Category: Sunday

  • Confab: Opening its political balance sheet (4) The Yoruba factor: Towards the next confab

    Confab: Opening its political balance sheet (4) The Yoruba factor: Towards the next confab

    Yoruba citizens and their leaders who are sincerely committed to the cause of regionalism need to know that there need not be shortcuts to any place worth going

    What should have ended as a Nigerian problem has been given a Yoruba flavour by residual forces in Afenifere who have made burnishing the image of the recent conference their responsibility. Of all the nationalities with representatives at the conference, it is largely the Yoruba (through a select group of its elders at the conference) that has since the end of the conference made the conference look like a Yoruba issue.

    Historically, the Yoruba have been in the forefront of the struggle for functional and sustainable federalism in the country. This was made possible by the insight and vision of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was prescient enough to know that no multinational state is likely to avoid political instability and economic stagnation without adopting a federal system of government that allows each nationality to refine its culture while cooperating with other nationalities in the union to build a formidable nation-wide economy and polity.

    More recently, NADECO leaders made convocation of a sovereign national conference to de-militarise and re-federalise Nigeria an integral part of the struggle for restoration of the mandate given to Chief MKO Abiola at the end of the 1993 presidential election which was later annulled by General Ibrahim Babangida. In a sense, if the Yoruba appear to cry more than the bereaved with respect to the recent national conference, Yoruba elders (particularly residual Afenifere forces) who complain about opposition to the Yoruba demand for a return to regionalism are not completely out of order for feeling the failure of the national conference more than any other nationality involved, including the Niger Delta nationalities whose resources are still denied to them as much as they have been before the conference.

    Now that the euphoria and the remorse over the recent conference seem to be dying down, it is appropriate to use this page to have a dialogue with Yoruba people across age and class about some of the things that need to be done if a majority of Yoruba people in Nigeria want to have a national conference that can bring federalism back to the country. If it was not clear before, it has now become clear that the Yoruba region was not adequately prepared for the last conference. Such lapse should be avoided next time.

    First, at a time that Yoruba political and cultural leaders should have been busy consulting and mobilising the Yoruba population, they were pre-occupied with two initiatives that turned out to be counterproductive. The first wrong initiative was that those in charge of political control of the Yoruba region based their assessment of President Jonathan’s sudden decision to organise a national dialogue on what he stood to gain from doing so, with very little consideration for what the Yoruba could do to take advantage of President Jonathan’s sudden conversion from “nothing-is-wrong with the 1999 Constitution” to the imperative tore-launch Nigeria a few months to another presidential election. Even though APC’s view that the conference was a distraction that was not likely to yield any progress in the struggle for federalism finally turned out to be prescient, the party could have encouraged its leadership in the Yoruba region to assist citizens to prepare for the conference, rather than leaving the space of mobilisation to a handful of Yoruba elders who, for obvious reasons, preferred the top-down approach of working with PDP leaders to direct consultation with Yoruba people. The choice by Yoruba elders not to mobilise the population was not necessarily for lack of electoral value on their part. It must have to do with the rapport the group had gained with the presidency during the planning stage of the conference.

    Secondly, Yoruba elders who virtually took over the initiative of the Yoruba Assembly hitherto under the leadership of General Alani Akinrinade by establishing a top-down initiative first in Ijebu and later in Ibadan, left the people behind in their negotiations (on behalf of Yoruba people) for a Southern Position with selected leaders from the Southeast and South-south. By giving the impression of a consensual southern position on how to re-federalise Nigeria, such Yoruba leaders also gave the impression that the Yoruba saw the conference as a platform to antagonize the North, to the extent that the support of North-central states for devolution at the 2005 conference virtually disappeared in 2014. There is no better way to illustrate this than the tone and content of the position paper of the North (as a monolith) at the conference.

    In addition, by choosing to negotiate on behalf of Yoruba people without any mandate, Yoruba elders in favour of the conference ignored the people of Lagos Island in particular and Lagos State in general in the bid for regionalism. Assuming that most of Lagos State: Badagry, Epe, Ikeja, and Ikorodu were part of old Western Region, they forgot that Lagos Island had a separate status of its own for almost 80 years and might need to be assured that joining the Yoruba region would not be to their disadvantage. Even places like Badagry, Epe, Ikeja, and Ikorodu have been with Lagos State for too long for any serious group negotiating for a new federal system to take their consent for granted on matters of self-determination.

    But reducing the failure of the conference to achieve more than cosmetic re-federalisation to lack of cooperation between residual Afenifere forces (now in PDP) and APC leaders misses the big point about lack of preparation on the part of the Yoruba for the last conference. Asking for federalism in a country that has been unitary for over 30 years requires more than reconciling two ideologically opposed groups, PDP and APC. If Yoruba people sincerely desire a federal system that is based on regionalism, there is a need for a better strategy than just scheming with Igbos and Ijaws in the name of southern solidarity. It is important to realise that what is good for Igbos and Ijaws with respect to federalism may not necessarily be good for the Yoruba, and vice versa.

    First, Yoruba citizens who genuinely want a federal Nigeria need to create a third force that is distinct from the two major political parties that currently house most Yoruba voters: APC and PDP. The third force should not be a political party but a political movement that is devoted to the struggle for re-federalisation of Nigeria, just as NADECO struggled against military dictatorship without kowtowing to NRC or SDP. From the start, the movement should be a bottom-up initiative. It should be an organisation that spends its energy on mobilising Yoruba citizens on the subject of what type of Nigerian Union the region wants to be a part of. It must be a movement that has every sub-ethnic group of the Yoruba in its leadership cadre, with such members not having immediate interest in political power under the present dispensation of unitary Nigeria.

    Part of the tasks before the movement is aggressive re-education of every region of Nigeria on the benefits of federalism. No section should be treated as irredeemably glued to keeping Nigeria as it is. There is no doubt that the North is favoured by the present and unitary arrangement, but it is not true that most northerners are benefiting from the way Nigeria is structured today. It will be the responsibility of the movement to re-educate individual northerners, easterners, and south-southerners on how federalism can improve their opportunities in life, especially in Africa that is being modernised more by globalisation than by efforts of individual nations.

    There is so much for Yoruba federalists to learn from the Scotland experience. Even if the Scotland vote turns out to be No, the point has been made that the political structure of the United Kingdom can no longer be the same. This has been borne out by the promise by the British Prime Minister and leaders of other major parties in the UK during the last days of campaign for and against Independence vote for Scotland that more powers will be devolved to Scotland and other nations within the United Kingdom in the event of a No vote. It took Scotland over 300 years to reach this point. Yoruba citizens and their leaders who are sincerely committed to the cause of regionalism need to know that there need not be shortcuts to any place worth going. Many Yoruba leaders took the shortcut to reach their goals at the last conference. We should now stop crying over spilt milk and look ahead to another conference, if regionalism is our goal in a federal union.

  • Lessons from the Scotland vote

    Successive governments have had to keep a vice-like grip on the people’s throats lest they unwittingly let fall or vomit what is in their minds; so referendums are not allowed, and sovereign national conferences are not allowed

    Sometime ago, I carelessly walked into an argument over the then on-going national conference. To counter the vociferous opinion that that confab was the real thing, I made it out, at the shrillest point of my voice, that the conference would not achieve much, if anything. For one thing, I said, it was not sovereign; for another, everything about it looked too controlled, so the thorniest parts of our national existence would not be so easily resolved. Then, there was too much close monitoring that did not allow too much good old plain speaking which the state of our national affairs desired and demanded. Most importantly, it was a duplication of the jobs of the national assembly members. Neither party was ready to acquiesce to the other; so the parties settled on not leaving an inch to the other in anything. From thence, I watched as people got into passions nationally over some of the topics and concluded that these people were merely taking their lungs out of the cupboard for some good ol’ airing and exercise. Nothing would be agreed on, like my argument.

    My negativism notwithstanding, I still felt some kind of let-down when the conference reports seemed to have been tossed to the serving ministers to go and study for possible implementation. I just thought, come now, these things deserve a little more respect than that. I mean, they deserve to be hoisted, mounted and made to sit on some national shelves so that we can all gaze at them for a while. During their sit-ins, they will of course gather some dust and become venerable. They can even grow to become tomes. After a while, we can beat the dust off and give the tomes over to another panel to examine and then… Who knows?  But to give those consecrated things to serving ministers straight off …?

    Come now, you and I know that most, if not all, the serving ministers are politicians or wards of politicians representing and even serving different interests. Most importantly, they are loyal to their pockets and their boss, the president. No problem in that, but that’s where the problem is. We all know that the president, like the ones before him, is not inclined to rocking the Nigerian boat. I think it has something to do with the size of that boat. Any boat that can take one hundred and sixty million people or so is a serious boat that should not be rocked lightly. Seriously, though, in matters like this, when the boat will be rocked, it will, particularly when the wind gets violently wild, and it is best not to wait for that time.

    That is what Scotland did, or is it Britain now? It perceived that the winds were turning the seas rather frothy in Scotland and interpreted the movements to be some disquiet growing in the land. Rather than appoint people to go and sit in some place and decide in their own wisdom (or lack of it thereof) on some of the grievances, it simply initiated some steps that culminated in the vote for independence last week. Britain asked the people of Scotland to decide once and for all whether they wanted to stop being part of the union with Britain, Wales, etc. Not too surprisingly, the people voted no to independence.

    We have so many things to learn from that exercise. First and foremost, it is time that Nigerians learnt to stop being afraid of the results when the masses are asked to speak their mind. There has been a morbid fear in the land from the colonial governorship periods right down through the military and democratic eras that if Nigerians are left to speak their minds, the sky would fall or the world would end. Therefore, successive governments have had to keep a vice-like grip on the people’s throats lest they unwittingly let fall or vomit what is in their minds. Referendums are not allowed. Sovereign national conferences are not allowed. In that hostile environment, how can truth be allowed to surface?

    When you read through comments on national news in cyberspace, you’ll find the truth about the country: that people are not at all comfortable with the way things are; that there are people still debating whether the country should break up or simply adopt regionalism, etc. These are signs of disquiet that the confab did not settle and which the country is appearing to sweep under the carpet. Instead of addressing such things, the leaders have taken to frothing and lathering up the embers of religion to divide the nation till you don’t know whether Nigerians are worshipping God or worshipping religion.

    So, Nigeria has found itself waddling along on a series of lies, untruths and falsities in all spheres, cooking up census figures, national statistics, national data, scuttling projects and figures aimed at national development, etc. We quite forget though that no group of people can be controlled forever. Somewhere along the curve, something always gives: Hitler heaved, Stalin heaved, Lenin heaved, Myanmar is heaving … Ever heard of that aphorism, No condition is permanent? Well, it’s true.

    We need to learn to respect when conditions demand changes. Not all changes need to be violent but one thing is sure: chance and fate will not be subject to the plowman’s vice. Nigeria’s present structure has been felt by many to be problematic and nearly not controllable. Reason dictates that part of the problem may arise from how the country is constituted and the over-centralisation of the nation’s affairs. Yet there is some reluctance to face either problem.

    The leaders should consider that Nigerians are already used to absorbing each other’s poisons – just look at the merry-go-round of stereotypes – so they would probably be reluctant to part with each other should a referendum be conducted. Let them hope that will count for something. Nevertheless, the privilege to choose must be open, simple and unambiguous. It will not do to continue to force people to stay glued together unhappily until they break out in violence. The Scotland vote went without violence; so can our own affairs.

    State affairs need to be simplified to allow everyone’s participation. Just look at the simplicity of the referendum for an independent Scotland: Yes or No. That simplicity not only allowed most of those concerned to participate, it allowed the results to be unambiguously clear to everyone. In Nigeria, people are deliberately kept out of national affairs by state refusal to educate them or make them at the least literate in even their indigenous languages. Now, can anyone tell me how many indigenous newspapers are published in Nigeria? Very few; papers that is, not people. That means more than eighty per cent of Nigeria’s illiterate community, which is more than half of the country, do not know what is going on, cannot contribute to what is going on, and do not understand the complexities of what is going on in the country. To make any meaningful progress, we need to simplify things for these people and for everyone’s sake.

    Even more importantly, the simplicity of that exercise should teach us too that voting can be made simple, is not a do-or-die affair, and is not supposed to choke the very existence out of Nigerians. Voting should be a matter of yes, we want this person or no, we abhor this person for this position. That not only gives respect to the electorate, it also respects the heart of the democratic process. More importantly, it makes clearer the reason for electing anyone at all: to take decisions on the behalf of the community.

  • Periscoping the ideal apc presidential candidate (1)

    Given the fact that corruption is our greatest problem in Nigeria, one that even pushed Boko Haram to what it has now become, Gen Buhari’s integrity should count positively for his candidacy.

    Justifying its tag as truly macabre, this past week showed, unambiguously, that PDP will stop at nothing to bring Nigeria down with it. Nigerians woke up early in the week to read about the PDP governorship aspirant in whose account $50,000 was allegedly found –how the godfathers must be missing Mr Ibori; soon after, it was the turn of a Judge of the U.S Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, Justice Charles R. Norgle, to cause the eminent PDP Southwest poster boy, Buruji Kashamu, the total indignity of having to waste money on a newspaper advert just to tell Nigerians that he will ‘fight till he gets justice’. Judge Norgle had refused Kasamu’s motion to be acquitted in an earlier indictment of importing drugs to the U.S, but rather held that should Kasamu ever come to the U.S, voluntarily or not, he could be put on trial in the Federal District Court in Chicago.
    You would have thought that was enough for one week of what the APC has appropriately described as PDP’s ‘series of global ridicule to which it has subjected Nigeria and her people’.
    Then popped up the mother of all ridicules, when a plane allegedly bought for evangelism was, instead, converted to laundering money , ferrying $9.3 million dollars to South Africa, accompanied by two Nigerians and an Israeli contractor. The money has since been ordered seized by the South African Assets Forfeiture Unit.
    All these are only a small fraction of PDP’s corruption ridden government and it is the more reason Corruption should be a key subject of APC’s campaign to tackle this government. Nigeria had never been this corrupt. It is for this reason I focus today on who the ideal APC Presidential candidate should be. I hereby invite interested Nigerians to send me their views in not more than 800 words.
    Below are the views of Abiodun Ayodele, a young Nigerian publisher, who has a good grasp of strategy.
    Under the title: APC AND THE 2015 PRESIDENCY, he wrote:
    “Can APC win the 2015 Presidential election?
    Yes. Can APC lose the 2015 Presidency, in spite of, having the potential to win it? Yes.
    The 2015 Presidency is in APC’s hands to win or lose, and hardwork or lack of it, as well as creativity or lack of it will determine which way.
    The APC national hierarchy as presently constituted is in good hands with the Chairman, Chief Oyegun and his Deputy, Chief Segun Oni being former state governors. Lai Mohammed a lawyer with impressive thinking and writing ability is also there but has the team demonstrated the capacity to prosecute the 2015 elections to victory?
    So far, not convincingly.
    The Chairman says APC is ‘maturely engaging President Jonathan but what does this mean or amount to with the President? Is it a compromised silence to hurt the interest of APC in 2015 or a lack of capacity to prosecute the 2015 presidential election to victory?
    Either way, it is unthinkable that APC, and the Nigerian people especially, would be happy to allow President Jonathan continue in office beyond 2015. Why would a grossly incompetent leadership be allowed to continue to drag Nigeria further down in corruption, vision-lessness, poverty, and the daily loss of thousands of innocent citizens in all manner of untamed conflicts?
    The Oyegun team’s ‘silence’ has given fillip to the PDP to monopolise the airwaves like a colossus. They now daily insult the Nigerian people on television networks with their huge lies of achieving so much in office! The PDP now confidently deceives the people to believe that there is no person more capable than Jonathan for 2015 and, in truth, who will blame them for making these wild claims when the nearest opposition party seems to be taking a nap? (Apologies to Sabela Addide of The Punch newspaper)
    WHO SHOULD FLY THE APC FLAG?
    The simple answer to this poser is that evidences of previous electoral contests affirm that the most acceptable of APC’s likely candidates, and who can surely win, even massively, is General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd).
    Why General Muhammadu Buhari?
    The truth is that here is an honest man who is also known for honesty of purpose, and to date, no Nigerian has come up against him with any shred of a shady financial deal in all the positions of responsibility he has held in the country. The APC hierarchy can do a simple arithmetic to confirm this assertion or what did AC, and later A C N candidates in the presidential elections of 2007, and 2011 score against him?
    General Muhammadu Buhari’s major electoral weakness has been his weak campaigns that were characterized by very poor publicity of his personal qualities and his unalloyed commitment to the public good, which he continues to demonstrate by drawing attention to how people in government have turned themselves to ‘authority stealing’. (apologies to late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti).
    Most Nigerian youth are not aware that General Muhammadu Buhari was once a Nigerian Head of State and that he neither stole public funds, increased the price of petrol , nor allowed corruption to thrive in government, unlike what currently obtains in all the three tiers of government.
    General Buhari has the personal weakness of always keeping quiet over damaging allegations against him, and, his campaign teams, over the years, have not been hard working. The campaign teams have, instead, always tended to conclude, naively, after losing an election that the general is probably not wanted by Nigerians and so would always be rigged out by PDP. They say these things only to hide their laziness and inability to put all material facts about General Buhari in the public domain to secure him the people’s vote. A Redeemed Church pastor friend that voted for General Buhari in the 2011 election told me he adjudged him the only candidate deserving of his vote at that election. I have also been privileged to listen to a top company executive after the 2011 poll complain of Nigerians’ folly in electing the current president. He said he voted General Buhari. These two people are Yoruba. Others I have met told me they voted General Buhari at
    the 2011 poll. No wonder he scored nearly 10% of Lagos votes in 2011 in spite of literally not campaigning here in the South. Any greater evidence of Buhari’s electoral acceptability? General Buhari can partner with persons like Professor Utomi, Governor Okorocha, Femi Falana (SAN), Prof. Akin Oyebode, or a notable Company Chief Executive or academician and the team would be more than convincing to win”.
    As my own little contribution, for now, let me add that I think the general’s campaigns had lacked adequate funding and his overall logistics suffered thereby; weaknesses which an APC well-funded, issues-based campaign should effortlessly cure. For instance the CPC was primed to have won at least two or three additional states in the governorship election in 2011 but for lack of funds and inadequate logistics.
    Given the fact that corruption is our greatest problem in Nigeria, one that even pushed Boko Haram to what it has now become, Gen Buhari’s integrity should count positively for his candidacy.

  • Ferguson: When will the past become itself? (Part one)

    Ferguson: When will the past become itself? (Part one)

    Bigotry does not live unattended. It is in all instances accompanied by lies and blood.

    Today, I write about the killing of a single black American teenager, Michael Brown. Given the number of wars and near-wars springing upon us, to focus on a single homicide in the small town of Ferguson, Missouri, seems an exercise in misplaced priorities. It is not. The shooting of this man-child was not merely the act of one human cruelly ending the life of another. The killing represents the lethal convergence of several misanthropic themes unique to the American neo-conservative worldview:  (1.) White American supremacist belief, (2.) Intolerance of dissent to that belief, (3) The militarization of that intolerance as belief and (4.) The glorification of quick, extreme violence as the most trustworthy protector of supremacist ideals.

    The Ferguson incident should not be discounted as an isolated, localized event. The historic policy and psychological strands tracing through Ferguson also fuel the militarism of American foreign policy in far-flung places from the Middle East to Ukraine. The police officer’s actions in Ferguson were spawned in the same supremacist mire from which American warmongers spring forth to shower war on anyone opposing the expansion of American power and interests into domains where it traditionally lacked residence.

    As such, the Ferguson incident serves as a heuristic platform from which we can derive insight into American actions in the momentous affairs that may well shape the global political economy and how we live in it for years to come.

    The fatal encounter began last August when police officer Darren Wilson spotted Michael Brown and a friend jaywalking across a Ferguson street.  Upon seeing the teens commit this minor pedestrian infraction, Wilson stopped them pursuant to an alleged law enforcement policy of zero tolerance for any offense. Brown evidently was not as suppliant as Wilson required. The teen did not beg Wilson to overlook his small indiscretion. Instead, the boy appeared too cocky, probably questioning why Wilson would bother himself and them for such a petty and commonplace thing. Edgy remarks were exchanged.

    Here is where things become clouded in the fog of conflicting versions. Wilson says Brown assaulted him, pushing him into the police car. There, Brown further accosted the officer in futile attempt to win the officer’s sidearm. Wilson said a shot was fired in the car. He managed to secure his weapon from Brown’s lunge. Fearing for his life, he started shooting at Brown.

    If true, this version would go far to exonerate the officer in the slaying. But the story makes little sense. First, why would Brown escalate a minor pedestrian stop into a life-and-death encounter? Snatching an officer’s weapon is the equivalent of rape; it is a street taboo that even the most hardened criminal dare not violate. For Brown to have done so would have made him, “armed and dangerous,” in a small town with a police force notorious for being on the rough and ready when it comes to Black suspects. He would have been inviting the full weight of the police force upon himself. He knew setting such a thing in motion could only end badly for him.

    Additionally, no trace of a bullet was found in the car. If the weapon discharged in the vehicle, there would be evidence. No such information has been forthcoming, most likely because no such evidence exists.  Last, Wilson said he began shooting Brown because the teen was ominously rushing toward him. This is inconsistent with the prior allegation that Brown virtually tackled him in the car.  For both to be true means Brown tackled him in the car, backed up many yards then charged at the armed policeman like a crazed bull. This scenario looms too odd to swallow as the milk of truth.

    The fog clears somewhat when account is taken of the shooting’s several eyewitnesses. Their versions are striking similar. None professes to know the specifics of what was done and said around the vehicle before the shooting. All testify shots were fired at a fleeing, unarmed Brown. A dozen shots were fired. Some missed. Most hit the intended target. According to an independent autopsy, the first landed shot caught Brown in the back of his right arm.

    Once hit, witnesses say, he stopped running. Brown thrust his arms in the air in the universal sign of surrender and went to his knees. This did not appease the policeman. He continued firing at the kneeling, unarmed youth until the fatal bullet pierced the teen’s skull. His face fell to the street, black skin met black asphalt as it has done so many times after an encounter with a White policeman who believed the black face had not given him due deference. Michael Brown and whatever future, family, children, aspirations, dreams and hopes he had died there under the summer sun. The police leaf his uncovered corpse in the street for several hours as a crude but poignant reminder to the rest of the predominately black township of the fatal costs of a contumacious encounter with local law enforcement.

    The police miscalculated.  Their mean tactics did not quiet the populace. It aroused them. Protests ensued. Sporadic rioting took place. As news spread of the incident, the protests grew bigger. Media coverage cast a mean light on the town and its police force. Accustomed to handling their Black populace in their own special way and unnerved by the intense media coverage, the police force overreacted. They donned the heavy military kit and camouflage and deployed the armored personal carriers and machine guns purchases at bargain prices from excess military stocks. For a small fraction of the true costs towns like Ferguson had armed their police forces to the teeth with military gear and weapons inappropriate to the legitimate law enforcement.

    For days, America was treated to the disquieting, incongruous spectacle of camouflaged, machine gun toting, clenched-jawed policemen, with Kentucky Fried Chicken and Macdonald’s in the background, marching down Main Street of a small town to disrupt Americans exercising their right to free speech and peaceful assembly and protest. It was a reminder that the more you arm your security forces, the more authoritarian they become. Those who are supposed to protect the public use the acquired arms to suppress the people. The police evolve to safeguard the interests of those who procure their weaponry instead of safeguarding the interests of democracy and justice.

    The Brown shooting was about maintaining social and racial order, to keeping certain people in their certain place. If justice were part of the officer’s calculation, he would likely not have stopped Brown and companion. Had Brown been a middle-aged White man, the stop likely would never have occurred. Brown likely stoked the policeman’s ire by raising this inconsistency of treatment. Had justice motivated the officer, he would not have fired at a fleeing, unarmed teen. Once the boy tossed his hands into the air in visible surrender, the shooting would have ceased, if justice were present.

    Again, this was about the maintenance of order, not about law and certainly not justice. Mercy and leniency had no function here. Fifty years ago, Brown and companion would not have dared talk snappily to the officer. Then the officer could have called them “nigger” and “boy.”  Blacks were by law and custom inferior in all ways. The police or any White man needn’t reason to accost a black man. It was a White’s right to proffer and a Black’s obligation to accept mistreatment as his fate. A Black did not have to transgress. Being Black was transgression enough. Thus, a police officer could easily put a Black man in his lowly place and keep him there with a cold stare and a hand on his holster. Then something happened: the Civil Rights Movement.

    Although blackness was no longer a legal infirmity, Blacks were still despised by the conservative, reactionaries who populate at least half of White American society. However, the White reactionaries could no longer jail and degrade Blacks based solely on skin color. They could no longer publicly spout epithets like “jigaboo,” “monkey” and “coon.” However, this group was far from defeated. They would seek to reconstruct and preserve the pre-civil rights social and racial order to the extent possible.

    There would be a “counter reformist” backlash against civil rights.  Noting that Blacks could no longer be maltreated simply for being themselves,  reactionaries weaved a new inimical social mythology. No longer would Blacks be simply deemed inferior and dumb. We would become evil and criminally minded. No longer would we be ‘niggers, coons and tar babies.” We would become “thugs, hoodlums, and the criminal element.” Blacks were transformed from a dependent, inferior appendage of society into a societal pox to be contained.

    This backlash started immediately after legal racial equality was won via the Civil Rights Acts of the mid-sixties. The conservative backlash would gain full momentum during the Reagan presidency. It would carry through during the Bush terms and Clinton years. A White southerner, Clinton knowingly approved law enforcement measures that would sentence disproportionately large numbers of Black men to prison terms for nonviolent crimes. He did not care. He was disinterested in justice. No matter how many Blacks he seemed to befriend, Clinton had always been a true, reliable custodian of White order. He remained true to both color and form.

    Thus, what happened in Ferguson was inevitable.  The police officer did not see Brown as a fellow human being. He saw the youth as felony incarnate. His black skin made him a crime in the offing; worst, it made him a crime already committed even in the lack of evidence of wrongdoing. Thus, the man felt no remorse or reticence unloading his weapon into the boy. The officer was imbued with such animus and fear that he created a chain of events in his mind vastly different from what others saw.

    In his mind, he was not merely protecting himself from inherent danger; he was protecting the social order from assault from its most egregious threat, Black criminal harm. So taken by this mindset, the officer discarded the reality of the day to create a fiction excusing him for killing the unarmed youth. The boy died because the officer superimposed his perception of social order on the factual dynamics of his encounter with Brown. As such, he not killed shot Brown, the officer shot dead the equality and justice heralded by the Civil Rights Movement. In that moment, the officer symbolically positioned himself as the successor assassin of Dr. King and all the doctor stood for.

    Peek at Western machinations in Ukraine. We can see how this mindset taints global order and justice. Russia is the remnant of the Soviet Union that America had dubbed an evil empire. America became the lone superpower upon the demise of the Soviet condominium at the end of the Cold War. Hawkish Americans seek a global order where America has no peer or rival. They seek an order where America dictates everything of importance.  The same notion that makes them believe they are the sole architects of American society tends them to believe they are the masters of the entire planet. Nations that do not cohere to this belief are deemed repugnant. Putin and his resurgent Russia are blacklisted because they oppose the expansion of NATO to their doorstep. They have fought the Western-backed overthrown of an elected government in Ukraine. Supporting Ukrainian federalist rebels, Russia now thwarts Western expansionist plans. Russia has merely stood to defend its traditional sphere of influence and buffer zone against Western encroachment. Weighed against the precepts of geopolitical strategy, Russia has acted the wiser, adhering to a course of prudent, restrained endeavor to achieve a limited end that maintains the geopolitical balance. The West is the flagrant actor trying to upend the status quo by threatening Russia’s western approach.

    However, the media paints Russia as the craven aggressor bent on retaking all of Eastern Europe when all it has done is protect its own backyard. Putin is now vilified as the world’s most dangerous leader. Yet, few stop to ask a simply question; If Putin harbored such grand megalomaniacal designs, wouldn’t he have unleashed them before now? The opportunity has always been there. No, something sparked the eastern Ukrainians to rebel and sparked Putin to help them. That something was the West’s insistence on the coup toppling the extant government in Kiev so that the West could supplant Russian influence in Ukraine.

    If Putin wanted all of Ukraine and venture farther westward, he would not have engineered the cease-fire between Kiev and the separatists. Strange, the cease-fire has a chance to end the civil war and to create a federal system all parties in Ukraine can tolerate. However, the West fulminates against the accord, hopes it does not work and seeks to undermine it. When the Ukrainian president said Russian troops were out of Ukraine, America countered that he was lying. The Ukrainian president has the most at stake; why would he fabricate away his own security?

    The truth is that America and its allies objectives are not peace and democratic stability in Ukraine. Their objective is to defeat Russia and teach it a lesson. Their objective is to impose their version of the geopolitical order in a place not traditionally within their sphere of interest. As such they are dangerous revisionists. Yet, they finance a media campaign painting Putin and Russia as stark villains in this drama. They seek to make Russia an outcast, a global pariah. As such, Putin and Russia, for simply maintaining their own, have become the “niggers of Europe.” Back to Ferguson.

    Attempting to justify the officer’s initial stop of Brown, the police published footage of someone stealing handful of inexpensive cigars for a local store.  We were told the officer stopped Brown, fingering him as the perpetrator of the cigar caper. The dead victim gets turned into the villain. This tact is standard police procedure. However, there was a flaw in this approach. Further evidence revealed Officer Wilson had no idea of the cigar theft when he halted Brown. The police had blatantly lied.

    This was more than a case of the ends justifying the means. It was a case of the liars believing themselves to be righteousness personified.  These people believe themselves more virtuous and of a higher calling than mere facts. Thus, they are duty bound to alter reality through fabrication to achieve their supremacist objective.

    In Ferguson, they lied about Wilson’s knowledge of the cigar heist just as Wilson prevaricated about the shot fired in his vehicle. On the international stage, Americans leaders of the same conservative ilk as the men of Ferguson would lie to world about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and about the use of sarin gas by Assad’s government in Syria. These lies were made in the naked attempt to provoke American military into areas where no vital American interests were at stake. Now the same type of lies are being cast that Putin and Russia threaten European peace. Also that, with the horrid beheadings of two American captives, ISIL constitutes a grave threat to the American homeland that must be answered with a massive display of American force in Iraq and Syria.

    To bolster the flimsy case, American security estimates about ISIL’s troop strength escalated from 10,000 men to over 30,000 in just a few days after President Obama’s war speech. It was claimed ISIL is wealthy and thus can finance terror worldwide because it robbed banks in Iraq. However, the Iraqi government claims the large banks in Mosul were not touched. The reality is that ISIL’s bulk funding comes not from illegal withdrawals from Iraqi banks but from clandestine donations for regional governments allied to America.

    No matter how repugnant the murders have been, ISIL is no grave and present threat to American soil. The talk of imminent threat is to scare Americans into panting for war when recent experience counsels against bellicosity. However, the march to war serves the designs of conservative American thinkers. They wanted to establish a permanent base in Iraq from which to topple Syria and trouble Iran. They now inflate the ISIL threat to get their wish. To establish a world order in which they order the world, these people are willing to march room to room, city to city and country to country to spread war until all opposition is muted if not broken. To make the world safe for their brand of American democracy, they are willing to become lords over everyone and everything else. This is the plight of the self appointed angel. It is the 21st century version of the White Man’s Burden. More next week.

    08060340825 (sms only)

  • Presidential counterfeit

    Presidential counterfeit

    #BringBackOurGirls #BringBackGoodluck2015. We can do with more creative lying

    But for the fact that President Goodluck Jonathan has a doctorate, one might have been tempted to believe that some people that he thinks are his friends are enemies who, unknown to him do not mean well for his administration. But, given at least his academic attainments, one cannot say that. For me therefore, the president knows perfectly well what he is doing. And that is why it baffles me that some Nigerians have not understood the Jonathan administration more than three years after it came on board, and barely a few months to another general election.

    Last week, specifically on September 10, the government shocked not just Nigerians but the international community as well, when it disowned the #BringBackGoodluck 2015 billboards and those behind them. The president’s special assistant on media, Dr. Reuben Abati, said President Jonathan was not aware of the highly insensitive posters, which were a clear parody of the #BringBackOurGirls hash tag. Abati said they ‘were put up without his knowledge or approval.’ He added that “The President assures all Nigerians and the international community that his administration remains fully engaged with efforts to rescue the abducted girls and that he will not knowingly promote any actions that will fly in the face of the seriousness of their plight and the anguish of their families”.

    Apparently this repudiation was informed by last week’s Washington Post editorial which was highly critical of the offensive posters.  This is the second time that the president would be moved to act by external forces on the Chibok girls. The first time was when Malala Yousafzai made him to invite the parents of the girls to Aso Rock.

    One should be worried that a president who has the retinue of staff that President Jonathan has, that must have had cause to traverse the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) many times before the Washington Post editorial, would claim not to have seen those billboards. This newspaper, lest we forget, published the picture of the billboard sometime ago. Let’s even admit that the president did not see the posters, what of his numerous aides? None of them saw the billboards too, despite that they had been there for more than two weeks before the presidential order to dismantle them?  Lying could not have been more disingenuous. Our consolation however lies in the fact that two people cannot lose from lying: if the person being told lies does not know he is being lied to, at least the liar sure knows that he is lying.

    However, those who are rejoicing over the president’s order for the dismantling of the billboards nationwide should wait until they are removed. The same president ordered that his supporters behind the Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) should suspend rallies in his honour on account of the outbreak of Ebola in the country. They did not heed the order. As a matter of fact, some of his ministers almost danced themselves lame at the rallies while they were heavily protected by security agents. Is the president not aware of that defiance of his order too?

    It is gratifying however that some Nigerians saw through the half truth, at best, and regarded the president’s order for the dismantling of the billboards as an afterthought. Regrettably, some others commended him for ordering their removal. I wonder why we are always eager to commend anything in this country. Here was a thing no one should ever have contemplated in the first place, given the sad episode that the abduction of the Chibok school girls represents in our history. Why on earth would anyone make a pun on that? The fact that such a costly pun was made on behalf of the country’s First Citizen makes matters worse.

    Without doubt, the many years of military interregnum have done a lot to our psyche such that many of us do not even seem to know that some things are bad and that what is bad can never have any other name; it is bad. #BringBackOurGirls; #BringBackGoodluck2015, how are they related?

    The matter becomes the more nauseating when it is realised that it was the president’s senior special assistant on public affairs, Dr. Doyin Okupe, who came up with the #BringBackGoodluck2015, in a tweet in August. He was immediately criticised. But this did not deter those who wanted to perpetually look good in the eyes of the president from adopting it as, again, on August 30, a group campaigning for his reelection tweeted: “There is no vacancy in Aso Rock [the president’s residence] we want Goodluck Jonathan again #NigeriansDemand #BringBackJonathan2015 … for continuity.” The message was re-tweeted several times without any objection from President Jonathan.

    Against the backdrop of my arguments so far, can the president sincerely swear that he never saw those billboards? And that none of his aides did? Can he swear that in their cocktail circuits they never lauded the imitation over the clinking of glasses and while exchanging banters, as one of his highly imaginative campaign slogans? And talking about imaginativeness or creativity, this is something that has always been lacking in our governments, particularly successive central governments, despite our heavy investments in feeding, accommodating and pampering the officials. They always bore us by making us travel the same road again and again.

    Thank God for the discerning in the country, the real thorns in President Jonathan’s government’s flesh. But for them, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftains could have turned all of us into morons the way they reduce everything to wall clock joke. I have had cause to caution a few weeks back that if we are not careful, the PDP would reduce the country to its base standards by its words and deeds. Have Nigerians realised that neither the party nor its government is talking about removal of fuel subsidy again. Just a few months back, they gave the impression that the country would have collapsed by now if fuel subsidy was not removed. But any Nigerian who thinks the party has dropped the idea must be a big fool. At worst, it would wait till after the election before removing the so-called subsidy. If it took the government about six months to attempt to remove subsidy in 2012, it would take it less than half that period to do it this time again, after the elections, considering the huge resources that would be committed to the 2015 polls. It is a pain that the government is keeping in the cooler for Nigerians till after the elections when, at least President Jonathan would have had nothing to lose again. That, for me, is one of the consequences we would face if we make the mistake of bringing back Jonathan or the PDP.

    Anyway, if indeed President Jonathan never saw the billboards, only God knows how many potentially damaging things would have been shielded from him. I am aware that many of Nigeria’s rulers are usually held captive by their aides. But I have always maintained that they (rulers) apparently want it so because after shielding them from reality, the aides then feed them with lies and at best, half truths, singing their praise when what they deserve at the point in time are knocks and carpeting.

    All said, President Jonathan and his supporters should understand that if there is anything Nigerians want brought back now, it is the Chibok girls. If it is not #BringBackOurGirls, it cannot be the same as #BringBackOurGirls. The counterfeit can only attract our indignation, which is what #BringBackGoodluck 2015 has done. It is a big irritant. Nigerians sure know the difference between good luck and Goodluck.

  • For Benjamin Adekunle (1936-2014)

    For Benjamin Adekunle (1936-2014)

    Benjamin Adekunle, more popularly known as the Black Scorpion, died yesterday at 78. In spite of the self-aggrandissing books written on the Nigerian Civil War by Olusegun Obasanjo, a former president and the officer who took over command of the Third Marine Commando in 1969 from the then Col. Adekunle, the Black Scorpion was and still probably remains the most acknowledged and applauded hero of the war. He was doubtless controversial, hated by the Igbo against whom he fought brutally and arguably unconventionally, and respected and distrusted in equal measure by the Nigerian side for which he gave his all. But no one, including officers who fought under him and were often made to squirm by his abrasive style and imperious manner, doubted his brilliance, courage, passion for the military, war, and Nigerian unity. His accomplishments were bound to cause him plenty of problems, heartaches and, as it turned out, early retirement. Unfortunately, he found no way to elude fate’s cruel and unrelenting pangs.

    His views during and after the war were unsparing, irreverent and pungent. They all point to his high intelligence and focus, assuming they could be purged of every hint of insubordination. He knew where he was going early in his life, and he virtually accomplished his goals. His views on the military and the country as a whole should in retrospect be of great use to us in these troubled times, if we are sensible enough to revisit them. Indeed, it is embarrassing that the same military nurtured by officers like Brig Adekunle has proved ineffective and disoriented in the face of the ongoing Boko Haram challenge. Had he not been weighed down by illness in his later years, it would have been interesting to find out what he thought of the Nigerian response to Boko Haram.

    I do not of course wish to join the unending controversy over Black Scorpion’s years in the Nigerian Army, and especially his command of the Third Marine Commando, a name he coined irreverently in place of the official 3rd Infantry Division. The controversy may never end, even as historians will continue to revisit the subject. Instead, I wish to recount the brief encounter I had with this officer whom I have come to respect and admire very profoundly, far beyond his civil war exploits, far beyond his famous temper, and far beyond his courage, brusqueness , ruthlessness and even recklessness. Apart from being namesakes in a limited way, as a few of my readers would know, I share with him a much more profound admiration for Napoleon Bonaparte, whose life and war tactics I have studied. I have no doubt that had Brig Adekunle lived in Napoleonic times or in the formative years of empires anywhere, he would have been an empire builder himself. He had the courage, the vision, and the skill. But I admire him for far more than these.

    In 1996, as an editor, I had asked a colleague to go an interview him for a special civil war anniversary edition we were planning. My colleague took along with him a few past issues of our magazine as complimentary copies. He received the reporter well, but declined to give an interview. Rather, he chose to exchange banter with the reporter over a few drinks, spoke somewhat of the civil war years, and tongues and tension loosened by wine, showed the reporter bullet wounds on his body in order to put the lie to what some had glamorously described as his magical powers during the war. If your tactics were stupid, he pointed out sarcastically to the reporter, you would be ruined together with your troops. We of course went ahead with the civil war anniversary edition, even though Black Scorpion was of little help.

    But a few days later, after having read and digested some of the complimentary copies of the magazine given him, he gave me an unexpected phone call. “I have just read copies of your magazine,” he began tersely, perhaps not even knowing the identity of the person he was speaking with, “and I am shocked by the attention you guys give to language. It is mature and of a high quality, and I am impressed and proud that a Nigerian paper could pay such scrupulous attention to the use of English.” I wanted to cut in and ask who was on the line, but he gave no room, as perhaps was his style. His diction was solid, and it didn’t appear to me affected. He used words as frugally and appropriately as the US general, Douglas MacArthur, and his progression, cadence and erudition were truly striking. After saying a few more things, all complimentary and deeply analytical of the magazine, including its visuals and range of subjects, he summed up that the production of the magazine was exemplary, and he would be disposed perhaps next time to give us an interview if we gave him notice. Sensing a pause at last, I quickly asked him who was on the line. “Benjamin,” he said with a firmness and economy that gave insight into his character, and hung up, disallowing me the joy of appreciating his compliments . He was apparently not waiting to receive one, and would probably not have been touched by whatever I had to say.

    I have never ceased to be amazed. I knew he was intelligent to have, as it were, assembled the 35,000-strong Third Marine Commando from one or two battalions, and led it with aplomb and exampled doggedness, but I had no idea he was a well-read and well-spoken man, or that he paid such exquisite attention to the ornaments and fragrance of language. I confess that before then I had had the funny and unsubstantiated impression of soldiers in these parts as rakes and rambling men, an impression foolishly formed in spite of my study of great generals in history like Hannibal, Alexander the Great, Frederick the Great and a host of others.

    Notwithstanding the controversy that dogged his time in the army, I believe Brig Benjamin Adekunle was an authentic hero, perhaps as entertaining and unorthodox as MacArthur, a great officer, a brilliant soldier and cultured man. It is a pity that the politics that surrounded his exit from the army, which politics is still undermining many otherwise brilliant careers and subverting the cohesion and fighting ability of the Nigerian Army, was allowed to affect the recognition the country he fought so bravely to preserve should have given him.

    It is however doubtful whether most Nigerians under 30 years of age knew the Black Scorpion, let alone situate his achievements within the context of Nigerian unity and Nigeria’s military history, especially in the light of our desultory response to Boko Haram and the continuing ineffectiveness, if not impotence, of our national leadership . Sadly, even my own children have no recollection of the fiery general.

  • Ribadu’s defection, corruption and the unending disappearance of productive, modernising political elites in our country (2)

    Ribadu’s defection, corruption and the unending disappearance of productive, modernising political elites in our country (2)

    The thing that is coming is so strange that it has a head and also wears a hat.
    Chinua Achebe, Arrow of God

    The year was 1971. With my friend Professor Femi Osofisan, I was a graduate student resident of the Tafawa Balewa Postgraduate Hall at the University of Ibadan. Of course neither Femi nor I was then a professor. As a matter of fact, neither of us was remotely close to completing our Ph D studies for at that point, we were both preparing to go abroad to advance our doctoral studies, he to the University of Paris (Sorbonne) and myself to New York University. For this reason, that year at Balewa Hall was for us like a temporary holiday from academic studies of the most rigorous kind. He wrote plays and had them staged; I wrote reviews of books and theatre performances and literary journalism for the newspapers; and we both continued to act in stage plays and television dramas.

    And we read, we devoured newspapers. And this is the point that I wish to highlight in this journey down memory lane to that year at Balewa Hall. For it was this daily activity of going to the newspaper vendors’ stalls in front of our Hall that drew the attention of Osofisan and myself to what must strike every single Nigerian now as an astonishing fact. This is the fact that people would stop by these stalls, take which papers they wanted to buy, and leave the monies for the often absent vendors in the absolute certainty that no one would steal the monies. Balewa Hall is at the junction where the roads leading to Sultan Bello, Kuti, Azikiwe and Independence Halls converged and so the daily traffic that went past our Hall was great. But we never heard of anyone having ever stolen a kobo from the monies left for absent newspaper vendors. Corruption was not unknown then, but it was nowhere close to the pandemic social and economic contagion that it has become in our country in about the last four decades.

    I have said over and over again in this column that for the most part, I write the column with youthful Nigerians under the age of 50 as my main audience. Nigerians of my generation and those older are also welcome to the column and indeed, I often do get email responses to what I write in the column from elderly compatriots, women and men. But for the most part, it is the young that I think about, together with the future that we will leave for them. This is why I am starting this conclusion of the series that began with last week’s essay with this account of the relative low level and manageable scale of corruption in our country in my youth more than forty years ago. It is the great social tragedy, the great moral and political burden of members of my generation that are still alive and that are men and women of conscience, decency and compassion to see their country, their society descend into levels of corruption, rot and decadence that we could never have imagined and that cause unspeakable degrees of poverty, suffering and insecurity among most of our peoples, all this in a land flowing with vast wealth.

    Among the multiple and diverse areas of our collective national life that I could use to illustrate this social tragedy, I choose only one – the infrastructures, practices and realities of our educational system. Nigerians under 50 may find this hard to believe or even comprehend now, but in my youth, examination malpractices were very, very rare. And when they happened they were severely punished. There were many poorly trained teachers in the primary and secondary schools, but they were for the most part very aware of their deficiencies and took every step necessary to improve themselves professionally. In the universities, standards of instruction, learning and research were very high and we took great pride in the fact that degrees from Nigerian tertiary institutions were respected all over the world.

    Today, all of these accomplishments that set us firmly on the road to an equable and well adjusted modernity are in total shambles, consumed by and in an ethos in which corruption reigns with a sovereign power that has eaten deep into every sphere and level of society. Exam malpractices are so rife that they are like an epidemic of cultural and intellectual ete, leprosy. Hundreds of thousands of primary and secondary schoolteachers with certification as highly trained professionals are in reality barely literate. Moreover, they tend to be militantly opposed to retraining and self-improvement – as Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State found to his cost in the state’s last governorship elections. Our universities are so poorly ranked now that they not only rank lowly among the universities of the world but also among universities in Africa. The list goes on and on. And since the median age for Nigeria is only 19, this means that this dreadfully dispiriting list of rot and corruption at all levels of our society is all that the great majority of the living generations of Nigerians have ever known. From this fact, I extrapolate this sobering observation: as those of us of the generations that have known a Nigeria that was very different from the rot, the corruption that is now drowning our society watch for signs of what the future portends for us, we seem like the perfect example for the witty, laughable but deeply sardonic saying from Chinua Achebe’s Arrow of God that serves as the epigraph to this piece: “The thing that is coming is so strange that it has a head and also wears a hat”.

    For those of us who have known and experienced a Nigeria that was not among the ranks of the most corrupt societies of the world, a Nigeria in which, at Balewa Hall at the University of Ibadan in 1971, you could leave monies for absent newspaper vendors and no one would steal the monies, we should reflect on what lessons we can extrapolate from that period and pass on to the generations of our younger compatriots. That is a huge task that is, quite frankly, beyond the scope of this series of only two essays. In place of such a comprehensive review, I wish to end this series with only one example that I deem of extraordinary importance. This is the fact that we did have politicians, we did have significant factions among our ruling class political parties that made it a crucial aspect of their electoral manifestos and their policies and actions in governance to contain corruption lest it completely derail the requirements of economic and social development and the public good. This will no doubt seem like pure fantasy to most Nigerians under 50, but it is a sadly forgotten or even buried aspect of our political history. Let me draw the attention of the reader, especially the young reader, to some salient facts.

    The three main ruling class parties of the First Republic, the NPC, the NCNC and the AG, were all very efficient in the management of their budgets as ruling parties in the regions and in the centre. At the Crown Agents in London in which the greater portions of their surpluses were banked, they maintained considerable reserves which were not stolen or looted by any political leader or chieftain. If, as an indigene of any of the regions, you got a scholarship to any Nigerian or foreign institution, you received your stipends in a timely fashion. All the regions were in a sort of healthy competition for growth and development of their peoples and this helped to severely curtail any impulses or temptations for looting public coffers. Above all else is this crucial fact: all these parties had within them sizeable factions of productive, modernizing elites that put regional or public interests far above personal self-aggrandizement. Even the NPC which was the most conservative of these parties had many such politicians at the helm of its affairs, for the NPC was not so much against modernization per se as it was against modernization that was too rapid and that was dominated by the South and Christianity. Perhaps the most interesting case of all is that of the combined impact of the AG and its leader, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, on the political economy of capitalist modernity and modernization in our country.

    To put this case in a nutshell, Chief Awolowo amassed great personal fortune as a lawyer and businessman; at the same time, he zealously pursued economic and social programmes that benefitted the poor and the marginalised. He did not see one as the opposite of the other: great personal wealth; and policies and programmes that were welfarist or social democratic. Of especial significance was the fact that Awolowo took this stance into the innermost sanctum of his Party’s moral, ideological and political struggles. He knew those who were with him and those who were against him on this all-important issue of the distribution of the social surplus between the haves and the have-nots. Moreover, he formulated his political alliances outside the Western Region and his own Party around this distinction between those that merely wished to enrich and aggrandize themselves and those who were for both self-enrichment and the interests of the poor and the disenfranchised.

    It is true that outside the Western Region, Awolowo was mostly seen as a Yoruba leader. Nonetheless, in virtually all the other regions of the country and among the diverse ethnic communities of the land, it was also known that he had deep quarrels with politicians in his own Party and in the other Parties that were for only their own self-enrichment. This was why he was the bellwether, the catalyst for all the productive, modernising political elites of the First Republic. At any rate, his significance for the present discussion is this: party politics in the modern world for Awolowo was not only about differences of ethnicity, region and religion, each party or politician representing his or her own part of the country; party politics for Awo was also about redistribution of wealth between the haves and the have-nots across the length and breadth of the land.

    I was not and I am not now an “Awoist”. None of the ruling class parties in our country has ever moved close enough to my vision of consistent and principled progressive politics for me to feel inclined to join any of them. My concluding focus on Awolowo has one reason and one reason only and this can be put in the form of three questions. One: In the last four decades, have you, dear reader, seen, heard or read about major, bitter differences among our politicians and political parties that are primarily based on how to distribute our national wealth between the haves and the have-nots? Two: Are the emerging battle lines for the 2015 general elections not almost exclusively about where the Presidency will go? Three: Have you ever read the Preamble to the 1990 Constitution that states quite clearly that wealth accumulation and income redistribution cannot be simultaneously pursued in our country at its present stage of (mal)development?

    Self-enrichment reigns supreme now, with systemic and miasmic corruption as its enabling, fructifying environment. Nigeria was not always like this. Armed with knowledge of our political history, we may yet be able to carry out reforms before it is too late.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Confab: opening its political balance sheet (3)  Lessons towards the next conference

    Confab: opening its political balance sheet (3) Lessons towards the next conference

    The decision to appoint delegates (instead of allowing communities to elect their own representatives) also prevented delegates from being enriched conceptually by constituents

    We observed last week on this page that the recent national conference has missed the opportunity to create new principles towards a constitution capable of re-structuring the country into a functional and sustainable federal democracy. And the reason for the failure cannot be put mainly at the foot of the delegates, as many of the lessons emanating from the conference pertain more to pre-conference activities than to what delegates did or did not do at the conference.

    The conference lacked the kind of conceptual preparation needed to make delegates achieve more than they had. On matters that pertain to administration and governance, delegates were able to make many important game-changing suggestions. It is thus not surprising that President Jonathan has quickly chosen to set up an Implementation Committee to look at the Conference report. There is no doubt that there are many recommendations that deserve to be implemented regarding how to improve the way ministries and agencies are administered.

    But on issues that are unmistakably political, such as resource sovereignty and establishing new relationships between two principal levels of government in a federal system, many things were done too hurriedly and haphazardly on the part of the convener and planners of the conference. The timing of the conference (less than one year before the general election) and the decision to pay delegates from the federal purse must have created budgetary constraints that put a lot of pressure on delegates to complete their deliberations, without having the opportunity to consult citizens at large. If the national assembly has been working at amending the 1999 Constitution for the past three years, then it must have been unrealistic in the context of the culture of project management in Nigeria to expect a national conference to do a thorough job within four months. Correspondingly, watching the budget on allowances to delegates would not have arisen if their communities had been allowed to send them to the conference on community errands to be compensated for in whatever way the communities deem appropriate.

    The decision to appoint delegates (instead of allowing communities to elect their own representatives) also prevented delegates from being enriched conceptually by constituents. Citizens generally saw the conference as government’s attempt to implement a top-down initiative about a project that citizens believe requires inevitably a bottom-up approach. Citizens were not mobilised as matters were left in the hands of leaders appointed for them by the convener. Even though many of the delegates from various parts of the country would have had no problem getting elected to represent their communities at the conference, the fact of the matter is that there was no such bond or contract between communities and delegates. Delegates went to the conference without the authority of communities and were thus not bound to consult before accepting any resolution about how citizens at the community level would prefer Nigeria to be structured.

    The decision to ignore citizens’ calls for a referendum during town meetings organised by the Okurounmu Committee put a nail on the coffin of the option to create a two-way flow between delegates and citizens. The same template: “Only government leaders and their appointees know best what is good for citizens” was used to prepare for the conference. By rejecting the option of referendum, the president knowingly or unknowingly gave the impression that the conference was not about citizens’ desire, thus creating a gulf between delegates and communities. In modern times, referendum appears to be a sine qua non of constitution making.

    For example, any effort to re-invent Canada, the United Kingdom, and Spain involved letting the people express themselves through a referendum. It does not follow that allowing a referendum would lead to disintegration. Canadians had voted in the past to reject calls for independence for Quebec.  Apart from respecting people’s choice, referendum allows government leaders to know how citizens feel about their country. Spain is at present pushing its neo-centralist approach to prevent Catalonia from having a referendum on the basis of the country’s constitutional position that secession is illegal. Repressing people’s desires on the basis of what the constitution allows does not always give such constitutions long life. In addition, allowing the people of Catalonia to organise a referendum does not automatically mean they will choose independence. The world is now too modern for central governments to prevent citizens from airing their views on important issues. It is the recognition by Britain’s central government of the value of people’s choice that has allowed it to encourage Scotland to hold a referendum on its future relationship with the rest of the United Kingdom. When the referendum takes place, it may or may not go the way the SNP wants. Any government that is afraid of referendum must have something to hide or something that it is gaining by shutting the people up.

    Furthermore, opting for selection (over election) of delegates reinforced the view that the conference was not for citizens. This choice also made delegates vulnerable to a large extent. Delegates had no backing by their communities and were thus not accountable to anybody outside the group that made their selection possible. Consequently, invoking the mantra of Nigeria’s indissolubility and indivisibility at the beginning of the conference could not have been resisted by delegates as hamstringing them from making maximum demands that would have unearthed the political unconscious of communities with respect to Nigeria’s federal system and thus made negotiations meaningful among competing interests on re-structuring or re-inventing Nigeria. It is therefore too late for delegates from any region to complain about other regions blocking them at the conference. Regional rivalry should have been anticipated when delegates accepted to participate at a conference where the option to problematise Nigeria had been closed ahead of conference deliberations.

    Leaving delegates to deliberate without the benefit of knowing the true feelings of citizens at the community level left the important issues of how to re-federalise Nigeria solely in the hands of appointed delegates. It also gave the communities and citizens no role, as communities had no power to re-call or ask delegates to return home if and when conference resolutions or recommendations were perceived to be adverse to the interest of specific communities, states, or regions.

    Finally, series of meetings among self-appointed leaders of various sections of southern Nigeria before the conference did not help to advance the cause of re-federalising the country in its post-military era. Southern pre-conference meetings and the various position papers produced at such fora gave the impression that the country was already divided into two: North versus South on the issue of federalism. After advertising the Southern Position at the conference in advance of the conference, what was left for the North to do: come to the conference to accept the choice of self-appointed southern leaders or bow out of the Nigerian federation with gratitude? Realising that the gains from de-federalisation of Nigeria by successions of military dictators from the North would have been thrown away if northern delegates had welcomed the call by some Yoruba delegates for return to regionalism, should it have surprised anybody that the North came to block the call for regionalism, as some Yoruba elders have claimed?

    To be continued

  • Chief Pius Olu Akinyelure: A breath of fresh air in the APC

    Chief Pius Olu Akinyelure: A breath of fresh air in the APC

    Chief Pius Olu Akinyelure’s address at the APC’s Southwest Congress was an exhilarating reaction to PDP’s highhandedness

    It is gratifying that Chief Tom Ikimi and former Borno State governor, Modu Sheriff, have self-evicted from the APC after failing dismally to manoeuvre themselves into positions from where they could very easily have purloined the party in the foreseeable future. It would, most probably, have been the most grievous strategic error for any political party to commit: allowing anybody half as egocentric and self-loving as Tom Ikimi to ever emerge its Chairman. I had first met him  as a swashbuckling Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Architecture student at the 1969/70 National Convention of Nigerian  Students which was held at the University of Ibadan and none of his exaggerated idea of himself  then has  left him. But today is about Chief Akinyelure and the APC, not on our friend, the ‘Scourge of June Twelvers’, as the inimitable Olatunji Dare described him. The good news  of their exit  was, however, vitiated by what has become  APC’s recent, uncharacteristic tepid, if not outrightly timid, responses to PDP’s serial shenanigans which make you feel  like the party  is beginning to underrate its capacity to shock the PDP  at the 2015 presidential election, which I know  it can win.

    In a collaborative study we are working on, we have discovered that the APC can very well win the 2015 Presidential Election with enough hard work and creativity. This is quite possible with a good, targeted and extensive publicity, not the lies we currently see daily on television standing obvious Nigerian realities on the head,  but of the solid achievements of the APC governments in all parts of the country, especially in education, healthcare delivery, welfare of the elderly, the environment  and massive infrastructure procurement any  of which no PDP state can compare  except, may be, in solitary Akwa Ibom; coupled with strategically thinking  through pragmatic  programmes that will reflate the Nigerian economy and take it away from the IMF/World Bank paradigm we are currently stagnated with. I speak here of targeted, implementable and measurable, poverty-reducing policies that will resonate with the Nigerian people, not the  big names the PDP is parading, romancing and deceiving the likes of Ribadu at will.  These are programmes, not fraudulently collated bios of job-seeking Nigerian youth they have coyly converted to those they claim endorsed their candidate. On the contrary, these will be well considered policies that will create jobs, reduce corruption and expand our infrastructure base.  With such policies firmly in place, an APC government at the federal level  will, rapidly and sustainably,  increase the national income and can successfully lift as many as 20million Nigerians out of poverty within its first  four years in office.

    If the party’s reaction to the PDP’s highhandedness had been chilling, not so the exhilarating address by Chief Pius Olu Akinyelure, National Vice Chairman (Southwest), at the Southwest Congress of the party, held at Ibadan on Thursday, September 4, 2015. The highly impactful address is, for space constraints, reproduced below, mutatis mutandis.

    Happy reading:

    Ibadan has always provided the bedrock for great monuments. Today, I strongly believe that we are here to build even a greater future for our long suffering people by confronting the ills of the present to achieve a greater tomorrow. Today, we are here to make history. Ibadan is a city of history, a city that made and is still making history. I recollect for instance, that the achievement of the Action Group, (AG) and later the Unity Party of Nigeria, (UPN) took Africa by storm. Not only did the party become the best organized political party in Africa, it brought forth the best programme of action for the Africa renaissance. It was at this great city that remarkable achievements of one of the founding fathers of modern Nigeria, Chief Obafemi  Awolowo, rekindled the hope for black Africa when he established the first television station and the first radio station in Africa. Today, I can say that we are also making history by coming together in this remarkable city to re-energise our party so as to meet the greater challenges ahead. As we gather here today, we must admit that in spite of the outstanding achievements recorded by the founding fathers of Nigeria, there is a conscious attempt to dwindle and extinguish the glorious past of this great country and a more desperate attempt to dwarf every genuine attempt by the progressive forces in Nigeria to bring hope where despair lay siege. We cannot deceive ourselves about the economic and political woes of the ruling People’s Democratic Party, (PDP) which dimmed the stars of yesteryears, becloud the rainbows of today and diminish the hidden potentials of our great nation. I doubt if Nigeria has ever been faced with such a perilous future as we have today in the annals of our history.

    On the economic front, Nigeria has been dragged into the red light district of global affairs. On the political front, there are fears about the future considering the odious attempt to eliminate the basic principles of democracy. In Ekiti, Osun and across the South West, the PDP is promoting a retinue of rogue regimes that negate the fundamentals of the egalitarian political heritage of the South West. In Ekiti for instance, we witnessed, not only the monetisation of votes and the blatant institutionalisation of violence but much more – using state machinery. We are aware of the flagrant cases of human right violations perpetrated by some of the nation’s security apparatus. This is different from the hordes of masked gun men that stormed the State of Osun before and on August 9. I must say without any contradictions that the APC leaders in Ekiti and the State of Osun waged campaigns based on developmental issues like the environment, culture, economy, tourism, education and human capital and infrastructural development, while the PDP based its campaign on appeal to banal instincts and corruption, based on the puerile propaganda of momentary and opportunistic patronisation of market women and artisans. This is reprehensible.

    Permit me to use this opportunity to commend the resilience of millions of our supporters in the South West for their calmness in the face of naked brute force, provocation and state induced assaults by the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP). I also wish to commend our leaders for their vigilance and resolute, iron cast determination to defend the core principles of democracy as well as their resolve not to resort to violence. I commend the governments of Lagos, Oyo and Ogun for their achievements which have been validated and acclaimed by the international community. The effective response by the Lagos State Government to the Ebola scourge is another glaring example of how APC leadership stands shoulder high above our political opponents who have regressed Nigeria to a state of stupor. The entire country is today faced with monumental challenges arising from poverty, want and penury. The manufacturing companies are facing an all time economic low. Less than half of the population has access to electricity; living standards are the same today as they were in 1970, and nearly 100 million Nigerians live on less than $1 dollar a day. There is massive unemployment, with over 50% of our youth out of work.  And all are happening in the face of a PDP government that has no effective strategy to stem the worrisome whirlwind.

    This is the time for change.

    It is the time for all members of our great party and Nigerians, in general, to wrestle Nigeria from these vampires. Time is running out. We must act fast and decisively. And to strengthen the party, we must: Realise the need for us to make sacrifices for the party and build new alliances, develop a vision and philosophy our people can relate to and associate with: one that addresses current needs, provides hope and abundance for all.

    APC must have local cells alongside the ward structure that will become a meaningful platform of, and for citizens’ engagement. Our politics must be accompanied by clarity of message about what we stand for. We must create a movement that will put light at the end of this long, dark tunnel and make our people the pilot of their own destiny, so that Nigeria can reclaim her lost glory at home and in the comity of nations. Our new politics must be relevant, current and fit-for-purpose and must have political instruments that offer adequate response to the challenges facing our citizens. APC must become a political party that can act as a social movement. We need to start doing and playing politics of ideology and values, walking in the footpath of the Avatar – Chief Obafemi Awolowo – so that our politics can once again generate genuine momentum for progressive change.

  • Civilian JTF, Boko Haram and the Michika/Madagali battles

    Civilian JTF, Boko Haram and the Michika/Madagali battles

    A disturbing indication of the crisis bedeviling the Nigerian military in the ongoing war in the north-eastern part of the country is the involvement in the war of the so-called Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) assisting soldiers in combating Boko Haram insurgency. Had their involvement been limited to scouting activities, serving as guides to troops in finding their bearing in the warren that a large part of the Northeast has become, both the reputation of the military and the scouts themselves could have been left untainted. But, out of desperation and without a thought for the implications, the federal and state governments have either encouraged the CJTF to raise the tempo of their involvement in the war to include bearing and using arms or to turn a blind eye to the now armed civilians who have neither been trained in warfare and its complex and variegated doctrines nor schooled in its rules of engagement. Now, alarmingly, the CJTF recruits have tasted blood; it will be difficult henceforth to determine just how far they will go during future challenges, be it in politics or war.

    At a point last week during the battles for Michika and Madagali, border towns between Borno and Adamawa States, Boko Haram insurgents reportedly ran out of ammunition. Curiously, said the reports, soldiers neither pursued the invaders nor arrested them on any significant scale. Instead, the CJTF pursued the insurgents and slaughtered between 80 to 100 Boko Haram militants. If the insurgents ran out of ammunition, then they were most likely killed in cold blood. Did soldiers knowingly turn a blind eye? Or did they think it an inconvenience to pursue and arrest the militants, thereby conveniently leaving the reprisal killings, the crimes against humanity, the violation of the Geneva Convention squarely on the heads of the CJTF? Whatever the answers, a threshold has been reached, and notwithstanding the inordinate pressures under which Nigerian troops fight this war that threatens to embarrass them, answers must be provided and efforts made to tidy up what already looks like a messy war in the Northeast.

    What sets us apart as a country from insurgents and terrorists is our submission to and enamouredness of the rule of law in both peacetime and wartime, a virtue that was nearly undermined by uncoordinated military responses in a number of testy battlegrounds such as Baga, Borno State. The apparently undiscriminating CJTF, who do not appear to owe allegiance to any modern laws of war, and have operated openly in such big towns as Maiduguri itself, must not be allowed to carry out the kind of reprisal killings attributed to them in Madagali and Michika. The military must not give the impression they do not mind the CJTF carrying out the kind of unlawful killings international and domestic laws frown at. Either through CJTF or by any other intermediary, unlawful killings reduce us to the standards and abysmal records of terrorists and extremists.

    But the greatest fear is not just the breaching of the laws of war, or of the excesses battlefield successes against Boko Haram insurgents might lead the CJTF to perpetrate, but how to cope with the future predilections of the vigilance groups who have now tasted blood. There will definitely be consequences for security, law enforcement and stability in the near future as a large body of young men seemed certain to be unleashed on the country after the war, men and vigilance groups for whom killing has become demystified but without any restraining leash of rules and regulations of war. The kind of killings that reportedly took place in Michika and Madagali by vigilance groups early last week must never be countenanced. It was a mistake to arm the civilian scouts; it will be a more egregious mistake to turn a blind eye to their atrocities, irrespective of how Boko Haram insurgents behave or whatever successes the insurgents might achieve.

    The tragedy of war in the Northeast is daunting enough in terms of its dislocating effects, killings and economic devastation; it will be catastrophic to complicate it with untrained and armed groups unleashed into the country’s uncertain future simply because they are invaluable now. And yes, we do have a choice, even the luxury, to determine how this war should be fought, and what standards we must uphold. Our humanity, not to say civilization, demands it.