Category: Sunday

  • How to help Nigeria at 54

    How to help Nigeria at 54

    New leaders – cultural, political, and religious – must emerge if Nigeria must be on the track to sustainable success.

    The clichéd saying is that a fool at 40 is a fool forever. This probably applies more to human beings than to human constructions such as nation-states or political parties. Nigeria is well past 40 and it has acted for too long like a fool, having used the past 54 years to arrive at nothing more than a failed or a failing state in the reckoning of both pundits and peasants. But the consolation for the country and its lovers is that it does not have to remain a fool for eternity, if it chooses to re-launch or transform itself.

    Like many nations and societies threatened in the past internally by failure of leadership and externally by the success of imperialists, it has the possibility of nine lives like the proverbial cat. However, the chance to transcend the status of a country that has become a trope or symbol for doing the wrong things most of the time and expecting the right results all the time, some new leaders-cultural, political, and religious–with visions that are distinct from what the country has experienced for the past thirty years, must emerge to put the country on the right track to sustainable success.

    Readers should allow me to give meat to today’s piece by borrowing borrow freely from a young boy born in the United States of Nigerian parents some 18 or 19 years ago. This boy was brought to Nigeria by his parents at the age of seven on the excuse that he needed to be brought up as a Nigerian, with a good measure of understanding of a Nigerian language and culture and some cultural and psychological preparation to live in a world that has not been overdeveloped like America and Europe, where human beings look too pampered and thus incapable of taking stress. The young man at his departure, after fulfilling his filial obligation to come home and be a part of the life of his Nigerian parents, left his diary behind, deliberately, according to his mother and wrote on the front cover of the diary that he would like as many people to know his feelings. His mother gave me access to the diary to use in my column, without revealing the identity of her son.

    The young man’s diary is full of expletives about Nigerian leaders. But it is re-assuring that he says several times in the diary that he loves the people of Nigeria, especially ordinary people while he has no respect for most of the country’s leaders whose actions and pronouncements he characterises as unbearably below average for a 54-year-old country and one that is a member of all standard-improving organisations across the globe. A recurrent theme in the young man’s diary is his worry that even young people of his age, so-called leaders of tomorrow in his own words, are wont to act like their culturally below-average elite while freely using religion to excuse their immoral deeds or thoughts. He gives several examples of acts and pronouncements of leaders that he considers boorish, dishonest or hypocritical. Many of his examples are too detailed and relevant for an 18-year-old stressed by a country that appears to have lost its bearing.

    Even one year after the release of the young man’s diary about Nigeria to family members, many of the untoward acts and attitudes he commented upon are still happening with more bravado or less apology on the part of political and cultural leaders. A few examples of attitudes and pronouncements by individuals in positions of high power even on the eve of the country’s 54th independence anniversary would enrich any narrative that the young man may choose to write later.

    For example, with respect to a plane purported to have been leased to a company that ferried 9.3 million dollars to South Africa, the registered owner of the plane, Pastor Ayo Oritsejefor, the number-one Christian in terms of hierarchy today in his capacity as the president of the Christian Association of Nigeria and also of the Pentecostal churches, known principally for their theology of prosperity, responded in a way that should worry both adolescents and adults in most societies. The man of God said that the Christian Association of Nigeria should not allow enemies of Christians to be putting a cat among their pigeons or throwing sand in their garri. The revered pastor expects innocent citizens to buy the line that it is either Boko Haramists or anti-Christian Nigerians that are trying to malign him on account of the matter of so much undocumented cash found in his plane in another country. It would have been expected of the pastor to cite the devil in such a crisis, but several commentators are also urging Nigerians to dismiss the hype about the undocumented cash-for-arms from the black market in South Africa as something that must have the hand of the Satan or mortal enemies of Christians in it.

    Similarly, on the level of formal or modern politics (as distinct from traditional rulers in politics), Ekiti Governor-elect, Ayo Fayose, has also built his defense against those who alleged that thugs close to him violated the judiciary of Ekiti on the premise that his political enemies are trying to scuttle his swearing-in on October 16. So are his supporters and top members of his party looking away from the issue of thugs beating judges while invoking spiritedly efforts by political enemies to scuttle democracy in Ekiti. The publicity secretary of Fayose’s party has invoked, while calling for an investigation into the activities of officers of the Ekiti State judiciary involved in the crisis, the spirit of saboteurs from political parties opposed to Fayose. He suspected an “underground plot” to scuttle the inauguration of his party man as a “slap in the face of the people of the state, assault on democracy and an attempt to rape the judiciary.” Are their leaders out there, apart from members of opposition parties, ready to call for an independent investigation of the allegations made to the Chief Justice of Nigeria by the Ekiti Chief Judge?

    As if professional politicians speaking on the matter have not said enough pro or con, Ekiti traditional rulers also said a few hours ago that they would not brook any attempt by anybody or group to delay the crowning of Fayose as the governor freely given the mandate to rule the state by the good people of Ekiti. While the judiciary is blatantly violated by political thugs in Ekiti, traditional rulers who the tradition expects to stay away from partisan politics have out of their own volition chosen to reduce the violation of the judiciary to the work of political enemies.

    Even when a building collapsed in the synagogue of T. B. Joshua recently, the pastor addressed his congregation in a way to suggest that he was more interested in chasing shadows. He told members of his church in a televised service that his enemies and those who do not want to stop his church from growing are after him. He did not forget to assure his congregation that his time had not come and that his adversaries would fail.

    Readers should allow me to end this piece by going back to the young man who expressed clearly his love of Nigerians and dislike of their leaders in his diary before exiting the country last year. In the last page of his diary, he urged parents to struggle for a new theology and pedagogy under which new generations of Nigerians can be trained to grow up to be prepared to separate what is bad from what is good, without feeling awkward about doing this. He urged parents to expose their children to value orientation that makes it imperative for them to know that getting what you want at any cost does not always lead to peace and stability. It is creating institutions that promote and sustain values that can lead any country to peace and progress, in the fashion of the old saying: “Righteousness exalts a nation.”

  • Chief Deji Fasuan at 83: Scaling accidents of life!

    Chief Deji Fasuan at 83: Scaling accidents of life!

    In Scaling Accidents of Life, the author is seen copiously quoting, with an amazing power of recall, events of the past 70-75 years both here in Nigeria and elsewhere

    Sincere apologies  to  the wonderful readers of this column as it momentarily diverts from  our ongoing periscoping the ideal  APC candidate  for the 2015  presidential election to give due honour to one so thoroughly deserving(of it). Had the young Deji Fasuan been only half as rascally as he was in elementary school, he most probably would never have attended Christ’s School, Ado-Ekiti, and his entire life trajectory would certainly have been different.  Writes  the author in his  soon to be presented, 415-page autobiography: SCALING ACCIDENTS OF LIFE: ‘It was at a class in Are-Ekiti in 1945. I sat on the last row and, as usual, was certainly not listening to my class teacher when I impulsively answered ‘I WILL SIR’. Asked what I was affirming, I looked clueless whereupon he told me:  ‘Like it or not, I will send your name to Dallimore for the entrance examination to Christ’s School, next month’. I would not only  subsequently write the exam but  pass and got  admitted. His life ambition before attending Christ’s School was as uncomplicated as just wanting to pass Standard Six, become a pupil teacher and, if  lucky, attend  St Andrew’s College, Oyo,  but God purposed by far differently for this octogenarian from  Okedoba Quarters, Afao-Ekiti.

    As he turns 83 this week, I bring to the public space, glimpses of his life of ‘divine’ ACCIDENTS, the seventh and last of which, would see him catapulted to the position of a Chief Executive Officer of a huge Western Regional corporation. A proper review of Scaling Accidents of Life should, God willing, come shortly after the book’s official launch already tentatively slated for Thursday, 27 November, 2014.

    After a short stint in the civil service, Chief Fasuan in 1955, again miraculously, since he did not apply for admission by himself, gained admission to Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, where he graduated in Economics in 1959. A rash of jobs  later, he soon  got  employed at the Western Nigeria Development Corporation (WNDC), where, as Liaison Officer,  he represented the government of the  region  on  many companies in the emerging Ikeja, Ilupeju and Apapa Industrial Estates. Among these were the Nigerian Textile mills, Wrought Iron Nigeria, Pepsi Cola, Ikeja Airport Hotels, WAPCO, Guinness, Nigerite, and Dunlop. He would later serve on the board of most of the companies.

    In Scaling Accidents of Life, the author  is seen copiously quoting, with  an amazing power of recall, events of the past 70-75 years both here in Nigeria and elsewhere. In his Foreword to the book, Aare Afe Babalola, Owner/Founder of the incomparable Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti,(ABUAD), wrote: This book  is a rare and robust compendium featuring a combination of the author’s humble beginning, his rich experience as an investment banker and public servant of note and one  guaranteed to be a useful and helpful companion for those who desire to learn a lesson in contentment and honesty.

    Divided into 36 chapters, seven of which are devoted to the seven ‘accidents, the book could justifiably have been titled: GOD IN MY LIFE. This piece opened with the very first. The second teaches a lesson in openness and the essence of  not being unnecessarily secretive with friends.  The author’s friend, Mr Joseph Adeniyi, leveraged on his knowing the details of his friend’s school certificate result to respond on his behalf to an advert for admission into Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone. That was an advert he stood no chance of seeing as he was visiting home. As it turned out, his letter of admission arrived several weeks ahead of his friend’s who had even thought he probably wasn’t admitted. The third accident was much more fortuitous. Cash strapped, most of the time at the university, how he was going to spend his December holidays  in 1955 was clearly beyond him as he could neither pay his passage to Nigeria nor afford to pay  the university for  his feeding and accommodation during the 4-week vacation. He was still ruminating over this when on the Saturday preceding the commencement, mother luck took him to the CMS Bookshop in town. While glued to the section on biographies, he got a gentle tap on the back. Turning, he was face to face with the Archbishop of West Africa, Anglican Communion, who was based in Lagos but made a brief stopover in Freetown on his way to England. On enquiries, His Lordship not only got to know that he is a Nigerian, but that he was from Christ’s School, Ado-Ekiti. ‘Ooh, you must be a good boy’, said the Archbishop, who promptly introduced him to the local priest. The literally stranded young man would be the priest’s guest, not only on that occasion but on many more – the hand of God, indeed.

    The fourth  also revolved around money -this time, his fees , failure to pay  which would  see him ‘sent down the hill’, that is, drop out. His fees, to date, had been paid from personal savings and all  manner of  hardly sufficient fund raisers  by relations but the  sheer inadequacy had led him to  the Teachers Training College, Ikere Ekiti  with which he signed an accord to teach for  two years for every year of sponsorship after  graduation. By the time the second tranche was due, the school headship had changed and the new principal, if he would continue at all, had  added some disagreeable conditions  which he , in turn, promptly rejected though he knew not how he was going to pay. This was when the miracle happened again, as the College Bursar, totally out of the blues, inadvertently sent the money to the university and thus saved his brushes.

    The fifth would happen far away in the United States of America. On his way to attend  a World Bank Project Analysis course in the spring of ’72,  he  had a brief stopover in London where, at the African Continental Bank branch, he  changed  his pound sterling traveller’s cheques to dollars but  inexplainably forgot to collect them from the Manager, Mr C.B Akintola.  He did not discover this until his plane landed at the Foster Dulles Airport in Washington. Naturally, he looked completely lost as  he went through airport formalities. This was the point at which a total stranger forcibly tucked a five dollar bill in his pocket and advised he took a train to his hotel rather than a cab. Entering his hotel room, he met an envelope, addressed to him,  containing 25 dollars and  intended to cover his preliminary expenses. The ACB Manager later forwarded his traveller’s cheque to him. The sixth accident had to do with a plot in his  office  but which collapsed completely and redounded to his advantage. He was unjustly transferred to the industrial department which they considered a ‘Siberia’  with the intention of  hampering his progress only for him to have much faster rise than the plotters. As it would happen, the  incumbent acting Head of Department had to be transferred because he did not possess adequate qualifications and chief was  promptly made to head the department.

    The seventh, and final accident, has to do with his name being put as number one on the list of those to be compulsorily retired shortly after he had just been promoted Director of Investment Supervision. This was during the general civil service  purge  but upon further enquiries by the governor, Gen  David Jemibewon, the Secretary to the State  Government wrote an opinion, describing him in superlative terms. The situation drew the ire of the governor who promptly ordered the immediate removal of his boss and appointed him in his place.

    Many more instances will qualify as  divine accidents in the life of a straight talking Chief Oladeji Fasuan; a man in whom there is no guile and who has, with enormous justification, earned the reputation of one who says it as it is. Scaling Accidents of Life will be a worthy addition to any library.

  • Oyo: Quintessential Journalist

    October 6, 2006 of every year usually reminds me of a very sad event that is hard for me to forget.

    The killing of Omololu Falobi, Founding Executive Director of Journalists Against AIDS (JAAIDS) by unknown gunmen on his way home from work in Lagos still leaves me numb somehow.

    An excellent young journalist and foremost crusader against a deadly disease ravaging the world was suddenly cut down in his prime, leaving many, including myself wondering why such people should not have lived longer to continue their good works.

    However, Omololu’s short life was for me a confirmation of the fact that life is not about how long but how well. He made so much impact using journalism to campaign for the general good of all and will be remembered for his commitment, passion and excellent approach to his various media related   endeavours.

    The good work he started has continued to blossom, thanks to the visionary leadership he provided his staff who have sustained his legacy.  May his soul continue to rest in peace.

    Last Thursday, yet another outstanding journalist, Dame Oluremi Oyo, former Special Adviser (Media) to former President Olusegun Obasanjo who was also a member, of the Board of Trustees of his JAAIDS died.

    In Oyo, the Nigerian media lost a woman who as President Goodluck Jonathan aptly described her was a trail blazer and an accomplished professional. Her record of achievements in journalism should serve as an encouragement to women in professions who easily succumb to the believe that their gender is a limiting factor against male colleagues.

    Oyo is not only the first and only woman to be named a presidential media aide in the country; she holds similar records as Managing Director of News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) and President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE).

    In all the above positions and many others, she distinguished herself and will always be remembered for her contributions to the development of the media in the country. She was a very passionate journalist who was always concerned about best practices and career development through trainings.

    As I write this piece, I can still hear her firm voice and frank views on media issues we discussed the few occasions we met. I remember inviting her for a media training  in 2000 where she spoke about the need for journalists to learn about using new technologies  long before now when access was still limited.

    Such was her love for journalism that she identified with it notwithstanding the positions she attained and fought for the rights journalists in whatever way she could. I know how much personal interest Oyo took in mentoring many female and male Journalists who will ever be grateful for what she did for them.

    Like in Falobi’s case , I am consoled by Oyo’s death based on a quote that good people will die, but their good work shall live forever.

  • The Teachers’ Reckoning

    Once, I attended a wedding where the chairman of the reception was the bride’s primary school teacher

    What time has come again this year, dear reader, when we take time off the disturbing business of Nigerian politics, which is even now beating the drums of ethnic wars, religious wars and other incredibly asinine wars, and foray into something more cheering. It is time once again to don our skirts and sneakers, brush our pompoms and shekere, take our stand by the edge of the playing field and get ready to shake it for that special group of people we celebrate come every October: the teacher. Today is teachers’ day. Huh! Come on, shake that shekere for all teachers!

    What? I can’t hear you. What have they done to deserve it? Now wait a minute here, will you?! I’ll give you many reasons why they deserve it. Just last week, I found myself passing through a Nigerian city where I was shown a house under construction belonging to a senator or a House of representative member – don’t know which. I was told that the house had been under construction for the past one year, with workers working in and on it day and night. Along the way, I also saw many other houses whose architectural designs and constructions defied any particular explanation other than the fancy that says ‘so much money; so little sense’. I just thought: how many teachers can afford that kind of self-indulgence?

    I have always considered that you can always know a politician’s house from every other. One: the typical politician’s house is often big and very obscene. They have things called wind breakers, visitor breakers and all kinds of breakers. Two: they are often impractical. Good thing we do have something called second value here. Many of the houses built now cannot be resold so easily should the need arise. Unfortunately, I’m sure we know those who have conked off as soon as they finished their elaborate edifices. Anyway, when I wondered where all the money could be coming from, I was told that the constituency allowances of our elected politicians meant for community development efforts are often used to develop personal monuments. Again I ask, how many teachers in this country have even those wind breakers to shield their heads?

    At a later forum the same week, I heard a very disturbing story. An elected politician had visited a school where he found that the classrooms were windowless, sandy (because the flooring had scraped off), and bare of any furniture. Worse, the school pupils were in tattered uniforms. He then set off to do something about it: he installed windows, renovated the rooms and furnished them to his satisfaction. He then kitted the pupils properly in new uniforms.

    As the story goes, he returned to a resumed house to face the consequences of his action. He was roundly upbraided by his colleagues for showing them up. Oh yes, said his colleagues, they had heard about his Good Samaritan job. Who sent him? What was he trying to do: make them look bad in the eyes of the public? Didn’t he know that the meaning of that constituency allowance? Constituency allowance, they patiently explained to him only because he was a first offender, is for you and your family. Come next time, they let him know, they would not be so easy on him. Now you know why classrooms are dreary here.

    I am told that Nigeria has become so advanced that the rather advanced enjoyments we normally associate with the more technologically advanced western world, have been brought right to our doorstep. Previously, they said, politicians and other government functionaries used to be taken abroad and introduced to behaviours that signified change in levels. Now, there is no need to go that far. When a politician is elected, I am told, there are bars in nearly every Nigerian state capital where he can be taken to be introduced to the good life. There, he is waited on by all kinds of topless bar maids, in terms of clothing that is. You got it: if it’s in my city, it’s likely to be in yours too; and they are mostly patronized by politicians.

    Now, this is the point. Our schools are suffering because our politicians are too busy acquiring and upping their tastes in buildings, acquisitions and good living to pay attention to state matters. I don’t know about you but I think one of the most tedious jobs in existence is looking after a roomful of two or so year-olds. When I had two-year-olds in my charge, I found myself perpetually holding a cane, my brows met permanently in the middle, and my teeth were bared all the time as I snarled ‘leave that alone,’ ‘get away from there’ from sun up till sun down. It was the classical tale of horror.

    Yet, for this great job, many teachers hardly get paid enough. Even the little they are supposed to get hardly come to them. So, many teachers had to find other ways out to the detriment of their jobs. As I speak, there are states and local governments in this country that still owe their teachers many months in salary arrears. Yet, the politicians that man the posts of every school in Nigeria, right from and right through the governor, senator, representative, assembly man, councilor, etc, are taken care of or take care of themselves in extraordinary ways, even to the good stuff.

    As a tribute to all teachers in this country, I want to tell this story of encouragement. Once, I attended a wedding where the chairman of the reception was the bride’s primary school teacher. The choice, I was told, had been the lovely bride’s. It had been that bride’s way of acknowledging all that the teacher had imparted in her life. The teacher probably earned no more than a pittance, and had no way of knowing that he would not even be forgotten by his charges as soon as they left him to go to secondary school. Yet he did his work well. To his surprise that day, he had not only been invited to the wedding (to show he was not forgotten), he was made the chairman of the reception (to show he was appreciated).

    True, there are teachers who do not do their work well, and they are many. To these we say that there will be a day of reckoning. The teacher’s reward may be in heaven or earth, wherever; but the teacher’s reckoning is always here on earth I assure you. A judge once asked his teacher to sit in his courtroom and write five hundred lines for coming late to her hearing. It was in retaliation. There are some who do their work rather indifferently because they are ill-remunerated; if the children want, let them understand. To such we plead a change of heart. Every effort has its own reward. Believe me, days of chairmanship do come; but our day of reward should meet us worthy of the accolade. There are also teachers who, in spite of their circumstances, still strive to ensure that while their pupils are grasping the teachers’ skirts and their neighbours’ catapults, they also grasp some knowledge. To these we say carry on.

    Today, we pay tribute to teachers the world over for the job they do. If we can pay politicians so much for mixing up and frothing the very air we breathe and turning it to noxious fumes, I think we need to do a rethink on how we remunerate our teachers. Many of them have anxieties about their tomorrow because they cannot feed well or even send their children to school. This is the time to assure them that the country cares. For now, let’s just bring out the shekere and shake it to the deserving ones.

  • Ekiti: a dress rehearsal?

    Ekiti: a dress rehearsal?

    Perhaps nothing best signposts the times we are in as a nation than the assault on some judges in Ekiti State between September 22 and 24, apparently by some political bandits, led, according to the state chief judge, by Governor-elect Ayo Fayose himself. I thought I was too young to cite if ever there was any such precedent in the annals of Nigeria’s history, but I was reassured by some people who have seen it all, I mean older citizens who have spent more than seven decades plus on earth, that never in our country’s history have we witnessed such assault on judges. It then dawned on me that the incident may be one of the unusual lows we have witnessed under the Goodluck Jonathan administration and could jolly well be one of the end-time signs that we would be seeing as a nation.

    Even the police that should protect the judges happened to be the spectators-in-chief. Maybe the police realised their powerlessness in the matter, hence their lukewarm attitude while the assault lasted. So, the judges who did not were taught a lesson to be able to read the body language at the top, I mean the very top!

    No one is saying that people cannot be aggrieved over any matter. But the most civilised way to go is to get the law courts to decide on whatever the contentions are. However, when we now put the fear of hoodlums in judges, the cause of justice cannot be well served and the citizens are the ultimate losers.

    Anyway, in the lighter mood, since nobody gets angry at a dog for barking, just as no one kills rams for fighting. (I am not chanting incantations), please. These animals are only doing what their creator made them to do. So, no one should be surprised at what is happening in Ekiti State. We were told before that the ruling party pushed some people forward in the southwest not necessarily because the people have anything to offer but because they have an infinite capacity to cause mayhem. What is happening in Ekiti could jolly well be a precursor to what to expect in the ‘Fountain of knowledge’ in subsequent weeks, months or even years. The good thing is that whoever had any doubt about Ekiti being a ‘Fountain of knowledge’ must have realised after the June 14 governorship election that he or she was mistaken. Ekiti has lived up to its billing in that wise by adding to our political lexicon what we now famously know as ‘Stomach infrastructure’, which has significantly contributed to our knowledge. Many of us have had such thing in mind before but we never knew what name to call it until Ekiti people came up with that ingenious concept. Even Western journalists now famously refer to it in analysing elections in Nigeria. The beauty of it all is that the concept might soon be internationalised. We should therefore not be surprised if the Americans and the British, etc. start putting ‘Stomach infrastructure’ on their political menu! That would have been a contribution that would put Ekiti on the global map and if it is already there, it would boost its standing in the league of states with uncommon knack for inventions.

    Still in the lighter mood, the Ekiti incident reminded me of a drama by Moses Olaiya, better known as Baba Sala many years ago. He said that given the calibre of people behind him: mo le gba eegun loju; mo le fo olopa leti; ma tun wa so’ko lu adajo’ (I can slap a masquerade; I can also slap a policeman and as well stone the judge!) These are possibilities when you have our kind of federal might solidly behind you. Who is a judge? As one of them in the ruling party said a few months ago, “Ta lo nje ode aperin niwaju ode apeeyan?” (who is an elephant hunter where a human hunter is? }

    It remains to be seen whether their Lordships will be able to do “as their Lordships please”. Court!

  • 2015: time to confront our demons

    2015: time to confront our demons

    Analysts can’t resist the temptation to award victory or defeat in the 2015 presidential poll to political parties and their candidates based mostly on geopolitical dynamics. It is not hard to see why. President Goodluck Jonathan hails from the South-South, so, he’ll probably take that zone, including perhaps Rivers State, they suggest. The Southeast has completely eschewed any reasoned discussions of the poll; therefore, according to the zone, if not Dr Jonathan, then nobody else will get the great prize. On mainly religious grounds, too, a sizable part of the Middle Belt and a fair portion of the Southwest are believed to have concluded plans to vote unthinkingly for Dr Jonathan since every other contestant, they conclude, is an agent of the devil. As for the other parts of the country, argue some of the analysts, Dr Jonathan will find it tough going.

    But basing the outcome of the 2015 presidential race on essentially technical and zonal permutations rather than on candidates’ ideas and competence, and on religion rather than on issues and candidates’ track records, is to unwittingly lay the foundation for Nigeria’s disintegration. The country is today largely divided between North and South, and between Christians and Muslims. These divisions have been exacerbated by the Jonathan presidency, by his supporters and aides whose fanatical zeal to win the presidential election has become truly numbing, and by his paranoid kinsmen who have blurred the lines between decency and indecency, between democracy and tyranny, and between sense and nonsense. Indeed, we all seem to ignore the unsettling questions about the potential of these divisions, these scorched earth policies and politics, to promote crises in the near future.

    Since the contest has appeared to us to boil down to a struggle between Christians and Muslims, and having irrationally described the opposition party as Islamic and the ruling party as Christian, we fail to ponder what the repercussions would be if the other religion we paranoiacally abhor were to win. To be sure, the exploitation of ethnic and religious sentiments predates the Jonathan presidency. Under past military regimes, religion and ethnicity played an unwelcoming and pernicious role in the formulation of national policies and the conduct of politics. Many years back, it was in fact unavoidable to conclude that rulers of northern extraction deliberately and unwisely skewed postings and promotions in key ministries and the security services in favour of northern officers, even as they thoughtlessly appeared to promote Islamic trappings in governance, such as the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC). So the excesses we are seeing today have their antecedents, with some Jonathan supporters even asserting that today’s politics and policies must be dedicated to breaking the North’s ethnic and religious stranglehold on the polity.

    There can be no doubt that past rulers, many of them so schizoid that it is difficult to gauge how messed up their moral compasses were, made too many mistakes. They had the opportunity to create a stable, fair and just society, but either because of incompetence and ignorance, or because of their fundamental disposition to fanaticism, they simply enthroned ad hocism in governance and ruled with the immature instinct of neophytes. Sadly, the consequences of years of favouritism are today manifesting in Dr Jonathan’s presidency’s reverse discrimination and favouritism. The pressing danger is that if we go into the 2015 presidential poll with these implacable divisions anchored on ethnic and religious discrimination, Nigeria’s future could become blighted. Confronting our demons is therefore the urgent need of the moment.

    Under the military, those who climbed to leadership positions were neither gifted nor really disciplined, nor yet deep or ideological. In those days, politicised officers wormed their way into national leadership. But under civilian rule, it is even more scandalous that since the time of Olusegun Obasanjo, through the reign of Umaru Yar’Adu, and now the subversive rule of Dr Jonathan, leadership recruitment has been so flawed and polluted that only the worst have been able to claim Aso Villa. Chief Obasanjo was a megalomaniac without the redeeming feature of ideological or moral conviction. Former President Yar’Adua was somewhat more honest and altruistic than his predecessor, but he was entirely lethargic, superficial and permissive. Dr Jonathan has blended in himself the worst qualities of his two predecessors. In him pedantry, egotism, superficiality and despotism reach their sublime worst.

    In 2015, Nigeria must therefore make a clean break from the past, both in terms of the quality and disposition of the president and the issues and values that shape that choice. The present trend and methods are simply untenable if the country is not to fragment. The first place to begin is to consciously and firmly redirect politics away from the ethnic and religious cocoons in which Nigerians are ensconced or are retreating. The talk of where Dr Jonathan hails from, or how the country has survived on oil from the Niger Delta to justify inflicting an unprepared and emotionally distraught president on the country, must be resisted. In fact, having recognised his limitations, and knowing full well he is unlikely to achieve any amelioration of his weaknesses any time soon, Dr Jonathan has mastered a lethal and enervating cocktail of disinformation, propaganda and tyrannical use of power to sustain his hold on power. He is succeeding because his methods and proclivities are anchored on the exploitation of elite greed.

    One of the issues that should influence the choice of who becomes president next year is the Jonathan presidency’s relentless and remorseless thirst for scandals. While his Petroleum ministry was yet to account for about $12bn the former Central Bank of Nigeria governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, accused it of squandering, and while billions of naira are filched from various pension funds, other more aggravating scandals have erupted. His government illegally hauled $9.3m cash to South Africa to, as they put it incredulously, buy arms. And among other malfeasances, enough to cause any other president to be impeached in a decent society, Dr Jonathan has actively promoted or connived at the wholesale subversion of democratic principles and practice in Nigeria. Ekiti is in turmoil, Rivers was and is still in turmoil because the president shirks his responsibility as the most potent defender of the constitution, Adamawa has been laid prostrate, Nasarawa tethers on the brink, and Osun and Edo, not to talk of Ogun and Lagos, are under his party’s radar for destabilisation and, if necessary, destruction by an army of well-funded vagrants.

    Nigerians may not be enlightened enough to appreciate that a dictator is emerging; but after acquiring confidence in his war of attrition with Chief Obasanjo, having lured the Judicial Council into surrendering its powers in the Justice Ayo Salami case, and having compromised, subjugated and tyrannised the elite everywhere, Dr Jonathan has concocted a series of stratagems to transform his party into the most potent weapon of oppression ever seen in these parts, and the country into a one-party dictatorship. The electorate must be made to understand that full-blown dictatorship will flourish once Dr Jonathan is re-elected.

    Indeed, it is an indication of the country’s moral health that all the scandals swirling around Dr Jonathan have neither bothered him nor lowered his stock among the stragglers that hoof the Niger Delta, Southeast and now surprisingly the Southwest. He fully expects to win the poll next year, partly because of the many endorsements he has received. But the politics of local elections at the local government and state levels are quite different from the politics of presidential election. And though the 2015 presidential poll has been scheduled first, with the sinister anticipation of triggering a bandwagon effect, it is expected that in a tight race, it is still possible to defeat Dr Jonathan, notwithstanding his resort to acrimonious politics, his embrace of ethnic and parochial schemes, and his promotion and exploitation of religious differences.

    The second issue that should lead the electorate to reject Dr Jonathan is the case of the Chibok schoolgirls abducted by Boko Haram militants on April 14. For the past 167 days or so that the abductions have lasted, the president has handled the matter with utter incompetence and lethargy, so bad that the whole world is appalled by his seeming indifference. The world, it will be recalled, rose up in solidarity with us when the abductions created global tremors. But arriving in Nigeria, and seeing how the Jonathan presidency handled the matter, and recognising that even our troops were unwilling to fight, the foreign helpers quietly left in frustration and disgust. They are even more stupefied that the Nigerian government has tried to blackmail them with silly allegations that the West is conspiring to bar Nigeria from procuring arms. For the nearly six months that the abductions have lasted, Dr Jonathan has been unable to articulate a coherent strategy for rescuing the girls, in addition to initially doubting Boko Haram’s criminal act. Moreover, his wife, Dame Patience, outrightly scorned and derided reports of the abductions. There was therefore no strategy to negotiate the girls’ release, and there was no will to fight.

    The third issue that should influence the repudiation of Dr Jonathan is the worldwide scorn reserved for him. Many African leaders are aghast that Nigeria could tolerate him for almost six years. They would be dumbfounded if we gave him a hearing during this coming election, and would be indignant should we elect him for another four years. They would ask how four more years of Dr Jonathan would profit us. If African countries such as Zimbabwe and Uganda could snort at Dr Jonathan heartily, what of the developed democracies? While diplomatic refinements may not allow Western leaders to say what they think of Nigeria and its leaders, they have acted it and taken it out on Nigerian travellers. Once the Nigerian steps out of his country, he is held in absolute contempt. It is transferred aggression, an aggression activated by the disdain they have for our leaders. No other country’s citizens are held in so much contempt anywhere as Nigerians; not even Haitians, Colombians or Albanians; and minus ebola disease, not even Liberians or Sierra Leoneans.

    Conventional opinion indicates that the opposition would have a tough chance beating Dr Jonathan. The truth, however, is that he is vulnerable at all levels and on all fronts. Dr Jonathan and his aides recognise these vulnerabilities, and will try desperately to focus their campaign on religion, ethnicity and the North-South divide. They will do everything to bribe everyone, creating more states if necessary. If the opposition gets the right candidate and sensibly focuses their campaign on those areas where Dr Jonathan simply has no answer, he can be beaten fair and square. It would be a tragedy should he return to office for another four years, for we would be unlikely to survive the gargantuan social, political and economic damage that his re-election would entail.

     

  • The EVD survivor at the intersection of faith and reason, religion and science

    The EVD survivor at the intersection of faith and reason, religion and science

    If you find yourself in a fast leaking boat far from the shoreline, pray to God but row with all your might towards the shore. A Russian proverb

    It was my friend, Femi Osofisan, who forwarded the heartwarming and inspirational story of Dr. Adah Igonoh to me and some other friends by email, with a simple message: “a story worth reading and worth pondering upon”. I was to later find out that the story had actually “gone viral” on the internet after it first appeared in the online newsmagazine and social gossip journal, BellaNaija. But it was Femi who forwarded it to me because he had been very moved by the story.

    On my own part, I don’t think that anything I have read this year has moved me as deeply as the story of Dr. Igonoh’s victory in the struggle for her life after she contracted the Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) from having been one of the senior medical staff who treated Patrick Sawyer, the Liberian who brought the disease to Nigeria. I was so profoundly moved by Dr. Igonoh’s story that for hours I could think of nothing else but the largeness of heart and depth of humaneness revealed in her story. Indeed, so moved was I after reading her story that, as I almost always do when I am gripped by very powerful emotions and thoughts, I went for a long walk along a river close to my apartment, this being the Charles River in Cambridge Massachusetts. On getting to the river, I made my way to a bend in the river whose bank is enveloped by a coolness created by the natural canopy of the branches and leaves of big, tall trees, this being my favorite spot for meditation. This piece is the product of that meditation.

    In the first place, Dr. Igonoh’s story is extraordinarily well told. This is because it is told with a simplicity and a directness that seemed to be a perfect narrative frame for her unvarnished truth-telling. Since the story has been widely circulated on the internet, hundreds of thousands already have read about it. But it is necessary to recount the essence, the heart of the story for those who have not read or heard about it. In a brief summary here’s the story in its most important moments or episodes: Dr. Igonoh contracts the Ebola disease; she is quarantined in very insanitary and traumatic circumstances; she goes through the whole gamut of horrific symptoms and manifestations of the disease; in quarantine she meets and establishes powerful and sustaining emotional bonds with other patients of the disease; as the disease relentlessly consumes her and she is staring at the possibility of death, she commences a psychic struggle to marshal all her inner resources to confront the depredations of the disease; with a towering will she begins to gather as much information and knowledge as she can about the disease; from this she enters into a new sense, a new apprehension of herself as both a profoundly spiritual and at the same time a fully rational and inquisitive human being; and finally when, with a lot of help and support from her pastor (himself a medical doctor) and some foreign health specialists, she turns the corner and begins to see that she might survive, she attains an uncommon grace that enables her to achieve a deeply humane and mature perspective on life and its vicissitudes.

    I would like to observe, indeed to insist that were it not for the fact that the story Dr. Igonoh tells is about an actual life-changing experience, it reads and feels like the work of a writer who is on her way to becoming an important realist storyteller. In other words, there is every indication in how Dr. Igonoh tells her story that it could very well be the germ, the beginning of a full-length nonfiction work that might well become a masterful account of how she was victorious in her battle against EVD. Indeed if she gets to read this piece, I would like to use this medium to suggest to her, to her family and her pastor that this is a story that our country and the world needs to hear in the more capacious version of a full length nonfiction work.

    I do admit that this is the professional aspect of my response to Dr. Igonoh’s story; it is the opinion of a teacher of literature, a literary critic who cannot separate a story from the mode of its telling. But there is another dimension to Dr. Igonoh’s telling of her story that prompts me to suggest that the account she gives ought to be turned into a full length nonfiction prose work and this is the fact that in the fullness of the story that she tells, she touches on wider frames of reference that include the professionalism, dedication and courage of many of her supervisors and colleagues whom fate brought into the initial frontline engagement of EVD’s invasion of our country. More generally, this wider frame of reference enfolds the untold story of a nation’s encounter with the specter of a full-blown spread of the Ebola disease. In this respect, Dr. Ameyo Adadevoh about whom we have read so much, reappears in Dr. Igonoh’s story as perhaps the most heroic figure in the public and collective life of our country in at least the last one or two decades. There is also this factor: in these larger frames of reference that we see in Dr. Igonoh’s story, one is startled, indeed one is heartened to see Nigerians acting with total altruism and genuine civic mindedness. In effect, this is a story that is totally different from the stories we are accustomed to reading or hearing about our country in which villains always triumph over heroes, the corrupt and the cynical always prevail over just, selfless and fair-minded women and men.

    For me, perhaps the most astounding aspect of Dr. Igonoh’s story of survival is precisely the one aspect that has not (yet) received notice, let alone commentary on the internet. This is the aspect that gives equal weight, equal narrative space to her faith as a Christian and her dedication to the rational, scientific ethos of her profession as a medical doctor. Again and again in her story, Dr. Igonoh tells how much prayer and spiritual counseling from her pastor, her family and members of her church helped to buoy up her spirit and her determination to survive. On this account, the story she tells seems to belong to the order of miraculous tales, of transcendental fables. But then, Dr. Igonoh’s story is also filled with repeated accounts of how she did everything possible to obtain knowledge and information about the disease, together with accounts of how much time and energy she spent doing this. Moreover, we also get repeated accounts of how she rigorously monitored the effects of the treatment she was receiving. On the basis of this strong secular strain in her story, it could be said that Dr. Igonoh survived because she used to the fullest extent possible her intelligence, her rationality, her trust in the help that medical science can provide for the gravely ill.

    I think it is big misreading of Dr. Igonoh’s story of survival to see a dichotomy, a conflict between the so-called “miraculous tale” and the narrative of “secular, rational” will and intelligence. Such a dichotomy, such a conflict apparently does not exist in the worldview of Dr. Igonoh and for this reason she treasures and honors both traditions of thought and organized systems for beneficent intervention in human affairs. In this she reminds me of Nobel Prize laureates in the sciences, in Physics, Chemistry and Medicine, who believe in God and are also devout or pious followers of the Christian or Jewish faiths. Examples of this category of Nobel laureates are Max Planck (Physics); Werner Heisenberg (Physics); Alexis Carrel (Medicine and Physiology) and Joseph Murray (Medicine and Physiology).

    It is impossible to overstate how significant this aspect of Dr. Igonoh’s story is for contemporary Nigerian intellectual and scientific endeavors. This is because for several decades now, a philistine, idolatrous and dangerously fanatical form of Christian and Moslem religiosity has captured large segments of the national intelligentsia in our country. Brilliant and gifted physicists become born-again Pentecostal pastors and completely abandon not only Physics but the scientific ethos. Historians and linguists of great renown become self-trained theologians and totally turn their backs on historical explanations and rational accounts of the movement of history in favour of grossly distorted accounts of the force of divine and miraculous intervention in human affairs. Vice Chancellors, Heads of Research Institutes and Directors of Studies in our tertiary institutions and public think tanks not only always start all their meetings and work with mandatory prayers, they effectively exclude all those who do not think as they do, all those who, though they may believe in God, also give science and rationality due acknowledgement and respect. The list goes on and on and at the end of the day, science and religion, faith and rationality are going their separate ways among our professoriate, our men and women of learning. The cost of this separation to our collective progress and welfare as a nation is incalculable.

    I do not think that Dr. Igonoh consciously set out to make these large points that I am arguing in this essay. It would disappoint me somewhat but not surprise me if she were to come out against my central argument in this piece to declare for the world and her pastor and fellow churchgoers to hear that in all things she puts God first. I leave it to the reader to judge for themselves on the claim I am making here: on the strength of the testimony in her story, she is a very devout Christian and at the same time a rationalist who puts great trust in the power of human intelligence and institutions like medical science and the knowledge industry to make a difference in matters of life and death, matters of human helplessness before predatory diseases. One way to put this contention in its simplest form is to invoke the old adage: heaven helps only those who help themselves. This is a more common form of the Russian proverb that is the epigraph to this essay: If you find yourself in a fast leaking boat far from the shoreline, pray to God but row with all your might toward the shore.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Periscoping the ideal APC presidential candidate (2)

    Periscoping the ideal APC presidential candidate (2)

    And I make bold to say that Nigeria, in its current dire straits, needs Buhari more than he needs Nigeria

    Writing in his column in The Nation of Thursday, September 25, 2014, the highly regarded Ambassador Dapo Fafowora clinically dissected one of the many evil consequences of PDP’s screaming ineptitude since assuming power in 1999.  On why Nigeria is no longer respected at international fora, he wrote:  ‘It is because of the widespread corruption in Nigeria which has continued to undermine economic and social development. Virtually all the state institutions, including the executive, legislative and the judiciary, have broken down completely. The other day the Chief Justice of the Federation was reported as complaining that the judiciary was rotten with many judges openly taking bribes to distort justice. The bench too is believed to be as corrupt …’ Now that the PDP has decided to  adopt  insecurity, nation-wide darkness(16 years ago, Nigeria was generating 4000 MW as against today’s below that figure), unprecedented level of corruption, de-industrialisation, massive unemployment, even official money laundering,  by  foreclosing  competition for  elective posts , come 2015, it is important that APC should go out  to deliberately choose  an  individual who, irrespective of  ethnicity or religion, has a track record of incorruptibility in high public office; a candidate whose integrity is so overpowering, overwhelming and assured, that Nigeria  could be lifted up from its current stagnation in  the lowest rungs of  the human  development indices within his first four years in office.

    South Africa, a country we now claim to have upended after re-basing our economy, has just seized a humongous $9.3 million ferried into that country in a private plane, ostensibly to illegally purchase arms, simply because it is alien to the PDP federal government to be honest in anything.  Indeed, the government, only this past week, withdrew the fraud charges against former Works Minister, Hassan Lawal, just like it did in the Abacha case, all for narrow political considerations. As it turned out in the money laundering case, the company they claimed they were going to buy arms from is not even authorised by the South African authorities to deal in arms. Hardly could anything be more demeaning of a country than that seizure, but our government is beyond shame. Everything is about cutting corners; never for them security of life and property, every government’s raison detre,  guaranteed uninterrupted electricity, anti-corruption, employment for  teeming millions of  our unemployed youth, or  programmes designed to reduce mass poverty as long as TAN and the Protectors can conjure claims  of a so-called transformation agenda.

    I was ruminating over these PDP-induced national malaise as I reached page 337 of ‘SCALING ACCIDENTS OF LIFE – an upcoming autobiography by the incomparable patriot, Chief Oladeji  Fasuan, only to  see right before me, a letter the author addressed to Governor Fashola on 1, June 2011. The letter reads as follows: “Dear Governor, during the last elections, I voted for a non-existent Buhari/Fashola ticket. Some of my friends (notably Afe Babalola, SAN) laughed at me. I pity them because until there is a Buhari/Fashola ticket or something containing the characters of these two men, Nigeria will continue to tumble and stumble till we get the right national leadership. Know what these two represent? BELIEF, COMMITMENT, RAW DETERMINATION plus CAPACITY, WILLINGNESS and TRANSPARENCY.

    It is on the heels of the octogenarian’s above testimony that I present below, the views of Fola Aiyegbusi, a young Nigerian patriot, who is critically aware of the perilous times we are:

    ‘My reaction will start with a question:  Is Nigeria ready for an incorruptible president? The answer, unfortunately, is no.  Nigerians only complain of corruption when they are not the beneficiary.  That is when you hear ludicrous rationalisations for corrupt practices as in the one Femi Fani-Kayode recently did entitled: “of cash, the jet and Pastor Oritshejafor,” in defence of his co-religionist.

    ‘Today in Nigeria, General Buhari stands out as an epitome of incorruptibility, very much unlike the rest. As Head of State  between  1983- ‘85, his  government  gave a monthly account of crude oil lifted, how much it was sold for, and what  government was going to do with the revenue generated  there from. That now sounds like ancient history. As a military Head of State, he was not obliged to do it but because of his innate transparency and that of his Chief of General Staff, General Tunde  Idiagbon,  they   opted to lead by example. Today, under a PDP administration, reports of unremitted oil revenues are legion. Rather than openness in the Nigerian extractive industry,  it is corruption galore and we now daily hear of millions of barrels of stolen crude oil in spite of sweet heart, multi-billion pipeline security contracts awarded  to some of our president’s  Ijaw  compatriots.  Are oil thieves ghosts, since you need a barge worth millions of dollars to engage in oil stealing or are they being protected by higher authorities?  Any Nigerian wishing the country well already has his choice for the office of president because the general has already demonstrated, in previous posts, the ability to perform creditably the onerous task of ruling this largest agglomeration of blacks in the universe.

    ‘Anybody rushing to join the PDP today must have his eyes on corrupt enrichment, especially going into an election year.  Were Nigeria a serious country, that party ought to have been asphyxiated to death by now.  With their bulging 2015 campaign budget, not a few unreflecting Nigerians would still head there in search of loot.  Or what, other than monumental corruption, ethnic and religious bigotries and insecurity of life and property can Nigerians point to as benefits of PDP’s fifteen year stranglehold over Nigeria?  Never in the history of our country have religion and ethnic sensitivities been as pronounced as we now have.

    ‘But the time for change has come. For the APC to vanquish a thoroughly clueless PDP, General Buhari is its only option and with any of governors Tunde Fashola, Adams Oshiomhole, Rochas Okorocha, Chris Ngige or Kayode Fayemi. General Buhari will be APC’s ideal presidential candidate.  He has the drive, the passion and the sheer perspicacity to rescue this country from this journey to nowhere.’

    I say a big thank you to Fela for his well crafted views. As my own little contribution, let me quickly say that despite all the attempts by the opposition to dress the general in the robes of a Taliban, he comes to me, in the words of an elder, as a bridge builder who connects easily with his conservative north and the progressive Southwest and Middle belt in particular. A spartan soldier/politician, GMB has more than demonstrated the ability to lift Nigeria far beyond its present morass.  And I make bold to say that Nigeria, in its current dire straits, needs Buhari more than he needs Nigeria. Indeed, only this past week, Tunji Ololade, my co-columnist at The Nation, in his column, Reality Bites, of Friday, September 25, 2014, put the situation very brilliantly when he wrote: ‘Again, we are set to elect familiar ogres we do not know to power. Some of them we know we ought to shy from but we would still go ahead to vote for them, won’t we? Granted the reins of hope come 2015, shall we choose misery and tragedy undiminished? Shall we choose ruin over rebirth, distrust over trust, shallowness over depth and puerile platitudes over the precision of promising logic?’

    These are the questions Nigerians, given our  present circumstances, must critically interrogate from now till that February date when we cast our votes for the next president; not phony religious sentiments, unprofitable ethnicity or filthy lucre in whatever currency. These are the realities Nigerians must face squarely, come February, 2015 unless we want to remain glued to  our current miseries.

  • Nigeria’s torture chambers

    Nigeria’s torture chambers

    Again, Amnesty International exposes serious abuses in police custody as well as the military

    Nigeria’s public officials have a seemingly infinite capacity to deny the undeniable, no matter how ridiculous that denial may be. They deny virtually everything under the sun, including those that are visible even to the blind. It is getting to an embarrassing level that we should begin to wonder if it is not better to make amends concerning things that we cannot own up to in public instead of making ourselves and the country look stupid in the eyes of right-thinking members, not just of the country, but also of the international community.

    The latest of such denials has to do with the 2014 Amnesty International (AI) Report alleging that the police and the military habitually torture men, women and even children – some as old as 12, sometimes by beating, shooting and even raping them. The report, appropriately titled “Welcome to hell fire: Torture and other ill-treatment in Nigeria,” alleged that about 5,000 persons had been detained over terrorism since 2009 when military operations began against Boko Haram. The AI Research and Advocacy Director, Netsatmet Belay, who presented the report, urged the Federal Government to criminalise the use of torture for investigations by the police and the military.

    This is not the first time AI will be issuing such damning report on Nigeria. For example, it had, in a 2012 report entitled: ‘The State of the World’s Human Rights’ equally said that Nigeria’s human rights situation has continued to deteriorate. ”There were consistent reports of police routinely torturing suspects to extract information. Confessions extracted under torture were used as evidence in court, in violation of national and international laws” it said adding that: “Hundreds of people were unlawfully killed, often before or during arrests on the street. Others were tortured to death in police detention. Many such unlawful killings may have constituted extrajudicial executions. Many people disappeared from police custody. Few police officers were held accountable, leaving relatives of those killed or disappeared without justice.”

    Expectedly, the police have denied the allegations. Commissioner of Police Emmanuel Ojukwu, Force Public Relations Officer, Force Headquarters, said torture is NOT an official policy of the Nigeria Police. Virtually everything he said in the statement is far from the truth.  “Since the dawn of democracy in 1999, the Nigeria Police Force has significantly improved on its human rights records, owing largely to training and re-training, community policing, attitudinal change and structural transformation.

    “Of a truth, torture or ill-treatment is not, repeat, NOT an official policy of the Nigeria Police. The Code of Conduct of Officers, as well as our Regulations prohibit torture and incivility to members of the public. We are versed with international best practices, and the dictates of the Nigerian Constitution as regards human rights. So the police do not routinely torture suspects. It is not systemic or endemic”, he said, among other spurious claims.

    Torture may not be an official policy of the police, but it cannot be denied that it is an unofficial policy. And it manifests in the various ways that Amnesty has listed. At any rate, of what use is denying a thing we all see and hear of almost daily, with some of the victims who were lucky to be alive to regret their experiences giving testimonies of the hell they went through in police cells. As a matter of fact, the state of many police cells is enough torture.

    A victim once narrated how she was asked to strip by a female police officer at a police station after which she was asked to stretch her laps apart. She then had tear-gas pumped into her genitals! According to her, she is yet to recover from the mental and physical injuries she suffered as a result of the experience, years after. Another victim, Justice Nwanwko, a hotel manager, who was arrested in Onitsha, on July 31, last year, over the discovery of two human skulls and an AK 47 rifle in a room in the hotel, said he was beaten and hanged “on a rope like a barbecue” by men of the Special Anti-robbery Squad, Akwuzu, Anambra State. Nwanwko said he was detained in a dark cell for 36 days along with a director of the hotel and was subsequently arraigned in court for the murder of one Nnamdi Okafor, who he said was killed in police custody. Many have gone like that unannounced in police custody. Many who escaped with their lives have one sordid tale or the other to tell of their experience there.

    So, how can anyone deny that torture is rampant in a country where some policemen routinely tell those with the misfortune of encountering them that they would “simply waste them”? Or in situations where they tell their victims that they (victims) were lucky it was not dark yet; they would simply have disappeared without trace?  No doubt it is difficult for the police force to admit the allegations. But it is clear too that the force is merely playing the ostrich by denying them. Perhaps one would have been more comfortable if the police authorities had said they sanction those of their officers caught in the act; even though this is not in all cases. In many instances too, the police try to shield them.

    Amnesty believes that merely criminalising torture is enough to deter those involved. This is where the human rights organisation missed the point on the Nigerian situation. The problem with Nigeria is not about lack of laws but lack of the will to punish those who infringe them. It requires restructuring the gamut of our criminal and legal systems to effectively check those who use torture to extract confessions or who commit other crimes.

    One thing we should not lose sight of though is the circumstances under which the officers trained, live and work. Just last year, Channels TV came up with an expose on the sordid state of affairs in our police training colleges. We were treated to disgusting stories of how as many as 50 trainees share not a fish, but a fish head. President Goodluck Jonathan, rather than express shock and sadness at the story wondered how the journalists penetrated the place to bring out the embarrassing report. This clearly tells how much concern successive governments have for the police. It has always been reported how prospective police recruits pay to secure admission into the police training colleges. We see the sorry conditions of the police barracks, many of which could be taken for pigsties. Some, according to reports, have started collapsing; others are dangers waiting to happen.

    Just last week, the Lagos State government raised the alarm on some of these dilapidating structures apparently to avert another round of criticisms as in the case of the collapse of the Synagogue guest house under construction which came down on September 12. We have always been regaled with stories of how the police are poorly paid, poorly kitted, with little or no attention to their general welfare.

    The truth of the matter is that only a few persons could pass through these harrowing experiences and still have any milk of human kindness in them. We can argue that since they know the conditions under which the police operate, those who cannot cope with such need not apply to join the force. This could be partly right. But in a situation of chronic unemployment, some of those in the police force see their stay there as a stop-gap measure, pending when better things surface. So, we have to do more to improve the lot of the police if we want efficiency.

    We do not have to wait until when some policemen or other security agents would put the entire country in a peculiar mess like the Synagogue incident before our governments wake up to their responsibility of checking the excesses in the police and other security agencies. The Jonathan government might have completely lost its sense of shame, having attracted so much disgrace to the country, the latest being its exportation of $9.3m to South Africa ostensibly to buy arms, in gross violation of that country’s laws, only to mumble some mumbo-jumbo that appeals to itself and itself alone. Nigerians do not have to lose their own sense of shame. So, they must rise in unison to condemn these gross violations of human rights and dignity by the very people who should be their friends, the police. A country can only get the kind of police it deserves.

  • Lessons from Scotland

    Lessons from Scotland

    The referendum in Scotland and the result must be full of lessons for individual federalists and government groups in countries composed of many nations. Although there are vast cultural and social differences between the United Kingdom and Nigeria, the fact that the United Kingdom, one of Europe’s largest multinational countries and creator of Nigeria, Africa’s largest multinational state, also subscribes, like Nigeria, to democracy as the preferred form of government should make what happens to the British Union of nations a matter of interest to Nigeria and Nigerians. Lessons from the recent referendum in Scotland that ended in a No vote and a re-commitment on the side of Scottish people to stay in the United Kingdom pertain to sovereignty, democracy, and management of identity politics in a modern multiethnic state.

    The history of the two large multinational countries is starkly different. In the case of the United Kingdom, Scotland was a different country from England for centuries until the partial union of England and Scotland in 1603 when James VI of Scotland also became, as a Stuart King, James I of England. But this regal union did not morph into a parliamentary union until the Act of Union of 1707, entered into on behalf of Scottish people by the Scottish Parliament on the encouragement of the political and business elite of Scotland. As for Nigeria, all the nationalities that constitute the Nigerian state today were forcibly amalgamated by Frederick Lugard in 1914 and without any reference to the elite and citizens of the various nationalities.

    But in the last thirty years, the political history of the United Kingdom and Nigeria has been marked by similarities in relation to requests by constituent parts of both countries for review of the terms of their unions. Scotland since the formation of the Scottish National Party in 1934 had been demanding for reforms, first in terms of devolution of power from Westminster to Holyrood and later as demand for referendum on independence of Scotland from the United Kingdom. In Nigeria, from the 1950s till his death in the 1980s, Chief ObafemiAwolowo made strident calls for federalism in response to the country’s ethnic plurality while various groups since the 1980s had been calling for a sovereign national conference to re-structure the Nigerian union.

    However, the government of the United Kingdom handled the request of Scotland differently from the way the Nigerian government responded to calls for re-structuring of the country. Since 1979, Westminster had given consideration to referendum as a means of gauging the political desire of Scottish people, instead of leaving the matter of re-structuring of the union to the political elite to resolve. The two referendums of 1979 and 1997 on devolution and the recent one last week on independence for Scotland illustrate a genuine commitment on the part of Scotland and the UK government to the principle that sovereignty is owned by the people, rather than by their elected officials in the executive and legislative branches of government. When less than 40% of Scottish people voted for devolution in 1979, the status quo was sustained but when the 1997 referendum passed, the government of Tony Blair commenced the devolution process, which was built upon by David Cameron two years ago in the agreement of 2012 to hold a referendum on independence for Scotland in 2014.

    By referring the decision on devolution and outright independence to Scottish people, the UK Government and the Scottish Parliament recognised that there are matters that are best left to citizens to decide, rather than to their elected representatives. The result of the 2014 referendum shows that leaving such matters in the hands of the people finally paid off for both sides. Majority of Scottish people indicated their belief that their lot is better within the union. The managers of the UK government from the prime minister to leaders of the other two major parties also chose to respect the choice of 45% of Scottish voters who voted for independence by promising to devolve more powers and in the process move the United Kingdom from a unitary government to a federal system.

    Nigerian military leaders and the constitution they bequeathed, including the legislatures spawned by that constitution, appear to be in mortal fear of referendum. Scotland has shown that referendum is the most democratic way to find out the desires of citizens. More so, when and where the referendum, like elections, is conducted in a free and fair atmosphere. Every effort needed to maintain security was in place before and during the voting on September 18 but there was no direct or indirect attempt to intimidate Scottish voters, even when it was clear that the prime minister was for No to independence while the Scottish First Minister was for Yes to independence. Both sides respected the rights of citizens to choose in an atmosphere devoid of intimidation, harassment, and dehumanization in the name of national security.

    Citizens for and against independence were considered human beings whose rights and freedoms had to be respected and nurtured. In addition, both leaders: Alex Salmond and David Cameron showed monastic commitment to the rule of law. At the end of the vote, Salmond accepted the result as a call for him to resign and let somebody else steer the ship of Scotland beyond the referendum. If the vote had gone the other way, Cameron would have had no choice but to accept the result of polls. There was nothing untoward before and during the election for any of the two leaders to think twice about the reliability of the vote. The two leaders also did not hire thugs to maim voters.

    The process before the referendum also showcases commitment to democratic principles, especially the importance of compromise, communication, and choice. Compromise at the level of leaders was evident in the agreement between the central government in London and the Scottish government in Edinburgh on the terms of the referendum. Even though England alone has about 84% of UK’s population while Scotland has just 5.3%, different prime ministers since 1979 had been favourably disposed to the issue of referendum to decide the right relationship between Scotland and the rest of the UK. This is in contrast with the political thinking in Nigeria, where the North boasts that it has over 60% of the country’s population and because of this, has the right to reject calls from other constituent groups for de-militarisation of the polity in the post-military era.

    Communication as the battery of democracy came to the fore during the campaign before the referendum. Each of the two sides shared deep analyses of its positions on the best future for Scotland, without any show of force or violence and in the most civil language distilled into “Yes Scotland” and “Better Together.” Finally, the choices before the electors were clear: Yes or No to independence. This is starkly different from what obtained in Nigeria in 2005 and 2014 with respect to top-down national conferences convened by Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan respectively. None of these two leaders believed that citizens have the capacity to know what is good for them, hence the decision by both to handpick delegates to discuss how to re-launch Nigeria’s union.

    It is now clear that Scotland and the multinational country of which it is a part appear to have been re-launched by both the holding and result of the referendum of 2014. The rights of nations within the United Kingdom to include their history, culture, and identity in their governance while also balancing the Scottish and British identities will be respected and nurtured more than ever before in the 307-year-old history of the union. Majority of Scottish people who feel comfortable to remain in the union will have their way, just as the minority that would have preferred to opt out will also have their say, as more powers will be devolved to all the nations that constitute the union. As Nigeria faces its own future, it is instructive for both government leaders and advocates for federalism to avoid top-down approach and immediate gratification to the matter of re-inventing Nigeria’s multinational democracy.