Category: Sunday

  • APC, April showers and May flowers

    APC, April showers and May flowers

    April showers bring May flowers.” This climatic-cum-horticultural English proverb is significant for Nigeria’s developing political story. Incidentally, we’re currently in the April-May weather nexus, and the proverb is metaphorically relevant for the current state of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The party was formed on 6 February, 2013 from a merger of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), General Muhammadu Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), and part of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Thereafter, a group of members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) called “New PDP”, including former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, defected to APC.

    In this column on 17 November, 2024, in an article titled “Nigeria’s somnolent opposition,” it was shown how the country’s opposition parties seemed to have been in slumber due to, among other reasons, the victory of APC in the 28 March, 2015 presidential elections. Now, it seems that the opposition have woken up, but have done so on the wrong side of the bed, resulting in their befogged perception of the state of the nation’s politics.

    This befuddlement is manifested in the tendency to see the opposition’s different woes as caused by malevolent agents of the ruling APC. So, rather than face their own demons, the opposition and their sympathisers have been blaming APC for striving to create a one-party state. Even the Social Democratic Party, which is itself already receiving defectors, has joined the opposition bandwagon of offloading their problems on to the APC.

    Ironically, it has been APC’s President Tinubu who, since 18 December, 2023, has been making widely-acknowledged efforts to resolve the crisis between the PDP’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike, the PDP’s now-suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, and the suspended PDP legislature. Moreover, Wike said in a media parley on 18 April, 2025: “Two governors under APC … came to talk to me, and I said, ‘Look, I’m not the governor, I’m FCT Minister. … I said, look, I’m here for peace. What does he [Fubara] want? … And they said, ‘We’ll do everything to make [peace happen].’”

    According to Britannica, a one-party state is “a country where a single political party controls the government, either by law or in practice. Examples of one-party states include North Korea, China, Eritrea, and Cuba.” With the constitution declaring the country as a multiparty democracy, with the multiplicity of parties in the nation’s legislatures and with multifarious parties running different states and local governments, Nigeria is neither a one-party state by law nor in practice, and its prospects of becoming one are farfetched. Indeed, the current unfettered, publicly-dramatised attempts to cobble together an opposition coalition to wrest power from APC in 2027 are inconsistent with the movement towards a one-party state.

    Read Also: Council poll: Lagos APC primaries produce four consensus candidates

    April 2025’s dizzying torrent of defections to APC from different opposition parties show that, as the English proverb says, “It never rains but it pours.” And the one-party phantom in the country seems to be the escapist excuse of politicians who have shirked their responsibility for stabilising, reforming or rebuilding their parties, but who still want to sleep easy. The accusation of working to establish a one-party state is also a ready weapon in the arsenal of APC’s political detractors, and has become a self-deluding form of political denigration.

    For some, the motive for defecting is the attraction of being part of the winning team; for some it is the desire to benefit from inducement; for some it is the need to seek refuge; and for some, it is primarily existential, with respect to the survival of their political careers. The conflict bedeviling the different opposition parties are of importance in this regard, especially concerning those who look forward to contesting elections into executive or legislative offices between now and 2027.

    The Secretary of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) sent a reminder to political parties on the procedures for submitting nominations of candidates for the 2013 Anambra State governorship election as follows: “a) Every political party shall submit the list of the candidates the party proposes to sponsor in Form CF 002 duly signed by the National Chairman and National Secretary of the Political Party. b) The list shall be accompanied with a covering letter duly signed by the National Chairman and National Secretary of the Political Party.”

    As Nyesom Wike alerts, these subsisting INEC procedures put at risk of improper nomination a candidate in whose party there is controversy about who the legitimate National Chairman or National Secretary is. And this is not speculative, as was shown in the relatable Zamfara State APC crises of the recent past. Some members of the party successfully challenged in court the legitimacy of all of the party’s candidates for all of the positions for which they contested, on the ground of improper nomination.

    This is the way the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room reported the matter on 28 May, 2019: “After a protracted legal tussle, the Supreme Court Friday, 24th May 2019, delivered a judgment nullifying the victory of all Candidates of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Zamfara State in the 2019 General elections. APC Candidates who had been declared winners of thirty-six elective positions in the State, comprising the Governorship, National and State Assembly positions have lost their seats to Candidates of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), who were the first runners-up in the elections. Describing the votes scored by APC in the State as a waste, the Court held that the party did not conduct primaries in Zamfara State and as such, could not field Candidates in the General elections.”    

    In an 8 May, 2025 interview on TVC News, the Leader of the Labour Party Caucus in the House of Representatives, Hon. Afam Ogene, noted with respect to defectors from his party: “And why are they defecting? They are not sure that the Labour Party offers a credible platform to run elections and sustain it. They don’t want a situation [as] happened in Plateau State to happen where they will go for primaries, campaign, win elections, only to be told by the courts that this man has been long thrown overboard as Chairman of the party. And that is why they are seeking their political fortunes elsewhere.” For this, you can’t blame the receiving or ruling party. Even babies don’t spit out honey.

     Considering the gale of defections into APC, the Acting National Chairman of PDP – Ambassador Umar Damagum – and PDP chief Segun Sowunmi warn that APC faces the risk of implosion. Though this counsel comes from opposition sources that cannot easily be said to wish APC well, it is invaluable in the sense that it nudges the party not to lose sight of the fact that even dry land may be slippery. Another Yoruba idiom similarly admonishes: “Acquiring too many friends leads to acquiring treacherous friends.” (“Àyànjù òré tíí mú’ni yan èké.”). It is also believed that the size of the head determines the intensity of its headache. (“Bí orí bá se tóbi tó níí se fó olórí.”) The message here is that grace has pains.

    This brings us to the APC’s Oyo State sore thumb. Oyo State was a solid APC domain. Its troubles in the state started with what some members regarded as the imposition of governorship candidate for the 2019 election. Taking offence at what was believed to be this perverse treatment, some of the other aspirants defected to other parties, and some stayed on but worked against the party. Consequently, APC lost the gubernatorial election to PDP in the state that year.

    History repeated itself in APC’s primary elections for the 2023 elections. The primaries were believed to have been grossly manipulated and some disaffected candidates and members of the party defected from the party. Some even contested the elections on the platform of other parties. Some of those who did not defect worked against the party from within. So, with this protest, complemented by PDP’s incumbency factor, APC lost the governorship election again. The 2027 governorship election would be the third consecutive one. Will APC work to lose again this time around? There’s already grumbling in the air, and APC needs to act right before the grumble becomes a rumble.

    There is also the problem of the zonal dominance of source of governorship candidates in Oyo State. There are five geo-political zones in the state. These are: Oke-Ogun 1 (with Iseyin, Kajola, Iwajowa, and Itesiwaju Local Governments) and Oke-Ogun 2 (with Atisbo, Saki-West, Saki-East, Oorelope, Irepo and Olorunsogo Local Governments), Ogbomoso zone (with Ori-Ire, Ogbomoso North, Ogbomoso South, Surulere and Ogo Oluwa Local Governments), Oyo zone (with Atiba, Oyo West, Oyo East and Afijio Local Governments), Ibarapa zone (with Ibarapa North, Ibarapa East and Ibarapa Central Local Governments), and Ibadan zone (with Ido, Akinyele, Lagelu, Ibadan North, Ibadan North-East, Ibadan North-West, Ibadan South-East, Ibadan South-West, Egbeda, Ona Ara and Oluyole Local Governments).

    Of these five zones, with the exception of Ogbomoso, all of the civilian governors of the present Oyo State, since its creation on 27 August, 1991, have hailed from the Ibadan zone. Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde put this problem in perspective in a 15 April, 2025 Channels Television interview. Asked by Seun Okinbaloye which zone of Oyo State his successor would come from, he replied: “Politics is a game of numbers. … Still at this particular time, about almost 50% of the population of Oyo State is still domiciled within Ibadan.”

    Governor Makinde continued: “However, well before I became a governor, I told them that the only way the governorship would leave Ibadan is when you have a governor that has performed excellently well, that has had the trust of the people, and if he’s able to find a successor from any zone, then he can push that through. We’re still on this journey. I don’t know if we have … 100% trust from people just yet, but if we focus on what we’re doing, by the end of this year, we will definitely hear what people are saying.”

    Propositions have been made for a constitutional review to stipulate the rotation of presidential candidacy between the different zones of the country, governorship candidacy between the different senatorial districts of a state, and chairmanship candidacy between different parts of a local government. This is the time to give these equitable proposals impetus to facilitate the accommodation of diversity, boost faith in the political system and enhance socio-political stability.

    As has been shown in Nigeria and Botswana, dominant parties don’t last in ascendancy out of sheer size. They last due to methodical politics. Meanwhile, let APC, blessed with April showers of defection, continue to enjoy its May flowers – its increasing chances of victory in the 2027 elections.

  • Reactions to: Taking the wind out of Benjamin Kalu’s indigeneship Bill

    Reactions to: Taking the wind out of Benjamin Kalu’s indigeneship Bill

    Iwrote the above-referenced article, published on these pages Sunday, 4 May, ’25 out of the anxiety that Yorubas may soon find themselves  standing between

     a rock and a hard  place if we do nothing about Igbo’s plan to capture Lagos – TAKE LAGOS, as they describe it –  so they “can lock us up and put us (Yorubas) in jail”.

    Surprised at that?

    Please read my original article to hear the discussion, first hand, and understand the entire macabre plan, in addition to hearing what Igbos actually think of their Yoruba hosts, not only in Lagos but in the entire Yoruba land where many of us would stupidly think nothing of selling ancestral lands to them, to be paid for from monies whose sources they dont know. And that is when they actually don’t tell you that Lagos is a no man’s land.

    Add that scenario to murderous Fulani herdsmen having already completely over ran Southwest  forests and it becomes obvious we cannot afford to stand akimbo,  doing nothing.

    While we were fortunate that the less educated, but abrasive of Igbos exposed their plan via an on- air dialogue, the more coy, like their highest ranking member of the National Assembly, the Rt. Hon, freshly minted, Dr Benjamin Kalu, who was more discerning dropped the innocuous Indigeneship Bill on the House of Representatives, presenting it as a bill to unify Nigerians, thus confirming the Yoruba saying that: ‘oro ta ni ki aditi ma gbo, enu were lati ngbo – meaning that secret you are keeping away from the deaf, he will hear from the mad man.

    Hon Kalu should please tell us how many Nigerians( from other parts of the country) are likely to take advantage when his bill becomes Law to become a citizen of any Southeastern state, 10, 20? Compare that to the millions of Igbos in Lagos and other parts of Yorubaland.

    As should be expected the article generated considerable reactions, some of which are published below.

    The first is from a younger, very close friend of mine, whose articles I have severally got published on these pages. He is a distinguished Professor of Igbo extraction.

    He wrote:

    “Good morning dear uncle.

    I have read your well scripted article (as usual) and I find it quite amazing.

    Kindly permit that I make two observations, perhaps three :

    1. The article reminded me of Mien Kampf, one of those great literary works that changed the direction of the world almost a hundred years ago. It’s exceptionalism  still endures.

    2. By my character and upbringing, I do not accept the blanket ascription of the “Igbo’s inexplicable, and totally uncontrolled, desire to own things which belong to others, especially land”.

    It is just not for me.

    3. I had thought that the greatest danger facing southern Nigeria today is the presence of armed Fulanis in many forests across the south, especially the south west. And I have often wondered about their intentions and their mission.

    However, looking at the real and present danger revealed in your article, the Fulani menace pales into insignificance, a child’s picnic more or less.

    This is because a humongous plot by the Igbos to take over Lagos and drive the indigenous population into the lagoon (via an obscure whatsapp group) have been uncovered. May God help us all.

    Dear uncle, I once penned a personal message where I tried to explain a bit of myself to you. I said, among other things, that I see myself as a human being and I see the next person the same way.

    I stand by that, whatever happens, even though many will see me as naive, even foolish. But that is my choice and I am comfortable with it. What’s more, I will keep it that way to the end, irrespective of what happens around me. That is where I derive my peace”.

    The second from the owner of Tel no: 0806 – 78 – 689 reads:

    “If not because of covetousness, I am baffled about why or how you can claim to be an indigene of a place simply because you have lived there for 10 years or because you are married to an  indigene of the place? That is if the person has not changed his/her indigeneship over the years.

    Read Also: Benjamin Kalu: A fresh face in South East political leadership

    Both my parents were from Ode-Rẹ́mọ in Ogun State under Rẹ́mọ North Local Government. I was born in Ibadan where I lived for 17 years in different local governments before I moved to Lagos State where I’ve lived for 52 years. In Lagos State, I lived for 12 years in Ajegunle under Ajeromi Local Government. I lived for 5 years in Ijeshatedo. I lived for 17 years in Ejigbo under Oshodi-Isolo Local Government. I now live at Isheri-Oshun under Alimosho Local Government (Ìgandò/Ikotun LCDA) for the past 18 years. Please let the sponsor of the bill tell me which indigene I am and under which local government.

    I am very proud of my ancestral origin. I have no intention of claiming indigeneship of any other place than where I am a native by my parents (with all the ìjẹ̀bú-Rẹ́mọ DNA in me), even as I have not resided there continuously for up to two years at a time. Even as my visits there most of the time were usually short stays. This is what I have filled as my origin in all my documents all my life (National Identity, Census, Driver’s License, Employment form, etc). This is also the case with my children, even as their mother is from a different place from me.

    Why should an Ohafia man from Abia State wish to jettison his ancestral indigeneship for that of Ọ̀jọ́ local government in Lagos State when he is not a bastard of his original place? Is he ashamed of his origin? Or being an intrepid traveller (onyi ije), is he going to be toggling in his claims between all the places he has lived for over ten years in Nigeria? Why do some people like to cause confusion because of inordinate desires?”

    The 3rd, from @Lawrence Ibe,.

    was not sent to me directly but  forwarded to me by one of those I regularly forwarded my articles to.

    It is, however, being published because it is authored by a honest Igbo and patriotic Nigerian.

    It reads as follows:

    “I am a full blooded Igbo man but I believe the Yoruba’s need to rise up and defend their identity, land, and culture. It’s unfortunate to say this but the truth needs to be said by someone. We the Igbo’s can no longer continue to be territorial in another mans land. We go to a place, they welcome us with an open hand, we establish there and prosper and the only way to show appreciation to them is to declare their land a “no man’s land” How is this possible? Every land has indigenes.

    What the Yoruba’s are tolerating even we the Igbo’s will not tolerate in our land.

    Why is it possible I can move to Lagos or any Yoruba land and willfully acquire any choice land at any part of Yoruba land as long as I have the means yet we cannot accord the same opportunity and privilege to Yoruba’s in Igbo land? In my place no matter how much a Yoruba man is willing to buy land, that land will not be sold to him.

     There is a serious need for equity from all sides. The Yoruba’s must be accorded what they accord us. The Yoruba’s must demand what is theirs. In Igbo land, Igbo’s speak with one voice and foreigners cannot Influence things in our land. If we have Eze Igbo in Yoruba land, why then can’t we have Oba of Yoruba in Igbo land?  Yoruba’s must stand up and defend that which is theirs. The liberality of the Yoruba’s must be reciprocated by others.

    You can easily be a house of assembly member in Yoruba land even as an Igbo man or Akwa Ibom person but can we say the same in Igbo land? 

    You people must rise and defend what is yours. Elections in your land cannot continue to be decided by foreigners. It cannot happen in my place, so why would you Yoruba’s allow it? Being too nice is foolishness. Defend what is yours now or forever lose it.”

  • FOR SEAMUS HEANEY

    FOR SEAMUS HEANEY

    (Digging with it….)

    Our world will never

    Witness the death

    Of the Naturalist

    As long as stones sigh

    Trees twit

    Rivers rumble

    And  the road’s serpentine sentence  

    Is governed by the tortuous syntax     

    Of lore-ful  peregrinations     

    History’s  vigilant nails tattoo

    The scaffoldings of  waiting habitations  

    As the hammer sings its song

    In thunder and calibrated murmurs

    Below a lean, suspenseful sky

    Unsure of  the temper of the sun

    Green memories, green incantations

    Read Also: Nigerian Pastor rearrested in South Africa weeks after acquittal

    Curious rains in search of reluctant roofs

    Tendrils dancing  to the top of swaying bowers

    Between ardent Wisdom and a Kindness

    Ever so steady in its communion with the human spirit

    Your verse lives on in sound and simmering sense

    For yours is the government of the tongue

    Of syllables which sometimes saunter into silence

    The unsaid which outspeaks the said

    Yours, the endless navigation of

    That fine line between the necessity of Beauty

    And the imperative of Truth. . . .

    Farmer-born, peasant-bred

    I too hail from the digging clan whose

    Harvest laughter succeeds the hoe’s insistence

    Hearable throughout in  this tribute are hints from Heaney’s iconic essay, “The Government of the Tongue”.

  • Ikeja Electric’s phantom estimates

    Ikeja Electric’s phantom estimates

    • Metering is much more urgent than appropriate pricing of power because that is a ruse under the present arrangement where figures are allocated to over seven million customers monthy

    I have been perpetually subjected to questionable debts decreed by Ikeja Electric in the last few months just because I was without prepaid meter for only four months.  As a ‘Band A’ customer, I had been spending between N50,000 to N55,000 monthly long before my meter packed up in October, last year. That means, at the maximum, I should have paid about N220,000 to the company for the four months had my meter not been faulty and retrieved. But, at the end of the four months, I had already incurred a bill of N317,774.85. Add that to the months from February to April; that should have fetched the DisCo about N385,000 considering my average consumption that the company can verify, over probably one year.

    But as at today, I have paid N436,600.58 to vend, including sundry fines and surcharges that the company never had the courtesy of breaking down for me, other than just yanking off 60 per cent of whatever amount I vended, giving me only 40 per cent since about March 30, save on two occasions when one of their workers intervened. Interestingly, as at yesterday, I was still said to be having a debt overhang of N81,367.22, the same amount there before I paid N30,000 on Thursday, May 8, 2025!

    Cumulatively, therefore, I would have coughed up about N517, 967 for seven months by the time I finish paying the debt, (that is assuming the company does not have to shift the goal post again, because my various contacts with them via their customer care have hardly produced the same result) as against the N385,000 I would have paid were my meter to be working. So, where and how did the N132,000 difference come from?

    One would think this is simple arithmetic. Unfortunately, with Ikeja Electric, it has become a jigsaw puzzle.

    But I needed to summarise the story first so that the Federal Government and its relevant agencies responsible for regulating the power sector and consumer protection would know how urgent it is to provide Nigerians with meters. They need to know there is need to declare emergency on metering for power consumers.

    Now to the details.

    My former meter was retrieved in October, last year, by Ikeja Electric because it was faulty. It was replaced early February, this year. In effect, what I had feared eventually became my lot. I have been subjected to all manner of forced payments and deductions by Ikeja Electric that should never have been.

    I was given a bill of N53,600.58 for October, 2024 and I paid all because it represented a fair average of my monthly consumption. In November of the same year, I was given the same amount and I was able to pay N43,000. The problem started in December, 2025, when I was slammed N104,273.39. I paid N50,000 because I couldn’t understand the basis for doubling the amount. I was given the same high bill of N106,300.30 in January, 2025. Again, I wondered how come. Somehow, I couldn’t pay on the bill until the meter was replaced early February, 2025.

    To my surprise, a debt of N114,000+ had been recorded against my meter as at December! Just like that? This ballooned to N171,174.17 the following month. Indeed, it would interest readers to note that that was still the debt against my account in one of their portals. It has been there, as we used to say in those days, ‘from time immemorial’!  As you would have noticed earlier, this contradicts the other figure in the same account as at yesterday, Saturday, May 10, 2025 which was put at a ‘benign’ N81,367.22!

    We have been at this since around January when I started writing emails to the company about my objections to the December 2024 and January 2025 bills. I sent emails again in March, even as I visited the customer care office at Akowonjo in Lagos on March 6.

    Surprisingly, there, I was told I was owing the company about N170,000 and that I MUST pay at least N130,000 to have access to electricity. You see, they would not write you or inform you about anything, knowing full well that they would always stop you when you want to recharge or vend, as they call it. They hardly respond to emails beyond the recorded message of telling you your complaints had been received and passed to the appropriate section for attention.

    Imagine a debt nobody informed me about, and which I probably would not have had any knowledge of if I had not gone to their office, suddenly leading to my coughing up N130,000 minimum to vend overnight or staying in darkness. In fact, at a point during the numerous chats I had with the customer care, they told me I had a credit balance of N41,000. How do you reconcile this with a debt of over N170,000 against my account!  Anyway, I had to look for N130,000 to pay to have access to electricity.

    As I told their business manager in one of my emails (SR 5564762), ‘’It would interest you to note that I had paid a total of N324,600.68 on my meter concerning the bills for four months and the so-called debts, including the forced deductions whenever I vend… This is one reason I have always wanted to avoid estimated billing. I had a running battle with the company on it a few years back and I would be glad if that history does not repeat itself.

    ‘’As far as I am concerned, Ikeja Electric could not have given me bills of over N100,000 plus in a month when it has a record of my monthly consumption, the basis of which, I guess, informed the rational bills of less than N55,000 that the company gave me in the first two months after retrieving my meter.’’

    I disagreed vehemently with the idea that I should bear cost of meter replacement because I knew that as a ‘Band A’ customer, I was not supposed to pay for it. But even when I tried to register for the meter, it was not going because I always refused to fill the space for payment for meter. This was the situation until around November or early December, 2024, when the company sent me text message that I was qualified for free meter. Again, I was always stuck as I refused to fill the space for payment as that, to me, meant consent to pay for the meter. As far as I was concerned, that aspect of the form should have been flexible, especially with the exemption of some group of consumers from payment. I knew that if I paid, the company would never refund the cash if they eventually agree on their own to refund. Rather, they would tell me that the thing would be converted to electricity units.

    Indeed, this is another bone of contention with the system, as it was what their customer care personnel always harped on whenever I confronted them; they always told me not to worry because the company would eventually refund me if they discovered they were wrong. But what gave them the impression that it is all customers that have such huge money to tie down in today’s economy (at about N130,000 for the cheapest single –phase meter), as if power supply is the only need of man? So, it was not for lack of trying that my application for meter was delayed till I eventually got their sms to apply for free meter. Even after that, getting through with the application processing was another hell.

    Unlike many other KYC websites that I patronise, when filling such forms, you merely continue later wherever you are stuck. With Ikeja Electric website, it was not so. Once you were stuck, you began again.

    To make matters worse, the company’s website was down for about three weeks in December, 2024. I was forced to tell the company in another email that its website was not customer-friendly as a result of all these challenges that one does not encounter elsewhere. As a matter of fact, I made all of these known in an email I sent to the company. None of these assertions was controverted and they could not have been because, in the first place, they represented a true picture of the website from my own experience. Secondly, as I said earlier, they hardly reply emails. It is annoying that despite the epistles I sent to the company on this matter, none was replied. It is only when companies or organisations reply communication that they can agree or disagree with certain assertions about them.

    Read Also: Panic as military invades Ikeja Electric offices, assaults workers

    But, all of these are just one leg of the story.

    The other leg has to do with the 101 units in my meter that was retrieved. I ensured the personnel who retrieved it put it in the form he filled and gave to me and I had also sent emails to the company concerning this. I also have evidence of that. As a matter of fact, I did a photoshot of the form where the man boldly wrote in his beautiful handwriting that I was to bear the cost of replacement of the meter and also recorded the 101 leftover units in that meter which ought to have been credited into my account. It is unfortunate that the company seems to be less concerned about this, harping only, on areas that could fetch it money, whether legitimately or by duress.

    I guess this matter would still proceed appropriately to the next level, but I felt sufficiently concerned because I have heard many stories similar to mine, in some cases the so-called debts reaching very alarming proportions. Reconciliation properly so-called cannot happen within one party, and a concerned party at that. Which is what Ikeja Electric has done; and which is what many other DisCos do and keep doing, in a country that has government! In this matter, the company has served as the accuser, prosecutor and judge without the courtesy of informing me of the outcome of its findings (despite promising to do so). Their response is communicated through blocking vending channels. Is it such a company that you would trust that it would willy-nilly refund customers?

    Successive governments have helped these DisCos enough, with little or nothing to show for it. It is time to help Nigerians. And the only way to do that satisfactorily is by making metering top priority. What I see on ground as the response to the metering gap falls far short of expectation. That we have not metered over half of the 14 million power subscribers in more than 11 years of privatisation does not speak well of us as a country truly serious of making these power DisCos efficient.

    Let the metering be completed within one year, with the government focusing its aid to the firms on meters, and it would be clear that those of them who cannot survive because power consumers now have meters should be allowed to die naturally. After all, several other opportunities are now open for more investors to come into the market.

    Nigerians are tired of being inundated with government can no longer sustain subsidy in the power sector. That is not our most pressing issue. At any rate, whatever we have with the present order cannot give us a true pricing for power. A situation where figures are allocated to over seven million power customers can never guarantee that. Millions are suffering in silence.  

  • The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XIX)

    The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XIX)

    In a State of the Union address to Congress in 1823, President Monroe laid out the future of American foreign policy in what is now described as the Monroe doctrine. In that speech Monroe declared the area encompassing the Western hemisphere as being an area of American influence from which all European influence was to be excluded for all time. In the same breath, he also announced American disinterest in the affairs of any country that was outside her stated area of interest. In this way she announced her isolation from European affairs as well as the affairs of countries all round the world. This status was more or less adhered to until she was dragged into the cauldron of WWI in 1917.

    It is not clear why Monroe made that declaration when he did. After all, the infant republic such as she was at the time did not have the power to back up that grandiose claim of pre-eminence. After all, this was a time when both France and Spain, not to talk of Britain were actively pursuing their own separate sets of agenda in the Western hemisphere. The only thing in favour of the Americans at the time was that their ambitions could be backed up by Britain whose permanent interest was to range round the world cornering all possible markets in favour of her industrialists who were squeezing all those commodities out of their factories. And Britain could back up her ambitions in any part of the world because of the powerful Royal Navy which ranged the world at its pleasure.

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    The Monroe doctrine came at a time of many interesting developments in Latin America. Simon Bolivar (El Libertador) had just succeeded in liberating six  countries in that region; Columbia, Peru, Ecuador,  Venezuela, Panama and Bolivia from Spain after several wars of independence. It was important that Spain be not allowed to regain her colonial power status in the region even  as France was sniffing around Mexico to replace Spain as the imperial overlord in that country.  And to tell the truth, the USA was not in any position to influence the tide of events. At that point, the Monroe doctrine which did not even acquire that title until around 1850 was no more than a dream, a diplomatic wish waiting to come true sometime in the distant future.

    Within the USA, matters were coming to a boil over the issue of slavery and all minds were turned inwards to deal with the fallouts from the confrontation between the Southern and Northern states. The South stood resolutely for the expansion of slavery into the new states of California, Texas, New Mexico and others which had just joined the Union. The Northern states were no less resolutely opposed to this proposal. The stage was set for the inevitable clash which loomed over the dark horizon. Finally, the Southern states banded themselves together to form the Confederate states which first seceded from the United States and then fired the first shots which marked the beginning of the American civil war in 1861. From that point on, the preoccupation of the American government was to keep out other countries especially Britain from what they labelled as their internal affair. Their fears in this respect were genuine because the economy of the Confederate states was based on the production of agricultural raw materials especially cotton which was in great demand from British industrialists. Any thoughts of foreign affairs had to be put on hold until the end of the war and the restoration of the status quo antebellum in 1865.

    The American civil war was ostensibly fought over the issue of slavery but behind this stood the shadow of the economy. It was clear to the people in the North that slavery was no longer an option for sustainable economic development. Any movement on that front had to be towards the industrial production of utilisable goods, to be followed by relevant services. Even during the war, the Northern states were building up their industrial capacity. It can even be said that victory in that war was built on the foundation of the industrial might which was the power behind the Northern armies in the field. With the war out of the way the newly reunited states could now embark on the journey towards the rise and rise of capitalism.

    The civil war ended in 1865 and signalled the beginning of an industrial production rush in the reunited country. The USA embarked on a spree of industrialisation such as the world had never seen up till then and it all began within the transportation sector. By 1869, the east coast had been joined to the west by the intercontinental railroad. The immediate consequence of this was that it became possible for a man to travel from New York to say, Los Angeles in six days instead of six months as was the case before. In addition, a large amount of freight could be sent virtually anywhere within the country very quickly and safely. The capital required to build the extensive railroad system which crisscrossed the continent poured in from Europe especially Britain whose industrialists were making money hand over fist. That British capitalists were ready to invest heavily in the USA shows the international nature of capitalism. That the primary area into which capital was directed also shows the pivotal nature of transportation systems to the creation of markets to the continued spread of capitalism. This phenomenon had been observed in Britain at the dawn of the industrial revolution. At that time, it was the building of canals that connected up many parts of the country and facilitated the distribution of factory made goods throughout the land. The lesson here is clear; without the creation of reliable and extensive distribution channels there can be no sustainable process of industrialisation.

    Another aspect of industrialisation is the availability of power with which to drive the industrial production of goods. As with a lot of other raw materials, the USA had a generous supply of coal which was available to build an extensive railway system and supply steam power for the industrial production of goods. In addition to coal there was the availability of iron with which to produce steel, the foundation for heavy industry. Taken together all these conditions facilitated the rise and rise of capitalism within the country.

    Standing aside from what can be described as natural attributes, there were men who were imbued with the character to exploit the conditions of the time. These were the men who have come to be known as the robber barons. Carnegie, Vanderbilt, Rockefeller and Morgan. They straddled the emerging industrial landscape of the USA like the proverbial colossus turning everything they touched into pure gold. However, their collective touch had no magic in it and their place in history was cemented by their collective brutality in their exploitation of the emerging American market. Each of them were dyed in the wool monopoly capitalists who destroyed all their competitors and screwed their employees out of every last penny they could get out of them without actually killing them in large numbers. Like octopuses, their lethal tentacles were wrapped around the most important sectors of the economy. Rockefeller, the first American home-grown  billionaire, by today’s value controlled every aspect of the oil sector from mining to refining and the sale of oil products. Carnegie built his monopoly in steel using the same methods that that Rockefeller used in the oil industry. In the case of Vanderbilt known to everyone as the Commodore, he tied up the transportation sector both by water and rail in unbreakable knots which ensured an unending stream of gold into his personal coffers. As for Morgan, he is still very much alive in  J.P. Morgan, one of the biggest banks in the world even if it is now merged with the Chase-Manhattan Bank. He was the banker to the robber barons and helped to consolidate all the monetary gains of their ruthless enterprises. It is most intriguing that their economic descendants; Musk, Bezos, Zuckerberg, even Gates are still following faithfully in their monopolistic footsteps and as much employee abuse as they can get away with in the more enlightened business environment that is supposed to exist today. As a collective, the robber barons and their contemporaries ruled the American economy with an iron fist but managed to build it into a genuine colossus which ruled the world for more than a century. They built what has been described as the gilded age of American business and left many economic corpses in their way. It is therefore rather ironic that their philanthropic footsteps still look very large on the proverbial sands of time. Each of them has donated most of their stupendous wealth to institutions including world renowned universities and research centres which have made invaluable contribution to the development of life saving vaccines and improvements in public health all over the world. Their business practices, brutal as they were, have been recognised as having been pivotal to the rise and rise of global capitalism.

  • Utomi’s shadow cabinet

    Utomi’s shadow cabinet

    There is no length some Nigerians will not go in their absurd interpretation of democracy, including by those who ought to know better. Pat Utomi, a professor of political economy and Labour Party (LP) chieftain, last week announced the formation of a shadow cabinet that mimics the British parliamentary system of government. According to Prof. Utomi, the shadow cabinet would be called ‘The Big Coalition Shadow Government’. Here is the professor’s rationalisation : “The recent spate of defections to the All Progressives Congress provides further evidence that all is not well with democracy in Nigeria. The imperative is that if a genuine opposition does not courageously identify the performance failures of incumbents, offer options, and influence culture in a counter direction, it will be complicit in subverting the will of the people.”

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    The Bola Tinubu administration has predictably responded to the anomalous shadow cabinet declaration. They denounced and dismissed it as sharply antithetical to the presidential system of government, insisting that “Our bicameral legislature amply features members of the opposition, and it should be the right place to contest meaningful ideas for nation-building.” It is doubtless necessary for the administration to ridicule the LP’s and Prof. Utomi’s attempt to transpose systems, but given the eminent professor’s track record, not to talk of the LP’s mediocre methods, the shadow cabinet idea will flounder as usual and ultimately expire without any effort. It is risible and unworkable.

  • Meaningless, misguided and procured rallies

    Meaningless, misguided and procured rallies

    Last Monday, two rallies by civil society groups and youths caught the attention of the Nigerian media. A coalition of activists organised one of the rallies in Benin City, Edo State, to protest the arrest and detention of some activists, one of whom was Kola Edokpayi, Marxist activist and leader of the Talakawa Parliament.  Mr Edokpayi and his comrades had planned to hold a solidarity rally in support of Burkina Faso junta leader, Captain Ibrahim Traore, who took power in a coup d’etat in 2022. It is astonishing that the activists were unperturbed by the irony of using their democratic rights to serve the interest of a military leader who overthrew democracy in Burkina Faso. Perhaps the security services were more adept at recognising ironies.

    To show their adeptness, the Department of State Service (DSS) and the police, which had initially pressured Mr Edokpayi to drop the protest idea, stormed his office and took him and five other activists into detention. Four were later released, leaving, at least as at Monday when the activists staged their protest, the Marxist and one other comrade in detention. To many African leaders dismayed by coups and rampant antidemocratic movements, Capt Traore has clearly become an undesirable element. But to activists, some of them Nigerians looking for a cause célèbre, the Burkinabe leader exemplifies their detestation of neocolonialism. But there is a catch in all this. France, the so-called neocolonial object of the protests, had been kicked out of Burkina Faso since 2023. Vestiges of its influence may still remain, but they are nothing the agitated Burkinabe leader cannot exterminate, if he is savvy enough.

    Instead of putting measures in place and displaying the wisdom and administrative acumen needed to disentangle Burkina Faso from French influence, something that can obviously not be done overnight, Capt. Traore, with Russian help, has unleashed one of the most effective propaganda efforts the continent has ever seen. In late April, protesters, mostly diaspora Africans, bamboozled the world by staging global protests in support of what they described as the anti-colonial Burkinabe revolution to free the continent from the grip of neocolonial and imperialistic influences. It is not clear how they came to that conclusion, or why they could not see through the Burkinabe propaganda.

    Looking for a cause, and eager to stir things up a bit, Nigerian civil society organisations, starting from Benin City, attempted to replicate that global show of idiocy to shore up support for a Burkinabe leader who had begun to fish out those he alleged were counterrevolutionaries in his country, jailing protesters, and detaining journalists who question his clearly exaggerated claims of economic progress or denounce his brutal anti-democratic methods. Comrade Edokpayi’s rally did not take off. Instead, unwilling to give him the benefit of the doubt, the Nigerian security services moved in and picked up the organisers. It is remarkable that the detained comrade as well as the coalition of activists who rallied in his support last Monday denounced their arrests as unlawful and repressive. Do they really know what oppression looks like? Perhaps they should visit Burkina Faso.

    In Nigeria, indeed, rallies have become a whimsical pastime of sundry agitators. Last Monday, in Abuja, youths also reportedly staged a protest demanding the release of 31-year-old Martins Vincent Ose, alias VeryDarkMan, from the custody of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). He had been arrested over money laundering allegations, but claimed to be broke. A social media influencer and activist, he had been embroiled in a number of controversies, sometimes uploading videos of hastily investigated but controversial stories and issues. The law was already taking its course, and the EFCC had so far acted lawfully, including admitting him to bail terms that he could not immediately meet. So, why the rallies? It has become a cultural thing for those who sense that the federal and state governments are allergic to rallies and protests to organise protests over issues that do not defy legal interventions and mediations. The rally crowds are often available for hire. But they also indicate how tentative and fragile Nigerian democracy is, and why few are really committed to making the sacrifices needed to uphold or defend the freedoms the country currently enjoys.

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    Everyone has, as a matter of fact, become an activist in order to pressure the law enforcement agencies from making arrests or embarking on investigations deemed hostile to the interests of politically or socially exposed persons, particularly opposition politicians and celebrities. And they are honing their skills. Two Tuesdays ago, immediately the EFCC took her into custody over money laundering and criminal conspiracy allegations, socialite and business executive Aisha Achimugu also embarked on hunger strike to pressure the anti-graft agency to release her. Her lawyers implausibly declared she was a prisoner of conscience because her arrest, according to them, ran contrary to the rule of law. Of course, it all seemed choreographed, for hardly had she been arraigned the following day than she was enthusiastically ordered to be released ‘within 24 hours’. She had earlier been arrested in February and given administrative bail, but the EFCC claimed she jumped bail.

    So, apart from misguided rallies and meaningless protests, the next best thing seems to be to deploy the instrument of hunger strike to pressure the government against enforcing the law. For a government that is allergic, and in fact has a natural aversion, to rallies and protests, perhaps because of the fragility of Nigeria’s democratic experience, those untoward rallies appear effective but dangerous and counterproductive.

  • Jonathan quibbles over one-party system

    Jonathan quibbles over one-party system

    Public engagements are sometimes the best chance for former presidents to declaim against public policies they dislike. Former president Goodluck Jonathan seized the occasion of the tribute night and memorial lecture in honour of the late elder statesman Edwin Clark to chafe at what he believed was probably a subtle effort to impose a one-party state on Nigeria. He seemed angrier than he let out on the night, but it was enough that he at least got an opportunity to exhale. He appeared to have thought about the subject, though it is not clear just how deeply. Reading between the lines, he actually sounded like he believed there were subterranean efforts to railroad Nigeria into a one-party state. By self-effacingly suggesting that a one-party goal might not necessarily be nefarious, especially if it was planned, he left room for diverse interpretations of what his personal opinion was or what he thought the country should really embrace.

    A small quote from his remarks on that day of tributes should open a window into his noncommittal view on a subject made needlessly controversial by social media commentators. He said: “When you listen to the news or go through the social media, that is one thing (one-party) that on an occasion like this, one needs to talk about. Yes, countries have practiced a one-party system. It may not be evil after all. But Julius Nyerere of Tanzania used one-party state to stabilise the country in their early days of independence. His country, just like Nigeria, has many tribes and tongues and two principal religions, Christianity and Islam. If he had not done that, some parties would toe the line of region, some on the basis of tribes, and unity would be difficult. But it was properly planned. It was not by accident. If we must as a nation go the one-party route, it must be designed. It must be planned by experts and we must know what we are going into. But if we go through the backdoor by political manipulations, then we will be going into a crisis. So, I will advise that probably in a country like Nigeria, we allow the system to stay as it is, which is a multi-party system. But if we for some reason must go one-party, it should not be an accident.”

    Put simply, Dr Jonathan was saying that if a one-party state was achieved for Nigeria by design, it might be okay. If it was done by accident, or the country stumbles into it, it could be counterproductive. Of course everyone knows that. It was, however, expected of the former president to let his opinion on the subject of a one-party state to be known without any ambiguity. Does he think a one-party state would advance the cause of democracy, however it is interpreted, narrowly or expansively, or does he think it would eventually destabilise the country and enthrone a tyrant? He left that puzzle unresolved, indeed unattended. Instead, he perched on the fence and declared that the problematic part was whether the policy was accidental or designed. But that can hardly suffice. He needed to first resolve whether a one-party state could promote unity and stability in a multi-religious and multi-ethnic country, and then secondarily determine how to conjure that magic. Had the unhappy former president availed us his thoughtful opinion rather than walk a tightrope, it would have been debated whether he made sense or not. More, it would have been obvious whether he gave the matter any deep thought as expected of a former president, or whether he glossed over the subject as was his custom when a controversial matter challenged his convictions.

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    It becomes of course a different ball game whether the country was really being heedlessly coerced into a one-party cauldron, as the former president and many others in the opposition sneered. There have been defections to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) at state and national levels, beginning most remarkably from Delta State, and those defections are still continuing apace. Yes, a few defectors have also developed cold feet, in Delta State and elsewhere, but they are more than countermanded by other even more aromatic defections in different parts of the country, notably in Edo State, to the ruling leviathan. Now, the northern reaches of the country have caught the bug and are exploding in a paroxysm of defections, with no sight of when it would end, or what the country’s political map would look like after the earthquakes have subsided. Yet, these defections are not unprecedented. They are typical of Nigerians politics, from the First Republic till date. Will laws be passed to explicitly forbid defections? It is unlikely. Existing laws appear adequate, regardless of the conundrums those laws have become to jurists. In any case, more relevantly, regarding the current Fourth Republic begun in 1999, there have been times when the country seemed headed either by design or accidental, as Dr Jonathan mused, to a one-party state. In the end the fears proved exaggerated.

    Having ruled Nigeria for about five years, and had he been capable of the introspection many ascribed to him, Dr Jonathan ought to know that Nigeria is too complex and too far gone in multiparty politics to detour to a one-party system. He admittedly indicated preference for the political status quo, but he also seemed open to a different system, if necessary. He, however, should have spent time in his lecture reassuring the country that despite ongoing defections, not to say their dangerous connotations, the country would not go down the one-party chute. More, it was expected that he would spend quality time giving a disquisition on the merits and demerits of a one-party state, probably ending with a suggestion to the country to renew and sustain its multiparty system. But if he had to contend with a country veering towards a one-party system, it is not enough to be indifferent; he should have proceeded to explain the consequences of choosing a one-party system, and do it with everything he has got in his political and intellectual armamentarium. He was right to cite the foundational one-party system of Tanzania, but since that country abolished the one-party system in 1992, it would not be a bad idea for the former president to avail us his study of the lessons Tanzania has learnt since adopting multiparty democracy, particularly within the context of ethnic and regional politics. Might the fact that Julius Nyerere (ruled between 1962 and 1985 as the first president and founding father) came from the smallest ethnic group, the Zanaki, have influenced the adoption of a one-party state? And what role did the two-thirds Christian population and one-third Muslim population play in the adoption of the foundational party system?

    Dr Jonathan continues to be presented with sterling opportunities to shed light on some of the existential conundrums of Nigeria, having ruled for about five years and as the first PhD degree holder. Yes, he might be a zoologist, but his views and the ratiocinations that undergird them have sometimes reflected badly on his scholarship. Even without a proper and systematic education at the highest level, such as Dr Jonathan had the privilege of acquiring, he should still be capable of deep, sobering, and inspiring reflections on the country on account of his experience as a national leader controlling not only the entire country but also the biggest political party in Africa at the time. No, it is not expected that he should do the hard work of researching the building blocks of his speeches, but he is expected to direct the research as well as define the tone and direction of his discourses. He was too overwhelmed to do all that during his presidency, seeing that he was surrounded by too many jobholders and sycophants; but out of office, he now has the time, money and resources to engage in deeper and more productive thinking, finding solutions to the country’s multifarious challenges. His qualifications and presidency should tell him something significant, that much more than his successor in office, the languid and phlegmatic Muhammadu Buhari, he is the reflexive first choice of conference organisers who seek appeal to the cortex rather than the midriff. (Ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo is the favourite of noisemakers and headline grabbers).

    It is too late to draw any water from the well of President Buhari. The well is dry and unproductive. And whatever water is drawn from the well of Chief Obasanjo is bound to be muddy and contaminated, brimful with detritus and all sorts of insidious diseases and harmful organisms. Dr Jonathan could summon the capacity, with a little more effort, patience and thinking to serve the country as its pathfinder. If he has so far not risen to that level, if he has quibbled endlessly on issues, and if he inexplicably identifies with the most whimsical choices, it is simply because his character fails him, as it did repeatedly when he was president. Now, out of office, he appears to be finding it even more difficult to locate the meaning of character, a deficiency that caused him last Wednesday in Abuja to speak from both sides of the mouth on a subject that a properly schooled councillor should explicate with passable profundity.

  • Contested sovereignty and the postcolonial state

    Contested sovereignty and the postcolonial state

    In a significant pushback by the forces of civil and political society against a brutal and obdurate postcolonial military state, Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, General Babangida’s deputy and Vice-Chairman of the Armed Forces Ruling Council, once famously rued that nothing the government did seem to impress the adamant opposition that appeared so cohesive and unrelenting in its criticism and adversarial postures. “Honestly, one just has to continue doing what one feels is right and good for the nation without minding what they feel or say”, thus mournfully concluded the gruff elderly sailor from the old Edo Division. This was after opposition forces had made a short shrift of his attempts to confuse the nation by making a dubious distinction between “misapplication of funds” and “misappropriation of national resources” in a case of crass corruption and abuse of office involving a state governor.

     Shortly thereafter as the battle between democratic forces shaped up into an epic showdown which would culminate in the annulment of the freest and fairest election in the history of the nation and its tragic aftermath, General Ibrahim Babangida, the old Minna fox and master of dribbling incursions into enemy eighteen, showed up on national television after a meeting of the ruling council to brief the nation about the outcome of the council’s deliberations. Wearing a gloomy visage of contrived frustration, Babangida informed his compatriots that a pressing item on the agenda was to discuss whether to hand over the government to civil society forces who thought they knew how to govern the country better. It was a tense and testy moment for the nation. When pressed further, Babangida retorted ruefully and adamantly that it was the truth. It was a military blackmail from the pit of hell. Whoever heard of a military cabal suddenly hand over power to its civilian adversaries without some bloody encounters?  The military would later hand over power, but no longer in circumstances of their choice or in condition of their provenance.

      Almost four decades  and a spate of communal upheavals , abortive military putsch, religion-based insurrections and nation-wide protests against the economic distress of the nation, the battle of will and wits between voices and forces of democratic pluralism and the Nigerian post-military state continues in several guises. It is to the credit of the prodemocracy forces that despite heavy casualties, the military finally retreated to the barracks. But as it is to be expected of a society transiting to political modernity, vestiges of military-inspired political autocracy and traditional authoritarianism remain. In postcolonial societies, the reorientation of political consciousness is always the hardest task, requiring deliberate cultivation and acculturation. Swelling the ranks of the ruling dominant party with stragglers and defectors and other political destitute does not lead to a new political culture. It is like working to answer; a reenactment of the old feudalist ethos in modern politics which always leads a nation to peril as it has happened twice in Nigeria’s history. This is why the debate about whether Nigeria is about to become a one-party state is a non-event; a non sequitur, the reverse gear of genuine and authentic elite consensus.

       Unfortunately, punditry and informed commentary in Nigeria is often taken over by those who seem to lack fundamental capacity for rigorous thinking and the scholastic training for formal argumentation and systematized thought-processing which you found in intellectuals and politicians of an earlier epoch many of who did not even attend universities as well as in their tested well-trained bureaucrats. Instead of marshaling their points and laying out their argument in a sober and polished manner all you find is arid emoting and political incivilities which grate on the well-bred but which may sound to them like poetic eureka. While we are all at it, what is more unfortunate is that history and events do not wait for any society to solve its national problems or resolve its crippling contradictions.

     Otherwise, why has contested sovereignty become the norm in several African countries despite the drive towards further democratization in the last three decades? In these postcolonial countries, overwhelmed sovereignty, partial sovereignty, negotiated sovereignty, partial territoriality and contested state identity have been the order of day with asymmetrical warfare and occasional symmetrical set-pieces that have brought the postcolonial state in Africa to utter ruin and disrepute. In many of these countries, ungoverned and ungovernable spaces surpass the writ of formal governance. In South Sudan, the protagonists are on the verge of returning to the killing fields of equatorial torpor despite a subsisting power-sharing arrangement.

      Sudan is effectively partitioned as the RUF establishes formal state presence in Western Darfur after two years of horrific bloodletting. An armed critique of the befuddled gerontocracy that has ruled Cameroon since 1981 is ongoing in the English-speaking Western region of the country. The state in the Democratic Republic of Congo is effectively defunct. In Nigeria despite the advent of democracy, particularly after the summary execution of the Boko Haram sect leader in 2009, the group mutated into several murderous factions and armed affiliates that have put the fear of the Lord into everybody, particularly along the Katsina-Zamfara corridor. The Benue-Plateau axis is on the boil again while the east erupts periodically in sectarian violence.

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      One can imagine the ruinous impact of these multiple and multi-dimensional conflicts on the nation’s food security which is critical to the mood of any nation and the government’s drive to reset the economy which is critical to national wellbeing. Nobody will come to our aid. The Americans who came in the early days of the Boko Haram left in a huff, citing the possibility of compromised intelligence and security concerns. As it has turned out, there were too many rogue elements in the field including Americans themselves. This is what happens when a nation’s internal demons lead it to become a prey for international gaming. In retrospect, the global shenanigans surrounding the emergence of these shadowy and virulent sects might have signposted the decaying of the old international order and the drastic reset America is currently undergoing in the hands of Donald Trump.

    Apocalypse now, or the Pope of Good Hope?

    May we all live in interesting times, the wily and eternally inscrutable Chinese people admonish. We surely live in interesting and unpredictable times. The world is passing through a period of strife and stress in which there is a radical discontinuity between the certainties of the past and the wild implausibility of the present, or between the events of the past and the eventualities of the present. The current epoch is marked by a convergence of conflicts and conflagrations which leaves no part of the globe untouched. With its fulcrum unhinged, the world thrashes about in different directions like a beached behemoth that has reached the end of the road, spreading fear and panic everywhere. Meanwhile, as Israel pounds everything in sight into submission, the old map of the Middle East is being forcibly redrawn before our very eyes with the old powers too tired and enfeebled to do anything about it.

      The 1948 conflict over the establishment of a Jewish State, the 1956 Suez Canal conflagration, the 1967 war and the 1973 Yom Kippur confrontation, though of a savage and brutal nature was over in a matter of days. But the current Gaza expedition which was triggered by Hamas’ palpable indiscretion has lasted almost two years with an inch by inch high-tech annihilation of Gaza Strip by Israel. Before our very eyes, Israel has transformed from a war-prone nation to the first modern war state and colonizing imperium.  The old western power masters in their wisdom must be wondering if they didn’t lower the Israeli cat too early among the Arab and Persian pigeons. That is if they do not have their own internal demons to contend with.

      For a long time, attention has been focused on the Westphalia nation-states and the struggling paradigm of nations they have spawned particularly in the Third World and in the so called Second World. But with the continuing chaos in post-colonial Africa, the fiasco in the western world and the horrendous melee in the Middle East, attention is now shifting back to the State Question, that is the nature of the institutions and the quality of the manpower assembled to preside over the affairs of humanity and the equitable distribution of its resources. The reaction to this epochal crisis of the state has been as intriguing as it is interesting.

      While Africa in the main remains trapped by the institutional paralysis and structural disequilibrium that have made it impossible for its talented First Eleven to come to power and governance, many nations in Europe and Asia have gone back to the drawing board to rediscover its most gifted elite-class. While a “colonial” nation like Canada has set formal politics aside to hand over the reins of power to an Harvard and Oxford-trained, intellectually gifted economist and technocrat, America, the founding nation of liberal democracy, has allowed the ball to slip from its sight and with that the American political mob has finally elected its own leader. With Donald Trump famously and sacrilegiously donning the episcopal mantle of the pope after the burial of the globally revered pontiff, we may be witnessing the final funeral rites of liberal democracy as we know it. Now that we have an American-born pope, Donald Trump will soon realize that the joke is on him.

      How did humanity come to this sorry pass? Is humankind not a victim of its own amazing successes as it evolved away from the Hobbesian state of nature to acquire the trappings of a modern society? Our species has chalked up amazing successes on the road to the modern society, making it to surpass anything that has been before or is likely to come after even with the discovery of “life” in outer spaces. But we must always bear in mind that this ascendancy was achieved at the cost of momentous brutality and utmost cruel exertion. To secure a breathing space, our species had to hunt down and drive into extinction lesser and weaker hominids until the world was made safe for primitive humanity to roam about freely about in search of its own destiny. As Charles Darwin brilliantly demonstrated, survival of the fittest is the first principle of evolution of the human organism. Every ascendant civilization is built on the ashes and massive destruction of earlier civilizations. Every preeminent nation and its people have put other eminent nations and their people to sword. There is a Viking in every one of us. This is unfortunately what is playing out between Israel and its neighbors with the world looking askance in spite of the horrific carnage.

  • Reinventing the postcolonial state

    Reinventing the postcolonial state

    What is now imperative for humankind is to find a way to further civilize itself and humanize the historical process through a benevolent State that drives the human propensity for plunder and predatory carnage underground into the abject cellars of wild hominids from which it evolved. Based on the massive evidence before us, religion and pious worship can no longer do the magic. We hesitate to say that religion has become part of the problem.

      The discovery of the state in the evolution of humankind and society is a startling innovation of political genius which laid the foundation for the emergence of the post-hunter-gatherer society and a more orderly and standardized commune with division of labour taking deep roots. This was the embryonic origins of modern civilization as we know it. But over succeeding millennia and centuries as human society grew more complex as a result of human genius for innovation, the state grew more powerful and overarching , often attempting to invade and regularize all aspects of human behavior. This has led to powerful pushbacks from forces of civil and political societies often eventuating in massacres, pogroms, epic slave revolts such as we had in the old Roman Empire and revolutions such as have occurred in the US, France, Russia, China, Cuba etc. These epochal events which led to the overthrow and extirpation of the old ruling classes and ancien regime and the inauguration of new ruling classes often lead to deep changes in state and the nation. But in almost all of them the deep foundations of authoritarian tyranny and repressive severity remain with the state. The traditional family structure with its autocratic patriarch and implacable law-giver projects onto the state the subliminal anxieties of humanity.

       The human organism with its complex motivations and impulses so countervailing even in the same person that it is beyond belief is not an easy person to rule or to suborn. Even the illiterate masses have ideas of their own and rightly so. In some quarters, it is asserted that if humankind were to be angels, there would be no need for government. In its efforts to stay one foot ahead of the masses and to put the gilded throne beyond the reach of the furious mob and mutinous multitude, the state develops exotic and quixotic ideas of its own. In the early twentieth century, in their response to the global economic crisis, some western countries adopted an ideology which seeks a total control of politics, the economy and society through relentless mobilization and appeal to crude nationalism. It all ended in a historic fiasco with Spain still managing the politically ruinous consequences up till this moment while the Italians personally accounted for their leader, Benito Mussolini and his mistress. Hitler committed suicide.

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    In post-independence Africa, many of the leaders and founding fathers of their nations sought to impose a one-party state on their nations as a way of containing the centrifugal forces in the seething, multi-ethnic and multi-religious furnaces they inherited from the colonial rule. But it was to no avail as the experiment dissolved into ugly ethnic confrontation and violent military upheavals. In the few African countries that survived the blitz, such as Senegal and Tanzania, it was because their founding fathers were wise enough to leave behind a structure open enough for countervailing succession. In Nigeria, the political tension, military coups and an eventual confrontation between forces of civil and political society and brutal military rule which ended with the soldiers retreating to the barracks.

    Unfortunately and despite the euphoria, it would appear that the vestigial structure of a repressive military state which blitzed the Nigerian landscape and sent the whole nation into a terroristic tremor remains undisturbed.  Despite the advent of open and competitive democracy and the ongoing reset of the economic categories of the nation, the unresolved questions have led to contested sovereignty on many fronts and open challenges to the authority and legitimacy of the state in multiple theatres of conflicts across the nation.

       The solution lies in a reinvention of the postcolonial state in Nigeria which will strengthen the capacity of the armed forces to deal with local and international emergences, push for a more inclusive governance and a structured egalitarian distribution of national resources across board, address the problem of corruption which has pushed the nation and its armed forces to the edge of the abyss and lay the foundation of a new beginning. In doing this, it must also attempt to dredge and drain the deep well of national resentments against the state. This is no doubt a huge task but the earlier we began to face the real issues the better.