Category: Sunday

  • Ebola: of pestilence, pretense and poverty

    Ebola: of pestilence, pretense and poverty

    Fear calls forth genius and folly but never in equal measure; the greater the fear, the greater the folly.

    In the presence of Ebola or anything that threatens indiscriminate probable death, fear becomes rational. It certainly is an inevitable, natural response. Fear can be a strong call, piercing the miasma of false comfort and numbed inaction. Many a brave deed and innovative enterprise have been predicated on the cold slap of fear. Hysteria is of a different sort. It paralyzes logic, turning into madmen those who act out its passions. That the madness may be temporary does not require the damage wrought to be equally limited. History is littered with the flotsam that hysteria’s ugly hand has caused.  Hysteria also is rarely a natural phenomenon. It is artificially induced, taking the kernel of fear and sowing it into a harvest of irrational dread. Generally, those who bestir public hysteria have ulterior motives beyond insulating themselves or others from the feared danger. They incite fear until it compounds exponentially, transforming itself into an acrid poultice of mistake, hatred, blame, illogic, prejudice and horrid superstition. With this in mind, we should weight the global response to the Ebola epidemic.

    International reportage of Ebola should finally disabuse those of us who still adhere to the illusion that the major global media houses are committed to objective journalism. These media outlets have stoked hysteria and foreboding like an arsonist does fire.  Their job has not been to objectively report the risks at hand and the progress made. Their mission was to strike fear so the public would say glued to their televisions. They did not set out to properly educate their viewers about Ebola. They sought to portray Ebola as marauding dread that would mesmerize the audience as much as their favorite action drama or reality show. They turned the nightly news into a horror flick or a sports contest where we were daily told the scores of infected and dead Ebola had netted. The casualties were no longer people but numerical symbols of the deadly victory Ebola was said to be winning.

    The more lethal and contagious Ebola was perceived, the more the newsmakers could continue making news and keeping people fixed to their television channels. The media is no longer about journalism. It is a big and global business. Thus, like any business, the objective is profits which are achieved through the paid advertisements high viewer ratings induce. If the truth serves to profit the corporate bottom line, then the truth they will present. But rarely does the truth suffice. Thus, they simplify then inflate it; they distort into something the truth would not recognize but something the corporate sponsors see as befitting their investments. Journalism is no longer the pursuit; it is the vehicle by which profits are pursued with a bill collector’s vigor.

    Yet, hysteria may arrive quickly but it never leaves without exacting a dear cost. The news of four Ebola cases sent the United States into near panic. The unfortunate Liberian who entered America with Ebola became the victim of umbrage and disgust. Xenophobia and racism were perceptible undercurrents. Not spoken in polite circles yet understood by all was the theme that nothing good comes out of Africa except sickness, war and death. On the lips of many Americans was the question: “Why let these people into our nation to destroy it?” The fear of dreaded disease merged with the historic hatred of black skin to produce an uncivil response to what was entirely a human tragedy. The people of Black Africa were all seen as accursed by reason of their origins and not as unfortunate victims by reason of the incidences of history over which they have exercised little control.

    At the same time Ebola came, American was experiencing an outbreak of enterovirus d68. The virus had affected people in almost all fifty states. At least, five deaths were confirmed due to the sickness which seems to spread faster geographically than Ebola but is less fatal. News concerning d68 was minimal compared to Ebola although the number of deaths exceeded the total number of Ebola cases reported in the nation. Part of the reason for the discrepant attention was the steep lethality and dire symptoms of Ebola. This is understandable. It is fear at its most natural. But there is another more sinister factor at work. D68 was not as newsworthy because there was no outsider to blame. D68 was an American phenomenon and thus had to be tolerated with resolve and a stiff upper lip.

    With only four cases in a population over 300 million, Ebola is limited to one person in every seventy-five million people. The likelihood of an American contracting Ebola was a fraction of that of being shot by a crazed gunman. However, Americans are more petrified of stricter gun control than of the maniacal gun-toters who on a weekly basis bring carnage to some school or shopping center. But there is no great outcry, no hysteria. There is only resignation to the fact that indiscriminant commerce in guns is woven into American life. Thus, cold-blooded, insane murder will also be part of the national fabric. However, Africans and their dreaded disease should not be. Thus, much of the fury and anger Americans should aim at correcting their own internal contradictions was hurled at the Liberian Duncan.

    One can argue the morality of Duncan traveling to America given that he was cognizant of his exposure to the disease. Surely, it would it have been nobly self-sacrificing to have remained in Liberia. Yet, I dare not condemn the man for no one truly knows how he would respond if placed in similar circumstance. The best response is not condemnation but human understanding and empathy.  That did not occur.

    Duncan was begrudgingly admitted into the treating hospital. The treatment the uninsured black man received does not seem to have been inspired. At most, the hospital tried to manage his disease and not help him overcome it. To say the treatment received was minimalist would not be off-the-mark. This again exposes the intrusion of racism into every facet of American life even the administration of health care, which in some instances can be a decision of life or death for a fellow human being. It also reveals the moral emptiness of a health care system run as a business for profit instead of one that functions as a public service. In a profit-based system either you pay money or you pay with something dearer – your health or your life.

    There is the gnawing sense that Duncan’s treatment was kept to the lowest minimum because those in charge were unconcerned whether Duncan lived or died. There was an unspoken yet strong disincentive to curing the man. They feared his cure would flash a green light to other Liberians to take the same route to better treatment. His death would constitute a red stop light. The trajectory of human affairs is forever distorted by the twist of irony. Three hundred years ago, Whites were removing the likes of Duncan from his homeland against their will. This time, he wanted to come; this time, they no longer wanted him. Justice eventually comes but it does not arrive quickly enough to come for us all.

    Waiting for Mr. Duncan to get out of the hospital was the Dallas County Prosecutor’s office. They wanted to bring criminal charges against him although his actions fit no known criminal offense. Trying to ingratiate themselves to American authorities, Liberian officials also announced they wanted Duncan deported that he may face criminal charges back home. Faced with a ravaging epidemic laying down hundreds of people daily, Liberia had not the ability to manage the crisis at hand let alone divert inordinate attention to the lone man who got away. Neither the Texan or Liberian prosecutors would have their catch. Duncan never emerged from his hospital bed alive.

    The two nurses who contracted the illness from Duncan have survived the worst. They shall recover. The New York City doctor contracted it while treating patients in Guinea. He is in isolation and will receive the finest care. Yet, his case sustains the hysteria. Across the nation hospitals have been visited by people who had not the slightest chance of possible contact with anyone who might have had contact with anyone exposed to the virus. People were rushing to the hospital because they were sweating after being outside or felt a pain in their stomach after eating too much. All the while, as they irrationally feared Ebola, they also irrationally cursed Africa and Africans.

    Some of the invectives against Africa attached to President Obama. Racists opined he had not acted decisively because Ebola was an African disease and he wanted sick Africans to come and spread it on America. Thus, Obama refused to institute a travel ban on West Africa. The accusation is the height of animus. It is as senseless as it is vulgar. Yet, hatred has informed much of what has happened. Conservative Republican political leaders seized the opportunity to inflict additional political injury on Obama and other Democrats in the days before the important congressional elections in early November. Giving a nod and wink to the racists, they pronounced Obama’s handling of “the crisis” as casual and inattentive.  They too blamed Obama for opposing a travel ban, failing to add President Obama was merely following the advice of the overwhelming majority of medical experts.

    Last week, the president appointed an Ebola Czar, Ron Klain, to counteract the perception that his administration had lost control of this and other challenges. A consummate political insider, Klain has been Chief of Staff to the last two Democratic Vice Presidents (Gore and Biden). Klain’s medical background is that of a layman. He has no greater knowledge of infectious diseases that you or I. Clearly, he can add nothing of medical value. His mission is to halt the political hemorrhaging inflicted on the Obama administration by the withering Republican criticism.

    Even the American military has got into the act. Not only has the President deployed several thousand troops to Liberia to help construct field hospitals and train local workers on basic medical procedures regarding the care of Ebola patients, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Martin Dempsey proclaimed Ebola to be a national security threat. If possible, he would recommend bombing the smithereens out of the virus. He would meet even less fortune in this endeavor as he is currently having in the air war against an advancing ISIS in Syria and Iraq.

    The military has even established an Ebola rapid response force to deploy within America. This is lunacy. Once the soldiers get to the troubled person, what in creation will they do? The military’s incursion in domestic concerns far flung from its core mission, is troubling. Government funds for medical care and even the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) which is the lead agency on Ebola have withered. The military is so flush with money and power that it can freely invade the province of specialized civilian agencies although the military is ill-equipped to make anything good come out of the encroachment. This is another signal of the slow erosion of American democracy. The greater the military’s role in domestic affairs, the lesser becomes a nation’s democracy. Wherever the military enters, democracy leaves.

    Strangely, the tradecraft of the military does have an answer to the mystery of Ebola. This goes not to the cure but the dissemination of the virus. Those nations that have suffered sustained outbreaks have one thing in common. They are nations laid bare by protracted civil war that have destroyed their national institutions included whatever rudimentary health care that might have existed. Before the current outbreak, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan hosted the most severe outbreaks. Both those nations are sites of perennial war. Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea have also been victimized by ruthless war and unrest. The recovery they face will take several generations. Broken and impoverished by war, these nations became susceptible in a special way to Ebola’s contagion. War is often the first link in a chain of calamity. Where there is long war, pestilence shall follow.

    This is not the first instance of disease riding the hind of war. As WWI was coming to a close in 1918, the Spanish Flu descended. It killed roughly 50 million people or over three percent of the global population in a matter of months. The disease was more deadly than the war. That the most deadly modern plague came on the heels of the first modern war is not coincidence. The conditions of war – trenches, chemical weapons, compact quartering of troops and civilians – as well as the social and material depravations inherent in warfare coupled to make this disease as deadly as disease can get. If a disease as fatal as the 1918 flu now laid siege, it would claim roughly 250 million people. This is equivalent to eliminating almost all of West Africa or five of every six Americans.

    The dysfunction and disease that follow war are often more fatal than the fighting itself. That Nigeria has sufficiently intact medical institutions and that health care professionals and leaders on the ground had the will and courage to respond were the reasons the disease did not spread in Nigeria. Had the nation been then the throes of a complete unrest, the story would have different. Ebola would have marched the ravager’s march through the land. The lessons of war and now of Ebola are ample ones to make all of us rededicate ourselves to peace and stability in Nigeria and throughout the region.

    The other aspect of the disease that has gone unreported is that the virus not only attacks poor, scarred nations but the most vulnerable of the people in these countries. Aside from infecting health care workers, few members of the middle or upper classes have been infected. The vast majority are the poor underclass who eat sparingly and whatever they can, including spoiled, diseased meat caught or paid for on the cheap. Water is even a luxury. Had they or their medical system the ability to rehydrate people on an ongoing basis, the mortality rate of the disease would lower significantly.

    In the end, Ebola is a virus, a serious and deadly one. We can do nothing about its existence. The jeopardy of premature death is part of life. Yet, mankind can do much better in how we respond to this and other scourges. For in the quality of our response, we find our humanity or lose it. Whether we treat the afflicted and whether we act to mitigate the socio-economic imbalances that turn a disease into an epidemic have nothing to do with the severity of the illness. They have everything to do with the largeness of heart and love of mankind we care to live by so that others may not perish before their time.

     

    08060340825 (sms only)

  • A ‘divorce’ long expected

    A ‘divorce’ long expected

    Patience dumps Dickson as the scales finally fall from the eyes of the ‘romantic pair of lovers’

    Like all such ‘marriages of convenience’, the political alliance between Governor Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa State and the First Lady, Dame Patience Jonathan, finally collapsed like a pack of cards on October 23. I cannot say precisely when the ‘romance’ started. But not many would doubt that it was initiated by the governor, who must have felt he needed the First Family’s support to realise his political ambition. It was in furtherance of this objective that the governor appointed Mrs Jonathan as a “super” permanent secretary in the Bayelsa State Civil Service in July 2012, barely five months after his inauguration. She was one of the 17 persons so appointed. Expectedly, the appointment caused outrage in the country, with many people expressing misgivings about it and the extent to which the civil service had been politicised, because, clearly, such appointment is injurious to the civil service, which is supposed to be the engine room of governance in the state.

    Without doubt, it was an abuse of privilege which did not make sense in a place like Nigeria. What would the wife of the President of Nigeria do with the ‘peanut’ that a permanent secretary (super or ordinary) earns monthly, compared to the unlimited pork in the care of public office holders here? May be elsewhere, where public servants, including the president, are closely monitored to ensure that they do not have access to more than belong to them from the public till, such peanut could amount to something; definitely not here where public functionaries can spend and all we would do is keep wondering who appropriated the money for them and when?

    But Governor Dickson, like most public officers in the country defended the appointment; he even quoted the constitution to support his decision. The governor probably would have quoted another section of the constitution to support himself or even quote the same section upside down if he did not want to do what he did. The point I am making is that deep down in his heart, the governor knew he made the appointment due more to political exigency, even if he was not willing to admit that much.

    Mrs Jonathan’s resignation has however confirmed what many of us have always known about such ‘marriages of convenience’. Once the scales fall from the eyes of at least one of the lovers (which is more than enough requirement for a ‘divorce’) the ‘wedlock’ collapses. Since it takes two to tango, and since, as the late Chief Moshood Abiola once said, one cannot clap with one hand, the collapse of the ‘unholy wedlock’ was only a matter of time. That time came on Thursday.

    Those who feel the resignation might be to pave way for others to climb in the civil service must have got it all wrong. Since when did the First Lady realise that her appointment was blocking others from making progress, after all, she was appointed more than two years ago? Secondly, how can only one space given to her be the obstruction on the part of those deserving elevation in the state civil service? At any rate, what would it cost the state government to create offices for the deserving even where none ever existed; after all, again, there is a precedent already? For sure, Governor Dickson would gladly have created other offices if that had been the problem. So, that excuse certainly, does not hold water. Moreover, at 57, the First Lady still has at least three more years to go, given the retirement age in the state civil service pegged at 60. Why then would she be in a hurry to leave the system?

    In essence therefore, the only plausible reason that could be adduced for her resignation is that she felt she has bided her time enough and it is now time for her to come out of her shell which she had recoiled into a few months back, following persistent bashings she received online after the now famous blood that they are sharing (shedding) saga. Mrs Jonathan ‘s running battles with the governor have been in the news for long; apparently it has got to a point where she can no longer stay in her shell if she is to stop the governor’s reelection bid. Already, according to reports, she has her eyes on Waripamowei Dudafa, the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Domestic Affairs. Dudafa, a former Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs in Bayelsa State appears the only man that President Jonathan and former Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha can trust and are therefore likely to back for the state governorship election in 2016. It would appear therefore, that Dame Jonathan is in charge of that flank for the election, apparently to allow the president concentrate on other areas that might not want to capitulate to the almighty ‘federal might’ in the coming elections.

    We cannot also forget that Mrs Jonathan is a veteran of political battles. Her issue with Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State is still fresh in mind. She bared her mind on the rift with Amaechi to 16 bishops from the south-south geopolitical zone who visited the Presidential Villa in July, last year. According to her, “This matter started as far back as four years ago at Anyugubiri in Okrika when I begged him not to demolish a part of Okrika but (that he should) dialogue first with the people. After that incident, he called the chairman of Okrika (local government) and sacked him for holding a reception in our honour; that boy was the first victim. He also put my people on curfew for nine months. I called him and pleaded with him but he refused. Then I began to hear all sorts of propaganda in the media against me; this is not the way …”

    It is a long story but the kernel is that Governor Amaechi stood his ground from the beginning to the end. No doubt he paid some price for that because his state was nearly made ungovernable by the powers-that-be. It could not have been worse for Governor Dickson if he had followed a similar course that is almost certain he would have to pursue now that the president’s wife is almost set to go for his jugular. The governor must have realised, perhaps belatedly, that there are some people like that who can hardly be pleased once they have made up their minds or have their minds made up for them. But my own take is that what the governor cannot tolerate as a big man, he should have been rejecting even when he was poor.

    Mrs Jonathan has by her resignation confirmed the saying that the cane that was used to whip the first wife (Timipre Sylva in this instance) was never thrown away; it was merely hidden in the ceiling. Now that they have need for it again, they are going to retrieve it.

    This however is contrary to what Mrs Jonathan told the visiting bishops on Amaechi’s matter because; at a time in her speech to them, she went scriptural. At another, she went philosophical. Hear her: “… I pray that God touches Amaechi’s heart as per his hot temper because when two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers …  Hebrews 12:14 urges us to embrace peace with all men without which; we cannot see God. Amaechi is my son; I cannot fight him, and I cannot kill him”. And the philosophical: “He shouldn’t be used by outsiders against his own blood because this seat is vanity. “One day, no matter how long it takes; we will leave this seat. Power is not forever”. Got the contradiction between words and deed?

    Anyway, all said, whether the forces against the governor would prevail or not is difficult to predict, but what may not be is the fact that even the Dudafa that they reportedly prefer today is coming to have the same comeuppance. It is only a matter of time for today’s lucky man to realise that he cannot please his political godfathers. Once upon a time, Dickson was the anointed child with whom they were well pleased. As things stand, the governor must realise that he has a lot to contend with. If Dame Jonathan could treat Amaechi whom she referred to as her “son” the way she did, then Dickson who is not her “son” should know what to expect. But, like all those who rode to power on the back of the tiger, he needs more than his present tough posture not to end up in the tiger’s belly, and to win the battle ahead. If the matter is about wars and chariots, he needs no soothsayer to tell him he is not in contention. He would be fought on all fronts – land, air and sea.

  • Concluding the series: APC’s ideal  Presidential candidate (4)

    Concluding the series: APC’s ideal Presidential candidate (4)

    Since General Buhari is known all over the country as a decent and untainted person, it should not be unduly tough to accede to his emergence in a consensual manner

    As the title goes, this concludes our modest effort at showcasing General Muhammadu Buhari (RTD) as APC’s best leg forward in the 2015 presidential election, if the party’s intention is not to be  just an ‘also ran’. Conscious of the fact that the party is out to rescue a Nigeria already clobbered by indescribable corruption, some hard truths will be told, and  pleas made to some of the leading lights of the party who  must  bend over backwards, think less of self and give  a pride of place to our hemorrhaging country.

    The first of these pleas will go to the contestants who have been to all the nooks and crannies of the country selling their visions for party and country; trying to gain members’ support. This must have been at great personal costs. Both the party and the candidates must, however, ensure that since only one of them will eventually emerge, everything must be done to avoid fallouts which the opposition could latch on to hurt the party at the election proper. That could easily happen if the contestant finally chosen is perceived by Nigerians to be morally unsuitable for the office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.  Since General Buhari is known all over the country as a decent and untainted person, it should not be unduly tough to accede to his emergence in a consensual manner. This is not to suggest that others are not honest, but this is a man who has held the highest office in the land and has never been known, even alleged, to have abused his office.  This will not only demonstrate party unity but will allow every segment of the party to coalesce around his candidature and ensure that he gets everything needed for a successful campaign. After all, the party survived the serial obstacles the opposition erected on the way to its emergence. It is also to be noted that President Jonathan did not emerge PDP’s sole presidential candidate because there were no other interested party members. Even as you read this, a scion of the redoubtable Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, is apparently still fuming.

    However, if settling the presidential slot looks fairly straight forward, not so that of who emerges the Vice Presidential candidate. Given the unending geo political rivalries for political office in our country, even if in reality that never translates to any meaningful advantage, as we saw in the Obasanjo presidency when infrastructure in the entire Southwest collapsed, and akin to what is  currently happening to the South South where the East-West road is taking like forever to complete, I should, ideally, be rooting for a Southwest Vice Presidential candidate. But political reality suggests differently.

    Who becomes the Vice Presidential candidate, and where he comes from, are issues that must be handled tactically and strategically. This is one position that can, and should, indeed, be used to maximally hurt the president in order to substantially reduce the advantages derivable from his literal capture of the Southeast.

    First and foremost, both General Buhari, who is my preferred contestant, and whoever emerges his Vice Presidential candidate cannot afford to be both non-current holders of a high political office given the massive logistical advantage holding such an office confers in our skewed democracy especially with regard to funding, security and overall logistics especially when they will be contesting against an incumbent who does not take prisoners.

    That fact, in my view, should, automatically eliminate any of the gentlemen whose names are currently being mentioned from the Southwest. The only remaining likely candidate is, unfortunately, caught up in the Muslim/Muslim argument which the PDP must eagerly be awaiting to latch on to. Without a doubt, trying that combination will be ill advised as it will be used by the PDP to scare away millions of voters from the party, especially in the North Central zone. So much has President Jonathan, unfortunately, imported religion into our politics that APC dares not go there at all. Nor has Boko Haram helped matters either.

    President Jonathan’s undisguised favoritism towards the Southeast from where he appointed not less than 70 percent of the headship of the country’s regulatory agencies, the Central Bank inclusive, in addition to the most important ministries in his government, has so cemented his capture of that geo-political zone that it would be unwise for the APC to consider any candidate from there. So complete is the president’s hold on the Southeast that former Governor Obi of Anambra State thought nothing of abandoning his promises to the Ikemba for the Jonathan cause, an issue that so upset Ambassador Bianca Ojukwu, the late Igbo leader’s spouse.  I say this with considerable unease given Governor Rochas Okorocha’s immense, pan Nigerian goodwill; a goodwill that is obviously only a fractional appreciation of his large heart which knows neither Jew  nor Gentile.

    It is to be noted that the Yoruba, who also voted hugely for candidate Jonathan in 2011, have been remorselessly shortchanged by his government; a fact he admitted during the recent electioneering campaigns in the Southwest.

    This therefore leaves us with only the South South as where the Vice Presidential candidate can come from. As tactics, it must be a deliberate intent of the APC to keep the president busy campaigning in that zone rather than for him to have the luxury of taking their vote for granted. He must be made to sweat for every vote he would get there unlike in 2011. Luckily, there is a groundswell of reasons to ensure that.

    Governor Rotimi Amaechi has shown conclusively that he has all it takes to emerge the APC VP candidate. He has successfully fought a ruthless opposition to the hilt. Many in his situation would have crumbled, if not cave in to the multi-pronged attacks spearheaded, no doubt, by the presidency. The governor enjoys tremendous support in a state where, since 1999 PDP has routinely allocated its massive two million plus votes to itself. The APC must not let that happen in 2015 and with Amaechi on the ticket that will be an absolute impossibility.  Additionally, the massive anti-Jonathan sentiments arising from the Bayelsa/Rivers Soku oil wells crisis and the deliberate, inexplainable  impediments placed on the opening of the Abonnema  seaport as well as the Soku gas plant projects approved by the late President Musa  Yar’Adua will ensure that many  will not be favorably disposed to Jonathan’s candidature.

    This article was about concluded when Wale Adeoye, a former Senior Special Assistant to Governor Fayemi and a top chieftain of the O’odua  Nationalist Coalition, sent me the Coalition’s resolutions at its Ibadan meeting of October  7, 2014.

    The relevant part, to this subject, reads as follows:

    1. The coalition believes that it is more strategic for the Yoruba and the APC to present and support a South-South candidate as the Vice President in the forthcoming election. Such a person will neutralise the passion of PDP’s ethnic minority campaign tactics as well as strengthen confidence in the APC among ethnic minorities across the country.

    2. The coalition resolved to have its contact committee meet with the APC in Yoruba land to recommend Governor  Amaechi in view of his dogged spirit and libertarian heritage in the belief that given that he is an Ikwerre, with close genealogical ties to  the Igbo, he would certainly enjoy a modicum of Igbo support and so break into the president’s near monopoly of that zone. Also, the fact that the governor is highly regarded both in Nigeria and internationally, has vast political linkages across the country and can be trusted would be added advantages.

    What more can I say?

    As for the Yoruba, the most suitable post in an APC- controlled federal government, would, in my view, be the Senate Presidency. Given Ashiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s yeoman’s contribution to the emergence and sustenance of the party, it should not be too much to cede this position to him, either in his personal capacity, or to his nominee.

    And the nominee could very well be his spouse, the highly effective Senator Oluremi Tinubu who would be returning as a second term senator.

    Concluded.

  • Can we conquer the specter of educational kwashiorkor as we did that of the Ebola pandemic?

    Can we conquer the specter of educational kwashiorkor as we did that of the Ebola pandemic?

    Specter:

    1. An object of terror or dread: the specter of famine or disease.
    2. A mental image of something extremely menacing: the specter of an epidemic disease
    Dictionary.com (online)

    This past week, the declaration of the World Health Organization (WHO) that Nigeria is free of the specter of an Ebola pandemic finally hit the airwaves of the Western media in a big way. On radio, on television, in newspapers and in the virtual but ubiquitous universe of the Internet, the news finally broke and pervaded reports in every broadcast medium that Nigeria was no longer one of the West African countries to be avoided. This development gave me a relief of such immensity that I knew that something was involved that was much greater than my simple but profound joy in the realization that people would not be dying in their thousands or hundreds of thousands from an Ebola pandemic in our country. That “something” was the thought that we actually might have in us the capacity, the will to fight and conquer all the social evils that plague us now and seem impregnable, things like endemic, miasmic corruption; Boko Haram; a whole generation of young people with future prospects worse than the frightening present; and the metaphoric kwashiorkor that has made the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors of education in our country one of the worst in the world.

    In thinking about what to write, what to include in this piece, I consciously made the decision that first of all, I must give in to and express my great joy and relief that we beat the specter of the Ebola pandemic. The removal of Nigeria and Senegal from the zone of “West Africa of Ebola” is the single best piece of news from our continent in a long time. This is all the more exceptional because for the most part, we did it on our own. We did get some assistance from foreign medical personnel and the active interest of the WHO, but no one can deny the fact that it was the work and dedication of heroic and selfless Nigerians that made this achievement possible. Thus, my mind goes back again to that woman of extraordinary bravery, courage and selflessness, Dr. Ameyo Adadevoh. From there, my mind wanders to the inspirational story of Dr. Adah Igonoh’s survival from the near-death clutches of an Ebola attack. And then to the Lagos State Government, with some help from the Federal Ministry of Health. As I write these words, I am filled with a pride, a faith in my country and its human capacities the like of which I have not felt in a long while. Indeed, in writing these words, I have a strong intimation that many of those reading this piece also feel, as I do, that beating the threat of the Ebola pandemic is the best and most positively portentous news that we have had in Nigeria in perhaps the last half of a decade.

    Only now that we seem to have beaten the threat of an Ebola pandemic does it come with a startling revelation that in actuality, it was the specter, not the reality of a pandemic that inspired us to dig deep into our collective selves and find the capacities we have in us to beat the threat. For unlike Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea that are countries facing the grim reality of the Ebola pandemic, we had only seven deaths. And after the initial spread of the disease beyond the index carrier, Patrick Sawyer, the figure of real and suspected secondary cases of infection never exceeded a couple of hundreds. That is why, at least in hindsight, one realizes now that it was the specter of being overwhelmed by the reality of the pandemic raging in those three countries that spurred us.

    Is this a general law, a general feature of human affairs, that people are often far more frightened and prompted to action by the threat and not the reality of great, surpassing calamity? On this account, calamity itself – and not its specter – leaves little or no room for redeeming, curative action. This, it seems, is because with the threat, the specter of calamity, you are not yet overwhelmed by its actuality; you still have breathing room to act decisively. I think this is a false and unhelpful assumption but because we have just experienced the specter and not the reality of an Ebola pandemic, I wish to probe a little further into the matter through the example of what I am calling in this essay the kwashiorkor of a colossal fall in educational standards in our country.

    I chose the metaphor, the image of kwashiorkor deliberately. This is a disease that comes from extreme malnutrition whose victims are, overwhelmingly, children. More spectral is the visual image of kwashiorkor stricken children: the belly is grotesquely bloated, making the head look shrunken or naturally undersize. This then makes it seem as if there is nothing in the head, the seat of knowledge, while the belly, the seat of nourishment for the whole body, is full, sated. But of course in kwashiorkor the belly is also empty as, indeed, is the whole human frame and mass. Thus, in kwashiorkor you have the perfect image for an undernourishment that is so severe that in both the bloated and shrunken parts of the body, there is nothing of value left to sustain the body and, indeed, life itself.

    I first thought of this image as an appropriate metaphor for the collapse in education at all levels in our country when, in the year 2009, I read that the failure rate of those who sat for the NECO exams for the year was 98.2% which meant that only 1.8% passed. Since then, other facts, figures and actualities of educational doldrums in our country have added to the appropriateness of the kwashiorkor metaphor. One statistic is the fact that the passing rate for English and Mathematics in NECO exams in the last five years has never risen above 35%. Yet another fact is perpetual complaint of employers of labour in Nigeria that the graduates being produced in our tertiary institutions are so mediocre that they are virtually “unemployable”. Add to that the fact that not only very rich Nigerians but also those who are only moderately well off are abandoning Nigerian universities and sending their children to foreign universities where “foreign” here includes African countries like Ghana and South Africa. Finally, there is this fact: even though everyone connected with education in Nigeria agrees that the standards of performance, of teaching by our primary and secondary teachers are very low, the teachers themselves are very resistant to re-training and re-professionalization.

    The reasons for this educational kwashiorkor are many, but most significant of all is the fact that public funds, or national wealth that could have been used to adequately fund education at all levels in our country are being massively looted and diverted to the private local and foreign bank accounts of a few thousands of members of the political class and their cronies in the private sector. I think this is why our educational kwashiorkor has gone far beyond a specter to an overwhelming and crippling actuality. The most telling indication of this is the fact that, as far as I am aware, no Federal Minster of Education and no Commissioner of Education in any of the states of the federation has ever raised an alarm at the terrible failure rate of our secondary school leavers. I mean, when the specter has become a pervasive reality, why raise an alarm, why worry, especially if you are amongst and within the ranks of those causing the severe malnourishment to education in our country? In most countries of the world, a failure rate of 98.2% would have caused the powers that be to bring all stakeholders together to devise a strategy to avert the possibility of the specter becoming an overwhelming and crippling reality.

    Specters constitute a very complex, very interesting phenomenon in human individual and mass psychology. Because I have not been in the country since July when I came twice, I have been informed by reliable friends that since the Ebola threat or specter, standards of public hygiene have improved considerably in many parts of the country, especially in public spaces and venues. If that is the case, we can assert that specters sometimes have beneficial uses and in the case of the Ebola scare, the specter was spectacular in the degree of civic mindedness that it inspired in thousands of Nigerians. All the same, we must realize that it is a desperate and failing state that needs a specter in order to do what is right, what will be of lasting value to Nigerians of living generations and generations yet to be born. And there is always the fact that specters are never completely laid to rest. We have beaten back the first specter of an Ebola pandemic that came with Patrick Sawyer, but who is to say that another “Sawyer” will never come into the country and start the scare, the specter all over again? Indeed, specters arise not only from what is yet to come but also from what has already come and is raging in the land. So that even as terrible as the undernourishment of education is in our country now, there is the specter of the fact that it could get far worse than what we are experiencing now. Thus, it is never too late to arrest a worsening situation; we are not trapped irrevocably between the specter and its reality. This coming week, there is going to be a National Education Summit (NES) to be hosted by ASUU and the NLC. This piece is written with fervent hopes that the Summit will end in a resounding success.

     

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • With 774 autonomous LGs, states  may become superfluous

    With 774 autonomous LGs, states may become superfluous

    If governors fail to release funds meant to be used by local governments, the response should not be turning this integral part of state governance into an autonomous level.

    If the many problems besetting our nation-state, one that is often forgotten is proclivity on the part of those in charge of governance to deflect attention from real issues when the need for rational debate is urgent. When the National Assembly initiated about three years ago one-day consultation with constituents from the six geopolitical zones on aspects of the 1999 Constitution they would recommend for amendment, citizens and civil society shouted foul, arguing that a constitution crafted by military dictators ought to require full consultation with citizens. But the lawmakers who saw (and still see) themselves as embodiment of the country’s sovereignty thought and acted otherwise, by floating perfunctory consultations in six cities with individuals who could afford to travel to such cities. The response of labour unions and other civic society organisations to the latest list of amendments from both legislative houses in Abuja, shows if anything, that the lawmakers are thinking alone and perhaps solely for the sake of the political class.

    On his own side, President Jonathan organised a national conference to discuss how to re-launch the Nigerian union. The conference also came up with several recommendations. Optimists about the outcome of the conference called on the president to implement their recommendations. In response to such optimists, President Jonathan established a special task force to move the recommendations to the next level. It is not clear if the recommendations had been sent formally to the national assembly, but the recent amendments approved by the national assembly indicate that the lawmakers have not paid any attention to the outcome of the national conference. If it has taken the national assembly about three years to agree on amendments to be sent to state assemblies for ratification or rejection, it is right to speculate that recommendations from the national conference are more likely, than not, to be kept in view for a long time, thus proving critics of the conference right on their view that no gain was likely to come out of a national conference convened a few months to national elections.

    It is conceivable that conference delegates and citizens in support of the conference are already getting ready to call national assembly members to order for not giving a thought to conference recommendations which are already in the public domain. However, it is instructive that labour groups have lost no time in protesting against two of the amendments from the lawmakers: closing the door to national minimum wage legislation and giving autonomy to local governments. In case Abuja is too distant for federal legislators to hear the complaints of labour leaders, state house assemblies need to heed the complaints of labour organisations on these two issues. Labour’s observation that these two amendments do not appear to have grown from holistic thinking deserves more attention in today’s column, before the issues get swept off the radar by campaign jingles.

    Part of the debate in the legislature on national wages is that federalism should allow states to determine how much they want to pay workers, putting into consideration such factors as differences in cost of living in the various states; each state’s capacity to pay, etc. Having a national minimum wage does not preclude states from adopting different wage levels. What is missing in the national assembly’s argument is the desirability of a national minimum wage in a country with an economy that is integrated to the point that some citizens work in one state and live in another. Wages and pension benefits may be on the concurrent list, but there ought to be some space for the national assembly to legislate on minimum wage level, below which no state may go in terms of emoluments to workers in the country but which any state may exceed should its economic fortunes allow.

    With respect to local governments, it is amazing how a civilian government can become an instrument of further militarisation of the polity. Apart from the fact that most countries of the world recognise that local governments are political units of states, no federal system on the globe gives the local government, country, borough, and other names for this sub-national level of government a status that makes it autonomous of the state of which it is a unit. It was military manipulators of the polity that created the concept of local government as third tier of government. It is also instructive that this was done principally with a view to pass funds from petroleum revenue to local governments. It was the concept of local government as a source of funds for local leaders that also dictated the naming of local governments in the 1999 Constitution, to the extent that local governments created after 1999 are not eligible for funding from the federation account. Lagos State is a good example of the limit put on local government creation on account of funds from the federation account.

    One argument prevalent at the national assembly about local government is the view that governors under the present dispensation are interfering with the funds allocated to the local government. Recommending autonomy for local governments is reminiscent of the syndrome at work when WAEC was believed by government leaders to be failing in its charge. NECO was created to do the same job as WAEC. If governors fail to release funds meant to be used by local governments, the response should not be turning this integral part of state governance into an autonomous level. Governors who withhold funds meant for local governments from them should be brought to book for violating the rights of local governments. Removing the Immunity provision from the constitution would have been enough to make erring governors act in compliance with the laws.

    Without realising it, there are more dangers for integrated development at the state level if local governments are made autonomous of states. What the national assembly has recommended is formalisation of the 774 local governments created under military rule as mini states. This recommendation has the capacity to undermine states’ control over their development while increasing dependence of local governments on the federal government. The thinking at the national conference on this matter was superior to that of the national assembly: local governments should not be separated from the states that house them in economic and political terms, if integrated development is to thrive at the state level. However, the bug of manna from the federation account was at work at the conference when it still left the issue of direct funding of local government from the federation account intact. Local governments are units of the state and need not be funded separately.

    It is an irony that at a time that revenue is dwindling to the extent that the federal government is finding it hard to release states’ shares of the federation account to them as and when due (on account of decrease in revenue flowing to the federation account from petroleum, the nation’s largest crop), the national assembly is showing more enthusiasm about turning 774 local governments into self-contained mini states.  Now that federal lawmakers have shown their preference on how to achieve integrated development at the subnational level,state legislators should not pay more attention to the wishes of existing and would-be local government chairpersons at the expense of ensuring coordinated development at the state level. The standard practice in other parts of the world (federal and unitary systems) is about two tiers of government. The three-tier system in Nigeria is an aberration foisted on the polity by military dictators. State legislators need to consult fully with citizens at the grassroots as to their preference on this matter.

  • Jonathan again?

    Barring any change, President Goodluck Jonathan is expected to formally declare his intention to contest a second term on November 11.

    The announcement last Friday by the Chairman of the Presidential Declaration  Committee, Dr. Haliru Bello, has been long-awaited.

    President Jonathan’s interest to remain in Aso Rock had never been in doubt. The question has always been when would he make the  declaration? He probably would have done so before now but for the abduction of the Chibok girls which has remained a major albatross for his administration.

    To have embarked on any open political campaign when over 200 girls are still being  held by the Boko Haram terrorists would have been considered insensitive. It is therefore understandable why President Jonathan waited this long while his supporters, under various guises, are having a field day drumming up support for him and making him look like a reluctant candidate who should be persuaded to remain in office.

    Unlike other presidential aspirants in the All Progressives Congress (APC) who still have to contest for the ticket of their party in case the proposed consensus agreement fails, Jonathan has been adopted as the sole candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    As it is, the 2015 presidential election promises to be an epic battle between Jonathan and whoever is fielded by the APC.

    Based on the performance of   Jonathan’s government which has been generally scored low on various indicators,  I am one of those who believe that  it is time for Nigerians to vote for a change. We deserve more than the kind of lack lustre leadership we have endured under President Jonathan.

    Another four years under President Jonathan who does not seem to have a solution to the high level insecurity, economic decline, decay of infrastructure, unemployment, endless strikes and many other issues will not augur well for the country.  We are sliding on  all fronts and it is time to reverse the precarious situation we have found ourselves by voting for another leader who has what it takes to tackle the challenges confronting the country.

    The opposition definitely needs a formidable candidate to beat President Jonathan,  who, among other factors, has the advantage of being an incumbent with lots of resources to deploy for the presidential election.

    It is up to the APC aspirants not to allow President Jonathan to  fulfill his ambition by putting the interest of the party before their personal ambition. The election of the party’s candidate must be as rancou-free as possible.

    Those who fail to get the party’s nomination must rally round the winner with all available resources if  the ‘transformation to nowhere’  government of President Jonathan is to become history.

  • The heart of the Police

    There is no end to what the police could have done to help that boy that day, but it was definitely not to stand and gawk. Gawking is not on police syllabus

    I recently read a book that had a chapter titled ‘The Heart of a Curate’. The chapter talked about many things the heart of a curate should or should not contain. Naturally, the most basic ingredient to be looked for in a curate’s heart is selfless love, even for God’s own worst creatures like a serial murderer. Conversely, that heart should not contain anything like selfishness or self-preservation at the expense of even the littlest of God’s own creatures.

    That made me wonder: what really is at the core of the heart of Nigerians as one group? I suppose that will require a large study that will involve not only psychologists, sociologists, pathologists, etc., but also surgeons. Oh yes, dear people, we may need to slice open a few hearts to confirm what we have always feared: the heart of your Nigerian is black at the core. How do I know this? Listen to me now as I tell you.

    A story broke during the week that fairly tore at everyone’s heart. A helpless four-year old boy found himself being mauled by a pair of the landlord’s dogs gone out of control. With unrestrained fangs, the dogs were said to have torn open the lil `un’s scalp, in addition to inflicting all kinds of injuries on him. That is so scary; at least it was to those standing around him watching the event. Yes sir, some brave ones were daring enough to watch. Not me.

    What surprises me (I don’t know about you) is the fact that the report says that there were policemen among the watchers of the gory and goring event. Apparently, the residents who were overcome by the happening at its start had gone to call in the police who came to the scene but promptly became overcome too. They must have exclaimed ‘what the …?!’ when they saw the boy being mauled by the pair of dogs. When I read the report, I also echoed ‘what the …?! Not again!’ about the policemen’s inaction.

    I hesitate to say that the police were helpless (even though one of them was said to have exclaimed something to the effect of ‘Who wants to die?’), but clearly, they did not meet the high general expectation. And this is not the first time. Remember the one that happened somewhere on the outskirts of Port Harcourt some years ago when some students were torn apart by an angry mob as some policemen watched? There was also outrage because the rest of us humanity were and are still operating within a particular framework in which the police are expected to have a heart.

    Normally, the heart of the police is expected to contain many things. First of all, at the core of the heart of a policeman, slice it ever which way you will, resides the most important ingredient: that willingness to serve and protect. When he leaves home in the morning to report for duty, he is not sure in what capacity he is going to serve the public, but his readiness is never in doubt. So, many a policeman has found himself climbing up fifty-foot trees just to retrieve a drunken fellow; they have also been known to have climbed down twenty-foot wells to bring out many an errant child or adult; they have had to wait on old ladies for minutes on end; they have also had to slug it out with armed bandits, robbers or highway men… Obviously, when duty calls for the police, nature is the grand discriminator.

    Whoever needs to be served, the heart of the police is self-sacrificing, even for stupid drunks. Unfortunately, this essential ingredient of service has somehow metamorphosed in the heart of the police in Nigeria to mean service to big men only, like the rest of us. And so, the policemen called upon that day did not serve that little boy when he needed them most.

    Naturally, in order to serve, the police need to be strong-hearted. This ingredient is so important that I believe it constitutes part of the qualities demanded of a recruit. Indeed, he is expected to be physically strong enough to beat a robber under the table and not to be the one cowering under himself; mentally strong enough to anticipate the moves of the most slippery fish; spiritually strong enough not to go around suspecting that everyone and everything is against him. Again, unfortunately, this important ingredient appears to have dissolved into ineffectuality around here. Many tales abound of the police politely giving robbers the right of way.

    Above all, the heart of the police needs to contain wiliness and intelligence. This is because many a situation, not to talk of the antics of sociopaths and psychopaths, can tax the average brain. I imagine that this ingredient was sorely lacking in the policemen that answered the call to come to that little boy’s rescue. It could also be that they missed out on the lectures on how to rescue someone being attacked by an animal. So, they did not know how to distract an attacking animal with a decoy while the victim is snatched off… or to tie up exposed parts of the body with some hard materials like jute before accosting a wild animal… or to call the mother of the victim… Oh dear, there is no end to what they could have done but it was definitely not to stand and gawk. Gawking is not on police syllabus.

    Seriously, what has so corrupted the heart of the police in Nigeria that makes its men stand by and gawk at evil again and again? Here we are, all the while being told that when you call the police, their training ensures that they will help you in your dire need, even give you their salary. And there they are, conditionalising their help. God will save us.

    The incident above clearly points again to the endless number of lapses in the running of the police system in Nigeria. It has been remarked again and again that there has been a systematic dehumanisation of the police by the nation’s leaders, yet not much has been done to restore its humanisation. The very essence of the police has been devalued by the currents of things thrown at them, most notably their poor and insufficient kitting out, not to talk of the poor arms they give them to carry.

    It is also well known now that every segment of the Nigerian populace calculates everything in terms of the naira and kobo value: what’s in it for me? I believe the police are not different. This means that to a man, you, me, your police, etc., now believe that the incentive to act is inversely proportional to the risk investment in a venture. Should I rescue a man from inside a well? Yes if a) he will be grateful; b) his folks will be grateful; c) if he will settle a large endowment on me afterwards. Should I rescue a child from dogs? Yes if a) his folks will take care of my people should I die in the process; b) there will be a large settlement; c) they will settle me… If none of the above will follow, then no. Naturally, this calculation takes place within nanoseconds.

    What’s in the heart of the police in Nigeria? I don’t know. But let’s have a change of that heart, police people. Serving in the police is all about going out on a limb. The heart of the police should not be different from that of a curate after all. It must be motivated by a selfless desire to serve the public.

  • “IJN” scientists in a massively inhospitable environment for science – an epilogue

    “IJN” scientists in a massively inhospitable environment for science – an epilogue

    Religion is the opium of the people (but it is also) the soul of a soulless world.
    Karl Marx

    The University of Notre Dame in South Bend, Indiana is one of the best research and teaching universities in the U.S. and the world. It is a Christian denominational institution. Its leading social and natural scientists are first rate scholars and researchers. To teach and do research in this fine institution, it is not required that you should be a Christian, though of course if you are a Christian and also a top-flight scientist, Notre Dame will be very pleased to have you among its distinguished faculty. At this institution, both Christians and non-Christians have absolutely no obligation to attend church worship, prayer vigils or revivalist crusades since these are not part of the essential work and identity of the institution as is the case with our own Redeemer’s or Covenant University. As far as I know, there is not a single “IJN scientist” on the faculty of Notre Dame. In our country, “IJN scientists” are, by a long shot, the majority among men and women of science in our tertiary institutions.

    I openly admit it: I am being very, very deliberately provocative in coining this term, “IJN scientists”. This of course then necessitates providing a working definition of the term. To this, I say that an “IJN scientist” is a highly formally qualified, highly formally credentialized scientist who believes that since God is in control, since In Jesus’ Name nothing is impossible, you can still do science, you can still produce scientists of the next generation in an environment that is extremely inhospitable to science. This of course is total nonsense: you cannot do quality science, you cannot produce quality scientists of the next generation in an environment in which the absolute minimal conditions for doing science don’t exist – as in our country at the present time. The world has never seen and will probably never see scientific work of quality and usefulness to human beings where you have no infrastructures, no water, no electricity and all you have as a scientist is your faith that God is in control and somehow you will become and remain a great woman or man of science.

    Let me expatiate further on this term, “IJN scientists”. If there are no “IJN scientists” at Notre Dame, this is largely due to the fact that in the U.S. as in the other leading scientific and Christian nations of the world, there are no “IJN scientists”. These countries spend colossal sums on science and science education. And they have excellent environments for doing and teaching science. In a formal sense, they are Christian nations and indeed many of their top scientists are Christians. As a matter of fact, one can imagine that when such scientists that are also Christians submit grant applications to the National Science Foundation (NSF), they may pray to God for the success of their grant applications. But they know that if they don’t get the much-needed grant, no amount of prayers and vigils will advance their research projects. What is the basis of this assertion? Simple: in the leading scientific and Christian nations of the planet, you cannot simply say God is in control when your colleagues who get the prestigious grants are producing landmark scientific research while you produce nothing of merit, nothing of value. This means that “IJN scientists” are produced only  in a country like ours where you can be considered a great man or woman of science when your last scientific work of value was done years and decades ago when conditions were far less dire and inhospitable for doing and teaching science.

    At this stage, the careful reader might have noticed that I am making, indeed I am insisting on a distinction between “IJN scientists” and non-IJN scientists both of whom are Christians (or Moslems or Judaists) and both of whom believe in the existence of God. In this, I am returning to my insistence in my series on religion and science, faith and rationality, that though they are fundamentally different operations of the human mind and express often quite opposed dimensions of human thought and sensibility, religion and science are not incompatible. I am returning to this point here because I got many emails from readers who gave passionate arguments trying to convince me to change my view and accept that religion and science have little or nothing to do with each other. In fact one of such interlocutors went as far as to suggest that if great scientists like Newton and Einstein were also believers in the existence of God, that does not mean that science and religion are compatible. All it means, according to this interlocutor, is that Newton and Einstein managed to effectively keep God out of their scientific work!

    But I remain unconvinced by this argument, this insistence that the religion and science are incompatible. In their most penetrating and beneficial forms, both religion and science entail extraordinary feats of intellectual and psychic energy; they both entail hard toil and considerable creativity of thought and imagination. I think fellow atheists who insist on the absolute separation of the two misrecognize this fact; probably, they take all forms and expressions of religion as mystification, especially when, as in contemporary Nigerian Christianity, there are legions upon legions of charlatans, swindlers and impostors at the highest level of the pastorate. But religion has a rich, ambiguous and complex place in human affairs. Which is why I have nothing but the greatest admiration for such schools and movements of religious thought and action as Martin Luther King’s Southern Leadership Christian Council (SLCC), Liberation Theology in Latin America and the centuries of work that the order of Franciscans, with their vows of poverty, did among the poor and the wretched of Europe. In these expressions and movements of radical and progressive religious expression and activism, we are far from the laziness, the mendacity, the bad faith of our “IJN scientists” in invoking God while nothing of scientific value is being produced, while indeed the masses of laboring and suffering Nigerians are being looted dry to the skin of bare life.

    Of course, I am only too aware of the fact that the distinction that I am making between one type of religion and another, between, on the one hand, the true saints and intellectuals in and of religion and, on the other hand, the holy charlatans and swindlers is difficult to sustain in our country at the present time, with perhaps one or two notable exceptions. For any thinking man or woman of religious disposition in our country today, it is difficult to look at the total darkness, the complete decay that envelops religion and be willing to accept my insistence that not all that we have in the heritage of religion in this country and the world is rotten. For I suspect very much that this is why many of the fellow atheists who wrote me pleaded so passionately for me to not provide an alibi, a reprieve for the kind of religion we have in this country today. But as I have said on other occasions in this column, I have lived long enough to have known a time and a form consciousness when religion was not, by and large, the rotten moral and spiritual sinkhole that it has become in our country at the present time. At any rate, against certain schools of hidebound and narrowly defined atheism, I insist absolutely that at certain levels and forms of exertions and operations of the human mind and imagination, religion demands and gets the same kind of hard, dedicated and venerable work that we associate with science and scientists.

    This leads me to my concluding thoughts in this piece, thoughts having to do with belief in the existence or non-existence of God. Frankly speaking, while this issue has deep and fascinating intellectual, moral and social implications for us in Nigeria and all of humankind, it has not been of any particular interest to me, either in the series on religion and science or in this prologue to that series. I believe that it is not because of belief or unbelief in the existence of God that one is a either a good or a mediocre scientist. They may invoke God, but show me the man or woman who becomes a truly brilliant and great scientist who has not worked hard and long to reach that position and I will take back my words. If a given person scientist gives the glory to God, that’s fine with me; all I will say or do is tell such a person to become lazy and complacent and see what happens. Thus, the bottom line for me is human effort and inventiveness riding on the cusp of solidarity with the most oppressed and marginalized of our country, our continent and the world.

    This, by the way, is why in the piece on Dr. Adah Igonoh I did not bother in the least to raise and settle the question one way or another whether she was saved by divine intervention or by her rigorous and herculean pursuit of the remedies available through medical science. If she privileges divine intervention, that is her right and that’s fine with me, as long as readers of the piece did not fail to note the great emphasis I placed on the extraordinary work of rationality that she also expended. That is why, even though I suspect that she may not like this, I will still say that I do not see her as an “IJN scientist” who, even as the environment for doing and training scientists in our country worsens and worsens, are content to declare victory in the fading shadow of what science once was in our country: a practice, a tradition, an intimation that indicated that we were on our way to becoming one of the medium level scientific and technological powers in the world.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Toward the future of Nigeria

    Toward the future of Nigeria

     The current system (bequeathed to the country by military dictators and sustained by civilian rulers for the past 16 years) of dependence on oil at local, state, and central levels is not sustainable in the long run.

    Northern states cannot continue to survive on Niger Delta’s oil money. Our states are bereft of ideas that will generate revenue to run our affairs. There is no state in the North that can pay one month salary without federal allocation, and federal allocation is derived from the sale of the Niger Delta’s oil. This is dangerous and spells disaster in the future….If Nigeria splits today, the North is in danger…We must resist money politics and elect credible people. We must protect our votes. – Shehu Sani

     

    The extract from the campaign  material of one of the country’s leading human rights activists, Shehu Sani, reminds me of the Yoruba saying: Ibitiiyati n baomo re wi, niomoalainiyati n koogbon (where and when a mother counsels her child, a motherless child within earshot pays rapt attention and thereby learns wisdom). Campaigning for votes for the senate in Kaduna Central Senatorial District recently, Sani used the occasion to canvass for votes and at the same time persuade the electorate in his constituency about the need for a rethink or new vision of and for Nigeria, if citizens at large are to benefit from the union.

    Nigeria has for too long depended on the oil money from the Niger Delta. When successions of military dictators changed the revenue allocation formula of 50% for derivation to zero to the model of bottle-feeding each state from the breast milk of the Niger Delta, they based the sudden change of policy on the imperative of national unity and cohesion. The school of thought then was that a policy of even development through donation of oil money to states would make Nigerians feel a sense of belonging to one country and see themselves as brothers and sisters eating from the same pot or bowl. Similarly, the policy to balkanise the regions into mini states and create about 800 local governments to receive milk from the national feeding bottle was also supported by the theory that to keep Nigeria united after the civil war, the more oil money that is taken to the grassroots, the higher the chances of national integration.

    Nigerians from all parts of the country have grown to see oil money as the source of life for the nation-state. In the north, bogus theories about oil as national resource were propagated to counter calls for return to federalism and the pre-1966 revenue allocation system. The most prominent of such theories from public intellectuals from the north were two. The first one is that there would have been no petroleum in the Niger Delta if solid and liquid wastes had not over centuries come through Benue and Niger rivers in the north to the delta and the basin that produces oil in the Niger Delta. The second claim is that it was federal resources that were used in the 1950s to intensify exploration and later develop technology for exploitation. In the western part of the country, many politicians argued (and still do) in the day for resource sovereignty for the Niger Delta while using the night to canvass for continuation of the revenue allocation system that dished out money to states and local governments, saying in whispers that post-military governors would not be able to sustain free education without such soft funds from the Niger Delta. Such thinkers could not be bothered by the interjection that there was no trace of petroleum in the country when Obafemi Awolowo’s government introduced free education in the Western Region in 1955.

    It is on record that the issue of dependence on oil money was a major factor in the failure of the recent national conference to go beyond recommendations for cosmetic or symbolic changes to the current unitary constitution, designed to support easy flow of funds to states and local governments. Even those who argued at the conference for additional 19 states (to move from 36 to 55 states) did so on the strength that the oil money would flow to the new 19 mini states. Even when the conference agreed that local government creation and development should be the sole responsibility of each state, the conference still kept intact the policy of direct allocation of funds from the federation account (made possible by petroleum) to the 774 or more local governments.

    Sani’s assessment that there is no state in the north that can pay one month salary without federal allocation applies to over 30 of the current 36 states. Only Lagos State in the west can pay one month salary without federal allocation and without floating bonds. There is no state in the Southeast and outside the oil-producing states (which now receive 13% percent for derivation) that can sustain its secretariat without direct allocation from the federation account. Most of the governors in the south have confessed publicly that they have no money for development and even to pay salaries if the Accountant-General in Abuja fails to send quarterly or monthly allocations down to the states.

    One does not have to have a stake in Sani’s chances to become a senator for Kaduna before acknowledging that the human rights activist in his recent campaign speech was addressing all of Nigeria on the right way to go, if the entire country is not to become endangered. The current system (bequeathed to the country by military dictators and sustained by civilian rulers for the past 16 years) of dependence on oil at local, state, and central levels is not sustainable in the long run. The price of petroleum is more likely to go down than to rise from now on. Technological innovations to produce new forms of renewable energy are yielding good results in many other parts of the globe; new sources of petroleum are coming from fracking; new technologies to save energy and thus reduce consumption are also coming to the global market.

    All of these indicate that any country that defines reality largely in terms of the oil it produces is virtually living in the past. The north is not likely to be more endangered than the west or the east, should Nigeria break. Having depended on manna for decades at the instance of military theory of political unity, no section of the country is likely to be immune from danger when oil prices head south. There used to be a time when each of the regions made good and respectable living from productive as distinct from the extractive activities that currently drive the economy: cotton, groundnut, cocoa rubber, palm oil production. There was a time when Ivory Coast, currently the world’s largest producer of cocoa, used to be behind Nigeria and Ghana in cocoa production. There used to be a time when Indonesia and Malaysia needed the assistance of Nigeria with respect to palm oil production. Today, Nigeria even imports palm oil in bleached form from Malaysia and Indonesia, with money made from petroleum.

    What needs to change radically is the mindset that Nigeria turned Nigerian political leaders into prayer warriors for manna from the Niger Delta. It is citizens that can drive such change. As voters, they need, as Sani has recommended to the people of Kaduna senatorial district, to identify candidates who want to serve and produce, in contrast to the hordes that ask for votes to enable them sleep and consume from the soft funding made possible by petroleum. The reason citizens have lost the courage or energy to resist corruption and impunity that hold the entire by the jugular at present is that the money being used to keep the country as it is and to intimidate citizens does not come from citizens’ efforts and taxes. Voters all over the country need to consider the future of their children and grandchildren by voting for candidates who are capable of going beyond the Sisyphean effort to do the same thing over and over, without noticeable benefits to citizens.

  • Marking World Food Day the Lagos way

    Marking World Food Day the Lagos way

    Empowerment of agric workers is the way to go

    If there is any country that should take the food question serious, Nigeria is it. The reason is that Nigeria was a big agricultural player before crude oil was discovered in commercial quantities in the country in the late 1950s. Unfortunately, we abandoned the farms as soon as the money-spinning crude oil was discovered and the petrodollars started coming in. But crude oil also came with crude problems. For the first time we became conversant with all kinds of jargons as an oil producer: ‘vagaries of the international oil market’, ‘oil glut’, etc, concepts that were never our headache when we were a major agricultural country. This was enough to make us know the dangers in having a monocultural economy. Unfortunately, many of our leaders, including those who took Economics as a subject even at the Ordinary Level and must have read in many Economics textbooks the need to diversify our economy obviously read for the sole purpose of passing examinations. The result is that we always catch cold whenever these ‘vagaries’ sneeze. Our challenges are now compounded by the Shale revolution which has led to the U.S. reducing crude oil imports from the country by more than 50 percent. In spite of these stark realities, our leaders do not seem to realise what is about hitting the country, and if they have, they are yet to take concrete steps in steering us out of harm’s way.

    Governor Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State brought the looming danger into focus again on Thursday at the state’s commemoration of this year’s World Food Day/ Agriculture Value Chains Empowerment held at Johnson Agiri Agricultural Complex, Oko-Oba, Agege, Lagos. The governor told the audience that he was just informed that this month’s Federation Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC) meeting had been postponed as a result of cash crunch. So, no money for the states, many of which have not been able to meet  their basic obligations, like payment of salaries as a result of this incessant cash-flow problem that hit the country some months back.

    But, while many of these states have merely been lamenting their plight without taking any serious action except waiting on Abuja for the monthly handout, the Lagos State government has taken some bold steps to shore up its finances, with huge success. Yes, the argument may be made that it is easy for the state to raise its internally generated revenue exponentially as it has done because of its peculiar position; the same argument can be made for the peculiar number of people it has to cater for. What has become obvious is that Lagos, unlike many other states has had to reinvent governance, especially since the return to civil rule in 1999.

    Part of that reinvention is the reform of its tax policy which has brought into the net many people and corporate bodies that hitherto were perpetual tax evaders. Fashola indeed alluded to that when he said but for this improvement in tax collection, the state government would not have been in a position to do some of its laudable programmes, including the empowerment of the 3,149 people that it gave one form of agricultural equipment/assistance or the other at the occasion, to improve agriculture as well as make life more meaningful for them and, by extension, the larger society.

    The beneficiaries cut across the state, with some of them going home with 50 crates of eggs each; some went away with 50 kilogrammes of cat fish each, while others also received all types of feeds to boost their livestock businesses, among others. Some riverine communities also received speed boats to aid their fishing businesses. Perhaps the luckiest beneficiaries were the 217 who received title deeds to enable them obtain loans from banks for their farming operations. This is good in that it redresses the situation whereby industrialists who make use of the farm produce made available by farmers are able to get loans from banks while the farmers themselves are shut out due to lack of collateral.

    Little wonder the event was marked with pomp and pageantry, as it was attended by dignitaries, including the former governor of the state, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, who received a standing ovation on his arrival; traditional rulers and the top echelon of the civil service as well as  beneficiaries of the agriculture empowerment scheme and their relations. It is therefore easy to understand why Governor Fashola was elated at the occasion. The huge crowd that turned out for the event was enough endorsement of the programme. Although one could not divorce political tinge from the event, it nonetheless did not detract from the raison d’etre.

    Governor Fashola made highly witty statements, many of which were weighty in their profundity; statements that put government and governance in bold relief. He spoke about the inequities and inequalities in the world. For instance, the governor spoke about our world in which we still find very poor people in some very rich countries, as well as the paradox of very few rich people in some poor countries. But the issue, as the governor rightly noted, is not much about the paradoxes but about making sense out of the inexplicable nonsense.  This could be done by redistributing wealth in a way that makes it possible for the needs of many people to be met, which was what the empowerment scheme was all about.

    World Food Day is celebrated worldwide every October 16, in honour of the date of the founding of the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations in 1945. The theme for this year’s event is “Family Farming: Feeding the world, caring for the earth”. In a sense therefore, the state government has, by empowering such a huge number of people in the agriculture and agro-allied businesses commemorated the day not by mere sloganeering as many of our governments are won’t to do, but by concrete actions, in line with this year’s theme of the day. It is instructive that the empowerment was for agriculture and agriculture-related ventures. In a sense therefore, the state government is assisting in its own way to diversify the economy.  Such little drops of water replicated across the country could help in restoring agriculture to its pride of place and we would stop having headaches over volatility of the oil market. In addition, we would be able to save the billions we spend importing some basic food items, like rice, for more useful purposes.

    A fascinating aspect of the event was the presentation of the star prize to Ikeja Senior Secondary School, Oshodi, Lagos, which came tops in the Agricultural Science Quiz Competition among the secondary schools in the state. The intention is to ‘catch them young’ and it is a good way to “connect our children to the land” as Governor Fashola noted; it can never be a journey of books without food. The message is that no one should have the impression that farming is for the ne’er-do-well in the society.

    The sheer magnitude of the event was enough to make people who see workers in government ministries as parasites to rethink their view. One individual who cannot but be commended in all these is the state commissioner for agriculture and cooperatives, Prince Gbolahan Lawal, who must have worked tirelessly along with his team to ensure the success of the event. Kudos also goes to Governor Fashola for  being thoughtful of the less privileged in the state.

    In sharp contrast to the ‘stomach infrastructure’ phenomenon which is becoming an issue in the country, the Lagos State government realised that it is better to teach people how to fish than giving them fish.  As Governor Fashola said at the occasion, many of the beneficiaries who as at the day before the event had nothing doing would from the day after boldly tell their relations and neighbours: ‘I am going to work’; whereas only a few days before, what would be in the subconscious of many of them is: ‘I am going to beg’ anytime they were leaving their homes, even if they could not have said it loud.

    The Lagos example must have been part of the ways that those who conceived the World Food Day wanted the day marked and definitely not by measuring affluence or prosperity by the number of people having private jets in a country, or the number of billionaires where abject poverty stares the majority in the face. International days such as the World Food Day have meaning when localised in a way that they connect to the respective peoples of the world. Not until we begin to see farmers as kings and give them the necessary assistance and encouragement not only to make them produce well but also ensure that whatever they produce is not allowed to waste (because most food items are perishable), we may never get out of the food quagmire.