture in the team such that his day job at Ports Authority became secondary. In the end he embraced cricket fully and became a coach with Lagos state.

    Cricket is even now, no more than a fringe game in this country. But, we are beginning to make waves, small waves for now but waves all the same. It is worth noting that our U19 female team is currently rated fifth in the world. And this is because of the foundational work of selfless coaches like Ewa Henshaw. These are the unsung heroes who deserve to be brought out into the limelight and their contributions suitably acknowledged from time to time. Even as we keep importing visiting talents at great cost to coach our national football teams, there is a multitude of Ewa Henshaws labouring unsung, brushing up sporting talents in many games. With a little encouragement these enthusiastic young men and women labouring in the shadows are quite capable of making a name for themselves and for Nigeria.

    For all it is worth, Ewa Henshaw, who has done wonders for Nigerian cricket, please step out and take a bow. You have earned your place in the sun.

    The series on the rise, rise and rise of capitalism continues next week.

  • Let us embrace, formalise and put the self confessions in the North to better use

    Let us embrace, formalise and put the self confessions in the North to better use

    On these pages on 31 December, 2023 I asked the question: ‘Is It Time For a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Nigeria or Do We Simply Go Our Separate Ways’?

    God works in mysterious ways.

    Today, given nothing more than the honest  confessions of some of our Northern compatriots, the very beginnings of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission have, very stealthily, walked in on us.

    While we have the individuals to thank, Nigerians must embrace their effort while the Federal Government should formalise it as one of the ways of finally resolving our socio – political, even developmental, conundrum.

    “The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of South Africa was a court-like body established in 1995 to investigate and address human rights violations during the Apartheid era.

    It was aimed at promoting reconciliation and healing by providing a platform for victims and perpetrators to share their stories and come clean for purposes of ultimate truth and restorative justice. Its goal was obviously not to prosecute individuals but to foster reconciliation, promote forgiveness and usher in overall development in the country.

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    In like manner, if not exactly on all fours since Apartheid was a system of segregation and mental enslavement which traumatised the entire Black population of South Africa for 46 years (1948 – 1994), the Nigerian Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission, also known as the Oputa Panel, was a Truth Commission established in 1999 to investigate human rights violations during Nigeria’s military rule from 1966 to 1999.

    Its mandate included uncovering the truth about the violations and recommending redress for victims.

    While both were products of institutional reform in each country, what has now, almost miraculously, walked in on us in Nigeria unappreciated is, unbelievably, the result of some honest soul- searching by some of our patriotic Northern counterparts who, where many Southerners would rather not talk at all, or lie through their teeth, preferring instead, to put the blame on others, chose to own up to their collective guilt.

    Although these were told at different fora, a trending WhatsApp post by, again surprisingly a Northerner, has now put together what they describe as the contributions of Northern leaders, especially their politicians, to the extremely parlous situation of the region – poverty,  socialised insecurity – banditry, Boko Haram, unemployment etc. The WhatsApp post contains some facts which, were they made by non- Northerners, would have been rightly considered extremely provocative.

    But these individuals were only being truthful; the kind of truth one now expects to see come from the south too, in order to birth total healing and reconciliation to our country.

    As usual, space constraint will limit what can get published of the humongous lot in an article like this.

    Limited as it would be, however, it should be capable of washing our country clean if each part would own up to its own shortcomings, apologise to all and promise to turn a new leaf while the Federal Government, on its part, would waste no time, in institutionalising it as a worthy effort towards cleaning up our past.

    Although the contributions of Professor Usman Yusuf, the former Executive Secretary/Chief executive officer of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) should take the cake for his consistent exposition of the contribution of Northern leaders to the region’s underdevelopment,  this piece will yield that position to the Kaduna State Governor, Uba Sani, who has no less been vehement in his disdain for what he says has, over the years, pauperised the North.

    In his recent critique, the governor held nothing back, declaring inter alia: “All of us, including myself, all the politicians in Northern Nigeria, including all of us here, should be held accountable for what is happening in Northen Nigeria for the past 15 years in terms of poverty, unemployment and insecurity.

    As at 2016, there was nothing like banditry. What went wrong?

    He called on Northern politicians to apologise to the people for their failure to address the region’s persistent underdevelopment. Expressing concern over the state of  the region, he attributed its current challenges to decades of mismanagement and neglect by political leaders, admitting that the region’s multifaceted challenges did not begin two years ago, but rather, the result of systemic issues which have been allowed to persist for over 20 years by Northern political leaders who have held public office.  “We all need to look at ourselves in the mirror and apologise to the people of Northern Nigeria. We let them down,”

    He emphasized that the problems facing the North are deeply rooted in a long history of underdevelopment, highlighting, in particular, the widespread poverty and financial exclusion that continue to plague the region despite the billions sunk in social intervention programs in the region under former President Muhammadu Buhari, but from which majority of the population were excluded.

    In my article of  May 5. 2024,  titled:  ‘Poverty and insecurity in Northern Nigeria: Prof Usman Yusuf’s views beginning to resonate with region’s leaders’,

    I quoted him as follows: “I am old enough to clearly remember thirteen Administrations from that of General Yakubu Gowon (1966-1975) to the current one of President Muhammadu Buhari (2015- to date). It is safe to say that none of these administrations came to power with so much hope, expectations and goodwill of citizens and the international community like President Buhari’s.

    Unfortunately, all this goodwill has been squandered by this government due to a messiah complex, intellectual laziness, bad governance, endemic corruption, incompetence, mediocrity, nepotism, arrogance of power, sense of entitlement, stubbornness, aversion to constructive criticisms, delegation of responsibility without supervision or holding anyone accountable, indifference, distance and disconnection from, and insensitivity, to the sufferings of our people”.

    Professor Yusuf has not let down since  and if you look critically at all the arrows he shot in the guided missile above, they are all headed for former President Buhari, a President of Northern extraction.

    And he wasn’t yet done with Northern leaders.

    I therefore wrote further in my referenced article: “The North has become a literal inferno and given the overwhelming parlous state of affairs in the region they(Northern leaders) can, no longer, afford to neglect him(Yusuf). What makes the situation worse is the fact that, like forever, especially during the immediate past administration of President Buhari, the North literally had a complete lock down of all the country’s consequential appointments.

    In some of his stirring ‘sermons’, Professor Yusuf listed some of such  positions; likewise in the current Tinubu administration where the North holds the offices of  Vice President, Speaker of the House of Representatives,  Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the National Security Adviser, Chief of Army staff, both Ministers of Defence, as well as the Minister of Police Affairs.

    Yet, he went on, Northern leadership has completely failed the people, choosing instead, to look elsewhere, or blame others and  concluding that the time has come for the entire Northern leadership, whether in government or not, to look at themselves in the face and agree that they have failed the people, promising to do better”.

    Then the bit I consider rather provocative were it to have been contributed by a non Northerner.

    It came from a young man – the youngest amongst the contributors – who identified himself as proudly coming from Bornu state.

    He opened up by asking what Nigeria’s major problem is. “Come let me tell you: the major problem of Nigeria is Northern Nigeria. If you want to see conflict, Northern Nigeria, rape, Northern Nigeria. In fact, if you want to see thieves, stealing on an industrial scale, come to Northern Nigeria. Thieves engaged in primitive accumulation, just come to Northern Nigeria.

    I am proud to be an indigene of Borno state. I am from Borno state. The North is where you come to if you want to see conflict, hatred, nepotism, cronyism. In fact, if you cut off the Southern part of Nigeria from the North, in ten years the South will be a proud member of the comity of nations. 70 per cent of people who govern this country are from the North, but if you want to see hunger, starvation, poverty, come to the North”.

    On and on he went, touching on critical issues on which the region has taken aback, not only the North, but the country as a whole.

    Many others – Northerners all – spoke very truthfully on all the issues underpinning Nigeria’s current under development and the negative roles played by Northern leaders in all of them.

    So dispassionate are  the speakers that I honestly, and very sincerely, believe that  were all of us, Nigerians, to be this honest in owning up to our faults and, government in turn, taking the appropriate measures to benefit from it all, Nigeria can, very soon, overcome its current developmental somnambulism, as well as restore a measure of concrete and tangible security, pan Nigeria.

    May the good Lord guide Nigeria aright.

  • Malcolm X’s birthday

    Malcolm X’s birthday

    Monday, 19 May, 2025, marks a hundred years since Malcolm X was born as Malcolm Little on 19 May, 1925. His father was Earl Little and a follower of the black Jamaican Marcus Garvey, and so was his mother. Marcus Garvey had devoted himself to the promotion of the universal unity of black people, founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in 1914, and even established a shipping line – The Black Star Line – to move blacks in the diaspora back to Africa.

    This grand establishment-challenging agenda had its risks, including to his life, but Garvey declared: “In life I shall come back, or in death even to serve you as I served before. In life I shall be the same; in death I shall be a TERROR to foes of African liberty. … If I may come in an earthquake or a plague or a pestilence, or if God would help me, then be assured that I shall NEVER desert you and make your enemies triumph over you!” On his impending imprisonment, he said: “If I should die in Atlanta, my work will only just then begin. For I shall live in the physical or the spiritual to see the day of Africa’s Glory.” So, he exhorted, “Look for me in a whirlwind or a storm! Look for me all around you!”

    Due to Malcolm’s father’s Garvey-inspired activities, the father was a prime target of hatred by the white extremist group Ku Klux Klan (KKK). And when his father died in what looked every bit like very cruel circumstances, his family believed that it was the handiwork of the KKK, though the authorities ruled the death as suicide. This official position denied the family any death benefits, and it complicated the family’s trauma, leading to the eventual emotional breakdown of Malcolm’s mother.

    From then on, Malcolm who was six years old was denied direct parental upbringing. Living in a foster home and with his aunt did not adequately compensate for this deprivation. That his teacher racistly dissuaded Malcolm from the aspiration of becoming a lawyer in future, while rather advising him to aspire to become a carpenter, aggravated his social destabilisation; and Malcolm took to a life of petty crimes which eventually led him to jail at the age of 21.

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    Malcolm spent the time in jail reading voraciously, educating himself and developing his oratorical skills. By the time he left prison, Malcolm who, when he entered prison, could barely sustain a logical argument, had become a quintessential debater. Even TIME magazine which was evidently hostile to Malcolm could not help but describe him as “a spellbinding speaker.”

    On unity, Malcolm said to black people: “When black people wake up and become intellectually independent enough to think for themselves as other humans are intellectually independent enough to think for themselves, then the black man will think like a black man, and he will feel for other black people. And this new thinking and feeling will cause black people to stick together. And then at that point, you’ll have a situation where when you attack one black man, you’re attacking all black men.”

    Malcolm then noted: “And this type of black thinking will cause all black people to stick together. And this type of thinking also will bring an end to the brutality inflicted upon black people by white people. And it is the only thing that will bring an end to it. No federal court, state court, or city court will bring an end to it. It’s something that the black man has to bring an end to himself.”

    Moreover, in a 1963 speech titled, “Blacks Do for Yourself,” Malcolm said: “20 million black people in this country have been like boys in the white man’s house. He even calls us boy. … [No matter] how big you get, he calls you boy. You can be a professor; to him, you’re just another boy. … If you can’t do for yourself what the white man is doing for himself, don’t say you’re equal with the white man. If you can’t set up a factory like he sets up a factory, don’t talk that old equality talk.”

    Malcolm then admonishes: “Get off the welfare. Get out of that compensation line. Be a man. Earn what you need for your own family. Then your family respects you. They are proud to say this’s my father; she’s proud to say that’s my husband. Father means you’re taking care of those children. Just because you made them … don’t mean that you’re a father. Anybody can make a baby. But anybody can’t take care of them. Anybody can go and get a woman, but anybody can’t take care of a woman.”

         Malcolm was a black women’s rights advocate who declared: “The most disrespected person in America is the black woman. The most unprotected person in America is the black woman. The most neglected person in America is the black woman.  And as Muslims, the Honorable Elijah Mohammad teaches us to respect our women and to protect our women. Then the only time the Muslim gets really violent is when someone goes to molest his woman. We will kill you for our women. I’m making it plain.”

    Malcolm continued: “We believe that if the white man will do whatever is necessary to see that his woman gets respect and protection, then you and I will never be recognized as men until we stand up like men and place the same penalty over the head of anyone who puts his filthy hands out … in the direction of our women.”

    In the words of his wife, Dr. Betty Shabazz, “Malcolm was a good man. … Whatever discipline I have came from Malcolm. Whatever strength I have came from Malcolm. Whatever tolerance and love of my people came from Malcolm. … [For] that, I have Malcolm to thank.” She also said that she had “a husband who served in the streets of America. But I was never fearful. … Malcolm took the fear out of my heart, out of my mind and out of my existence.”  

    On what young people should know about Malcolm X, his friend, the famous female African-American literary icon, Maya Angelou, said: “They should know he had an incredible sense of humor. … Malcolm was a faithful man, great loving person who really loved black people, and then one of the most courageous persons I’ve ever known. Courage is the most important of all the virtues, because without courage you can’t practice any other virtue consistently; you can’t be consistently kind, consistently fair, merciful, just, loving; you cannot.”

    In a 4 June 1964 interview, Malcolm remarked: “I found that anywhere I went, if someone tried to attack me for being blunt and frank and vocal about our problem, there was always someone in the audience ready to put them down. … When I was in Nigeria [in 1964], I spoke at the University of Ibadan which is a beautiful African school … and I did the same thing. I indicted America really by just describing the real plight of the black people of this country. And after I had given this lecture, a Negro stood up, from the Caribbean area here, and tried again to attack me. The students came up on the speakers stand, took the microphone away from him, ran him not only off the stand, ran him off out of the hall and off the campus.” 

    Regarding this kind of examples, Malcolm said: “I cite them very bluntly so that our people in this country will realize that we shouldn’t be fighting our struggle for independence and for the liberation of our people as if we were underdogs. Everybody on this earth is on our side who has a true understanding and knowledge of the nature of the plight or the struggle that we’re facing.”

    In a 20 February, 1983 interview with Gil Noble, Robert Haggins, Malcolm’s personal photographer, said in response to the question on what it was about Malcolm that struck him: “For one thing, the discipline. The fact that everybody was organized. The respect for each other and the way Malcolm addressed me: ‘Sir.’ ‘Yes, sir.’ ‘No, sir.’ Immaculate cleanliness. … The whole demeanor of Malcolm as an individual.”

    He also noted: “Malcolm had an uncanny sense of the value of the media and the value of pictures. He knew that the media was creating him in terms of being a monster … fist clenched, blazing eyes, teeth clenched, all these sorts of things. He wanted me to make photographs of him as a human being.” Haggins further declared: “Malcolm was the only leader out there that taught black people to be proud of being black.”

    In the Gil Noble interview, another of Malcolm’s aides, Earl Grant, who had skills in photography, electronics, research, and some training in the services, and recorded Malcolm’s speeches in addition to serving as his body guard, noted: “The whole existence of black people in this country has been a struggle from Day 1. And what little progress we have made was because somebody made it happen. … And that was what Malcolm was trying to do. He was trying to make it happen.”

    Grant noted further: “This country doesn’t allow black males to mature. It allows them to grow up physically, but not to mature mentally, intellectually, spiritually. And Malcolm gave black men that chance in this country.” According to Grant, “Malcolm was the best thing that ever happened to us. … For one thing, he was honest.” Grant also remarked: “[Malcolm] was a historic figure. He was a holy man. That’s one of the reasons he’s not alive today. … He was too clean to be kept alive in this country.”

    Malcolm was constantly transforming: from being a street boy and prisoner to being a morally-upright, intellectually-inquisitive and inspirational international figure; from being a Christian to being a Muslim Minister; from regarding whites as “blue-eyed devils” to appreciating, from his experience from performing the pilgrimage to Mecca in 1964, that it was possible to find good whites; and from bearing the “slave-master’s name” Malcolm Little at birth to becoming “Detroit Red” in his street days to becoming Malcolm X when he left prison (and joined the Nation of Islam) to becoming El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz when he performed the pilgrimage.

    The moral of Malcolm X’s birth and life is that nobody should give up on themselves or be written off by society. You can always rise above your personal limitations or the encumbrances of your birth. Being a Muslim Minister himself, Malcolm’s life personified Chapter 39, Verse 53 of the Qur’an which says, “Do not lose hope in the mercy of Allah.”

  • Security as a development imperative

    Security as a development imperative

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not sleeping well. Not because the challenges of governing a complex nation like Nigeria are light, but because one issue has refused to relent—security. The increasing tempo of violence, particularly in Nigeria’s rural communities and forested regions, has emerged as a frontline concern. According to his Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, referring to the security burden “the President is concerned about what’s going on”—a statement that both reflects the gravity of the situation and the urgency with which the administration is responding.

    In a week dominated by national security deliberations, emergency meetings, international diplomacy, and new military acquisitions, President Tinubu’s message was clear: Nigeria must not be allowed to slip into the hands of criminals, bandits, or foreign-sponsored terror networks. The forests must be reclaimed. The borders must be secured. And above all, the people—especially those in neglected rural areas—must feel the presence and protection of their government.

    Perhaps the most headline-grabbing move this week came on Wednesday, when the President approved the immediate recruitment and deployment of armed forest guards. The unit, designed to operate within Nigeria’s vast and largely ungoverned forested areas—some 1,129 of them—is to serve as a permanent force within the country’s broader security architecture.

    These forests, long exploited by terrorist groups, bandits, and criminal gangs, have served as safe havens and launch-pads for attacks, especially in states like Borno, Zamfara, Kaduna, and Katsina. From the notorious Sambisa Forest to Kamuku, Sububu, Dajin Rugu, and beyond, these stretches of land have become synonymous with lawlessness.

    The forest guards initiative, a joint effort between federal and state governments under the oversight of the National Security Adviser and Ministry of Environment, is both a security strategy and a socio-economic intervention. Thousands of young Nigerians are expected to be recruited—trained, armed, and deployed not just to chase criminals, but to reclaim sovereign territory. It is a step the President described as essential to “ensure that no part of Nigeria is abandoned to lawlessness.”

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    But the initiative is more than a knee-jerk reaction. It aligns with President Tinubu’s broader understanding of the interplay between security, food production, and economic survival. With farmlands in the North-Central, North-East and even parts of the South under constant threat, insecurity is eating away at Nigeria’s ambition to achieve food self-sufficiency. Farmers have fled. Markets have collapsed. Communities are under siege. To fix the economy, the President knows, he must first fix security—especially in the hinterlands.

    Friday saw another symbolic but strategic move. Two new Agusta A-109S Trekker helicopters were inducted into the Nigerian Air Force (NAF). Represented by Vice President Kashim Shettima at the ceremony, President Tinubu reiterated his determination to invest in “cutting-edge defence technologies” and equip the armed forces for both conventional and asymmetric warfare.

    The induction was part of activities marking the 61st anniversary of the NAF, but more importantly, it reflected a President who understands that visible power projection can restore confidence. The President made it clear that the military’s transformation is a priority in the Renewed Hope Agenda, not just to tackle bandits and terrorists, but to make Nigeria more attractive to local and foreign investment.

    The symbolism of the helicopters cannot be overstated. Air power is fast, intimidating, and often decisive in modern counterinsurgency operations. The acquisition of these and other platforms—like the T-129 ATAK helicopters and King Air surveillance planes—is a message to enemies of the state: Nigeria will not back down.

    Still, the crisis is not entirely homegrown. At the heart of Friday’s emergency security meeting was a sobering intelligence briefing: the jihadist push from the Sahel is intensifying. Terrorist and insurgent groups from neighboring states are flowing across Nigeria’s porous borders, exploiting weak points and forming alliances with local cells.

    General Musa, speaking after the meeting, did not mince words. “The pressure is what actually came into Nigeria because of the nature of our borders”, he said.

    It is a problem that has plagued the sub-region for over a decade. As countries like Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) and move further from ECOWAS and democratic norms, Nigeria is left with a delicate balancing act—one that President Tinubu is navigating with a mix of firmness and diplomacy.

    That diplomacy was on display Thursday when the President received six new ambassadors, including the Malian envoy, Cheick Oumar Coulibaly. Despite the shifting alliances, Tinubu emphasized unity, calling on West African nations to “strengthen bilateral relations” and insisting that “no nation can succeed alone.”

    The Malian envoy responded in kind, pledging continued cooperation and acknowledging Nigeria’s leadership in regional peacekeeping and counterterrorism. It was a soft moment in a hard week, but it underscored Tinubu’s twin strategy: secure the homeland, but never abandon the neighborhood.

    President Tinubu’s security recalibration is not solely about soldiers and helicopters. There is a growing realization within the Villa that insecurity is at the root of Nigeria’s most pressing problems—poverty, food scarcity, rural-urban migration, and even inflation.

    With farming communities under siege, markets dislocated, and transportation corridors disrupted, Nigeria’s food system is struggling. And no amount of subsidized fertilizer or irrigation projects will matter if farmers cannot safely till the soil.

    This is why the Tinubu administration’s renewed security drive must be seen through a developmental lens. By stabilizing the rural economy, the President hopes to spark a chain reaction: more food production, fewer imports, lower food prices, and improved livelihoods.

    It is also why he has instructed security agencies to work more closely with state governors, traditional leaders, and local councils. Security is no longer the exclusive domain of the armed forces—it is now a “whole-of-society” effort. Everyone, from local vigilantes to community leaders, must play their part.

    One point that came through strongly this week is that the President is not acting alone. The presence of top security and intelligence chiefs at the State House—NSA Nuhu Ribadu, DSS DG Oluwatosin Ajayi, all service chiefs, and even a DIG of Police, representing the civil force,—reflects a reinforced security culture in Abuja: collaborative, intelligence-driven, and proactive.

    The new strategy is not merely about boots on the ground; it is about clarity of mission, unity of command, and agility of response. From kinetic operations to psychological warfare and community engagement, Nigeria is adapting. And President Tinubu, despite the obvious weight of responsibility, is leading from the front.

    As the week closed, General Musa offered a reassurance that captured the mood inside the corridors of power: “We are going to continue to succeed. That, we assure all Nigerians.”

    For a nation weary of violence but still hopeful, these words matter. Yet they must be backed by continued action, transparency, and tangible outcomes. The Tinubu administration has made security the bedrock of its development plan. Now it must deliver—steadily, relentlessly, and with the discipline the President himself demanded at the helicopter induction.

    In the coming weeks, Nigerians will watch closely as the forest guards begin their work, as regional alliances are tested, and as the military expands its operational capacity. But more than anything, they will judge the President not just by the number of helicopters in the sky, but by whether their children can go to school, whether they can walk to the market, and whether the farm down the road will be safe to harvest again.

    The President may be losing sleep—but if his new measures hold, perhaps millions of Nigerians will finally sleep a little easier.

    Reform, Recognition, and Global Engagement

    Meanwhile, the President’s schedule in the just-concluded week was a study in balancing the demands of governance with a deep appreciation for national values, cultural pride, and diplomatic visibility.

    The week began with celebration and statesmanship on Sunday. Tinubu paid glowing tributes to Pa Reuben Fasoranti, the revered Afenifere leader, on his 99th birthday, describing him as “a rare Nigerian who served unblemished.” The President also felicitated Senator Mohammed Sani Musa at 60, applauding his work on fiscal reform and legislative excellence. Similarly, he celebrated longtime ally and businessman Chief Dipo Eludoyin, highlighting his loyalty and support for the Renewed Hope Agenda.

    On Monday, the focus shifted to governance. Tinubu swore in two new INEC commissioners and two members of the Code of Conduct Bureau, strengthening democratic and ethical institutions. He then presided over a crucial Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting that approved several landmark initiatives. Among them was the launch of MediPool, a group purchasing platform aimed at lowering drug prices and improving access to essential medicines. The FEC also renewed the Group Life Assurance Scheme for federal workers, ensuring financial protection for public servants and their families.

    A particularly ambitious decision was the unveiling of a $100 billion cultural monetization plan. Coordinated by the Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy, the initiative seeks to unlock Nigeria’s rich heritage and creative assets as a viable revenue stream. Additionally, FEC approved a revised National Employment Policy, the first in six years, which aims to address the evolving labour market and tackle unemployment and underemployment head-on.

    Infrastructure received a major boost as well, with N1.2 trillion allocated for roads, power, and aviation. Notably, N175 billion was approved for Section II of the East-West Road, and the power sector saw new bids and equipment approvals. In aviation, nearly N1 trillion was committed to navigation systems, airport command centers, and terminal upgrades. These moves underscore Tinubu’s commitment to economic revitalization through strategic capital investment.

    Tinubu also acknowledge prominent some Nigerians same Monday. He celebrated veteran journalist Lekan Sote at 70 for his five-decade media career, and on Tuesday, he congratulated Governor Ademola Adeleke at 65, praising his national outlook. That same day, he honored Prince Bisi Olatilo, the broadcasting legend, for 50 years of professional excellence.

    On Wednesday, President Tinubu approved revised procurement thresholds for federal MDAs, aimed at reforming and streamlining public procurement processes.

    By Thursday, he was back to personal diplomacy, congratulating Governor Hyacinth Alia of Benue on his birthday and meeting with BUA Group Chairman Abdul Samad Rabiu to reinforce public-private collaboration.

    Friday saw a cultural flourish as Tinubu received the 46th Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade, reaffirming ties with Nigeria’s traditional institutions.

    On Saturday, Tinubu departed for Rome to attend the inauguration of Pope Leo XIV at the Vatican—an invitation extended to only a select group of global leaders.

    Altogether, it was a week that showcased leadership in motion: blending reform, recognition, and international diplomacy.

    He is excepted back in the country early this week to continue the clinical steering of the state’s ship, aiming to arrive at the promised destination he has always envisioned for Nigeria, through the carefully planned Renewed Hope Agenda. May Nigeria prevail.

  • Tinubu’s charm, reforms and the quiet revolution in Nigeria’s politics

    Tinubu’s charm, reforms and the quiet revolution in Nigeria’s politics

    In the shifting sands of Nigerian politics, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is proving that substance and style, when blended astutely, can shape an enduring political movement. His week, perhaps more than any other in recent memory, exposed the depth of his political magnetism and the breadth of his economic reform impact. It was a week where the strength of policy met the power of personality — and the result was a cascade of high-profile defections, rare bipartisan goodwill, and a compelling assertion of national unity.

    The crowning jewel of the week was the news of Nigeria’s repayment of the $3.4 billion COVID-19 loan borrowed from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) under the previous administration. Not only was this symbolic of economic recovery and credibility, it was a vindication of Tinubu’s reform agenda, a powerful retort to critics who had long dismissed his policies as painful without payoff. With fiscal discipline at the centre of his strategy, the Tinubu administration has steadily implemented structural adjustments, from subsidy removals to foreign exchange unification, and the fruits are finally ripening.

    Even critics had to admit as much. Dr. Reuben Abati, a well-known media voice and Arise TV anchor, took a rare moment during The Morning Show on Friday to acknowledge the real-world impacts of Tinubu’s economic reengineering. He didn’t just talk about the federal level, he dug deep into states’ improved financial profiles, citing debt repayment progress across the board. For the first time in years, Nigerian states are experiencing fiscal breathing space, largely because the federal structure under Tinubu is deliberately empowering sub-national governments.

    It is this empowerment that is now causing political tremors nationwide. The opposition is haemorrhaging prominent figures to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), and it’s not because of coercion or manipulation, as Governor Abdullahi Sule of Nasarawa made clear during his visit to the State House. It’s because President Tinubu’s brand of leadership, firm yet inclusive, is drawing people in. The President is not asking politicians to cross party lines; they’re crossing on their own volition, because they see a new political centre of gravity forming around him.

    In just one week, Nigeria witnessed an extraordinary wave of defections. Delta State Governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, his deputy, his predecessor Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa, and former Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan, all influential PDP stalwarts, joined the APC. The entire Delta State House of Assembly followed suit. So did the entire Edo State Assembly, with its 18 members defecting en masse to the ruling party. Then came Kebbi, where three sitting PDP senators — Adamu Aliero, Yahaya Abubakar Abdullahi, and Garba Maidoki — met the President and announced their move to the APC.

    Each of these defections is significant on its own. Together, they represent something more profound, a quiet revolution in Nigerian politics. Opposition figures are not only leaving their parties; they are also aligning with Tinubu’s vision of national renewal. As Ganduje noted after the Kebbi senators’ defection, this isn’t just about numbers. It’s about “quality and capacity.”

    Indeed, Tinubu has shown a rare political acumen: the ability to unify divergent interests without erasing identities. He’s not trying to flatten Nigeria’s political diversity; he’s building a broad coalition within it. Take his Thursday visit to Anambra State, a region historically distant from the APC’s base. In Awka, Tinubu was welcomed not just as a President, but as a brother, an ally, and a partner in progress. From Governor Charles Soludo to traditional rulers and civil society leaders, the President received accolades not merely for showing up, but for showing results.

    Soludo, in a powerful gesture, emphasized Anambra’s ideological alignment with Tinubu’s progressive vision. He praised the President’s economic policies, the federal government’s attention to abandoned infrastructure projects, and the symbolic importance of the Southeast’s inclusion in the National Rail Master Plan. In return, Tinubu assured the people of Anambra that his administration would tackle erosion, complete roads, reactivate gas utilization plans, and ensure the region is no longer left out of Nigeria’s development map.

    The President’s remarks were as strategic as they were sincere: “We are one family… our diversity must lead to prosperity.” That was not mere rhetoric. It was the tone of a man who sees leadership not through the lens of party supremacy, but national stewardship. And the people responded. From chieftaincy titles to public declarations of support, it was clear that Tinubu’s visit had shifted perceptions, and perhaps, the political calculus, in the Southeast.

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    There is also a message here for those outside Tinubu’s growing coalition, particularly the faction of the opposition led by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and former Kaduna Governor Nasir El-Rufai. Their efforts to galvanize a fragmented coalition have been loud, but largely unconvincing. While they project strength through sporadic media salvos and echo-chamber critiques, Tinubu is projecting unity through action, results, and direct engagement with people and places once considered politically unreachable.

    Tinubu’s strategy is not without risk. Consolidating power can invite charges of political monopolization. But as Governor Sule wisely noted, this is not a slide into one-party rule; it’s a competitive democracy in motion. Nigerians are gravitating toward results, not slogans. And right now, Tinubu is producing results that resonate, economically, politically, and socially.

    Consider the lithium breakthroughs in Nasarawa State. Governor Sule proudly informed the President that a 3-million metric ton facility has already been commissioned, with another, three times the size, due in weeks. These are the dividends of peace, policy, and partnership. States like Nasarawa are emerging as hubs of clean energy, mining, and agriculture, not in spite of the federal government, but because of its new posture.

    This is what makes Tinubu’s presidency unique. He governs with the confidence of a tactician and the instinct of a bridge-builder. His open-door approach to governance, his refusal to alienate critics, and his consistent focus on economic reform are changing not just how Nigeria is run, but how Nigerians perceive politics itself.

    So, as the defections mount and the narrative shifts, it is clear: Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not just consolidating political power. He is reshaping the very architecture of Nigerian democracy. Through economic reform, national outreach, and inclusive leadership, he is drawing Nigerians, even his former adversaries, into a common vision of progress.

    This last week, the opposition blinked. The people moved. And the President smiled, not in triumph, but in resolve. That smile is now Nigeria’s most potent political force.

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