Category: Sunday

  • Ekiti 2014: Let us take it up to God in prayers

    Ekiti 2014: Let us take it up to God in prayers

    Ekitis say no more. For in God, not in men or money, do we put our trust

    For forty agonising years, the Israelites, a chosen people of God, wandered through a tough terrain of persons described by the holy writ as giants to claim what should have cost them nothing more than 40 days. In like manner, no thanks to the rigging machine, aka PDP, it took Kayode Fayemi three and a half years to reclaim a popular mandate twice given him by the good people of Ekiti. But then, even though the pronouncement was through a court of law, the miracle was wrought by God through prayers. It was nothing but the result of the prayers by hundreds of thousands of the faithful praying ceaselessly for him as he confronted the Philistines of Nigeria, big men of power who affronted God by playing god. They even said it would never happen in their life time but the good Lord confounded them to their eternal shame. What did they not do? What satanic device did they not bury round the entire state especially in Ado-Ekiti, the state capital where they, myopically believed all the court cases would begin and end? When it became clear Ilorin would feature as a centre of adjudication, didn’t a then serving, perennially notorious senator, all the way from another Yoruba state, go to the premises of the Court of Appeal in Ilorin, to bury a foul smelling satanic object built around a rat known as Asin in Yoruba land intending, thereby, to thwart what God had ordained and the Ekiti people had affirmed by their votes? Again, thanks to the many men of God – they know themselves – who through divine inspiration and words of knowledge had revealed all these well ahead of time. All it took these servants of God to neutralize the evil preparations by these devilish people were efficacious prayers over anointing oil which completely rendered them impotent to the glory of God.

    Another election cycle is here in Ekiti and apart from tons of money, both from Abuja and Ijebu-Igbo, being daily distributed through visits to wards and some other hallowed places, coyly designed as campaign, we know they must be back to their old ways of appealing to the devil itself. While that is their mode of electioneering campaign, Kayode Fayemi is out on the road, in the streets and city centres of all Ekiti towns and villages, campaigning on the basis of his achievements in office and giving insights into what more he would do for the people and asking only to be rewarded by the peoples’ votes for all he has done with the opportunity they gave him.

    However, apart from their money and resort to other worldly artifacts, those things the bible says have eyes but cannot see, mouths but cannot speak, the PDP, through its no.2 person, the warrior himself, Namadi Sambo, Nigeria’s Vice President, has added warfare, by petulantly declaring Ekiti and Osun as war zones even as hundreds of Nigerians are daily being slaughtered by Boko Harm and twice that number of our children are being ceased from the comfort of their schools and turned to sex objects even when the government in which Sambo serves could hardly do a thing to fundamentally alter that real war.

    This, of course, also conforms to all that the Israelites went through but gloriously triumphed over by the grace of God through prayers. I am, emboldened by the experience of the Israelites and the sure-footedness of the Almighty God, this Sunday, to ask all Ekitis as well as the millions from across Nigeria and the world over, who sympathise and pray with us in this war against principalities and powers, to invoke and support their prayers by claiming these promised, divine assurances as contained in the Book of Psalms, Chapters 7, and 94.

    Psalm 7

    Prayer and Praise for Deliverance from Enemies

    7 O LORD our God, in You we put our trust; Save us from all those who persecute us; And deliver us,

    2 Lest they tear us like a lion,

    Rending us in pieces, while there is none to deliver.

    3 O LORD our God, if we have done this: If there is iniquity in our hands,

    4 If we have repaid evil to them who are at peace with us, Or have plundered our enemies without cause,

    5 Let the enemy pursue us and overtake us; Yes, let them trample our lives to the earth, And lay our honor in the dust. Selah

    6 Arise, O LORD, in Your anger;

    Lift Yourself up because of the rage of our enemies;

    Rise up for us to the judgment You have commanded!

    7 So the congregation of the peoples shall surround You;

    For their sakes, therefore, return on high.

    8 The LORD shall judge the peoples; Judge us, O LORD, according to our righteousness, And according to our integrity within us.

    9 Oh, let the wickedness of the wicked come to an end, But establish the just; For the righteous God tests the hearts and minds.

    10 Our defense is of God,

    Who saves the upright in heart.

    11 God is a just judge,

    And God is angry with the wicked every day.

    12 If they do not turn back,

    He will sharpen His sword;

    He bends His bow and makes it ready.

    13 He also prepares for Himself instruments of death;

    He makes His arrows into fiery shafts.

    14 Behold, the wicked brings forth iniquity; Yes, they conceive trouble and bring forth falsehood.

    15They made a pit and dug it out,

    And have fallen into the ditch which they made.

    16 Their trouble shall return upon their own heads, And their violent dealings shall come down on their own crown.

    17 We will praise the LORD according to His righteousness,

    And will sing praise to the name of the LORD Most High.

    Psalm 94

    1 The LORD is a God who avenges.

    O God who avenges, shine forth.

    2 Rise up, Judge of the earth; pay back to the proud what they deserve.

    3 How long, LORD, will the wicked, how long will the wicked be jubilant?

    4 They pour out arrogant words; all the evildoers are full of boasting.

    5 They crush your people, LORD;

    they oppress your inheritance.

    6 They slay the widow and the foreigner; they murder the fatherless.

    7 They say, “The LORD does not see; the God of Jacob takes no notice.”

    8 Take notice, you senseless ones among the people; you fools, when will you become wise?

    9 Does he who fashioned the ear not hear? Does he who formed the eye not see?

    10 Does he who disciplines nations not punish?

    Does he who teaches mankind lack knowledge?

    11 The LORD knows all human plans; he knows that they are futile.

    12 Blessed is the one you discipline, LORD, the one you teach from your law;

    13 you grant them relief from days of trouble, till a pit is dug for the wicked.

    14 For the LORD will not reject his people; he will never forsake his inheritance.

    15 Judgment will again be founded on righteousness, and all the upright in heart will follow it.

    16 Who will rise up for us against the wicked? Who will take a stand for us against evildoers?

    17 Unless the LORD had given us help, We would soon have dwelt in the silence of death.

    18 When we said, “Our feet are slipping,” your unfailing love, LORD, supported us.

    19 When anxiety was great within us, your consolation brought us joy.

    20 Can a corrupt throne be allied with you— a throne that brings on misery by its decrees?

    21 The wicked band together against the righteous and condemn the innocent to death.

    22 But the LORD has become our fortress, and our God the rock in whom we take refuge.

    23 He will repay them for their sins and destroy them for their wickedness; the LORD our God will destroy them.

    Amen.

    Ekitis say no more. For in God, not in men or money, do we put our trust.

  • APC and 2015 presidential ticket

    APC and 2015 presidential ticket

    The leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have been a little edgy over public comments on the party’s proposed presidential ticket. Citing what they believe to be feelers from party leaders, especially concerning a proposed Muslim-Muslim ticket, the commentators have argued vociferously that that proposed ticket was insensitive to Nigeria’s contemporary political culture, and is doomed to fail. That assertion, whose most public proponent was former Aviation minister Femi Fani-Kayode, was doubtless sweeping, judgemental and a little sectarian and polarising. Two weeks ago, this column addressed Mr Fani-Kayode’s frantic but subtle dalliance with both the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and President Goodluck Jonathan himself. But as I indicated then, Mr Fani-Kayode had the right to strongly object to his party’s dispositions, though as I also suggested, he needn’t migrate to another party in order to underscore his opposition to his party’s policies or direction.

    Neither the APC nor its leaders have said anything quite significant about Mr Fani-Kayode’s views or his manner of tiptoeing around presidential corridors. Perhaps they are watching to see which way the cats will jump. But judging from many snide remarks here and there by party loyalists, and the impatience demonstrated by a few party leaders over the Muslim-Muslim ticket speculations, I suspect that if not now, then perhaps sometime in the immediate past, APC top shots had flirted with that unusual and controversial proposal. More, I also think that in particular, former head of state, General Muhammadu Buhari, features prominently on that proposed ticket. Given what seems to be their tenacious adherence to a rigid but unstated position on the ticket, it is hard indeed to tell what is driving the APC strategy: their belief in the direction they think the country should be heading, or their appreciation, or lack of it, of the actual direction the country is headed.

    My sympathies for the APC are well known, and they are based principally on my frustrations with the abject incompetence of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to redeem Nigeria from policy inertia and ineptitude. My support for the progressives, apart from sharing ideological affinities with them, is influenced not just by what the APC stands for, which I admit can be sometimes amorphous, but by what the ruling conservative PDP does not and cannot stand for. The PDP is loth to embrace principles, chary of adopting democratic tenets, and has produced a slew of successive presidents whose only claim to the presidency is hinged on the circumstances of their background than the value of their academic qualifications and mental attributes. Their first Fourth Republic leader, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, was an unmitigated disaster to whom the wobble of our current democratic experience is wholly attributable. The next two presidents, the late Umaru Yar’Adua and Dr Jonathan, have not been inspiring at all.

    It is not certain why the APC has been fairly reticent on its presidential ticket, especially its reluctance to state clearly, in the face of hostile controversy, the values and principles that will inform their choice. By allowing the speculation about its ticket to proceed in the hurtful manner it is going, the APC gives the impression it is unaware of the damage to its credibility as a thinking and progressive political party which such negative speculations can elicit. I am in fact surprised that the party seems oblivious that in the past few weeks, especially after the highly successful and imaginative presentation of its road map, it has lost huge momentum in its drive towards 2015. Not only has the PDP checkmated the APC’s blitzkrieg, it has in my opinion turned the table on the progressives, an unscrupulous advantage that has not even been vitiated by the ruling party’s obnoxious and inept handling of the anti-terror war, rising poverty, tragic and exploitative employment methods, and stultifying energy crisis, among other failures.

    In an election period, it is not unusual for the pendulum of public approval to oscillate back and forth in favour of one party or the other. But the APC has a responsibility to ensure the pendulum does not swing against it too wildly. The party may have spent a huge sum of money to build itself, as it were, from nothing into a huge something, but it is not the only one investing in its future and fortune. Many of us who are not members of the party, but who see in the party an opportunity at this point in time to defeat the mediocrity that the PDP constitutes, have also invested tremendously and emotionally in the success of the APC. We know instinctively that if the APC fails, the future of Nigeria will be bleak indeed, if indeed that future is not to be erased almost entirely. We, therefore, have a responsibility to manage and coax the progressive party in the direction that will ensure success. Party leaders may be willing to take huge risks decided upon by their mystical calculations, but those risks, which can also backfire badly, must be tempered by our own detached and sometimes more informed appreciation of social and economic issues and political choices shaping the coming combat.

    In short, the APC must consciously begin to reverse the momentum it unwisely surrendered to the PDP in the past few weeks. It must not hope that chance will deliver the needed opportunities to it, as it must have no doubt appreciated from its elaborate and sophisticated road map presentation. The party not only needs to consciously devise programmes and policies to stay in public glare in a qualitative and positive fashion, it must learn how to listen to the electorate, and more importantly recognise that its existence and success are defined by how best it captures or approximates the yearnings, values and ambitions of the people.

    Except the APC is living in denial, it must by now have recognised that one of those areas in which it has lost ground to the PDP is the speculation that it was about to embrace a Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket. A few years back, such a ticket might have passed without too much controversy. But the fact is that both the PDP and Dr Jonathan have politicised religion to such an appalling and disgraceful level that an all-Christian or all-Muslim ticket will play into the hands of the other party. Risks are second nature to politics and politicians, but a one-religion ticket, given the horrifying slaughter going on in the Northeast and the church runs embarked upon by Dr Jonathan, will be an invitation to electoral disaster. Should the APC lose the 2015 polls, it is unlikely to have a second chance, given the tentativeness of its structure and the inchoateness of its platform. In tandem with the wish of majority of Nigerians for change, the APC has a responsibility to win the next polls, and it can only do so by taking only educated, sophisticated and not-too-radical risks.

    In spite of itself, the APC must begin to ask very hard and unsettling questions about its ambitions and how to achieve them – in particular, how to win the presidency. Such questions must be bounced off those who are not members of the party, those who are not current or aspiring jobholders, and those who really couldn’t care less if the party decided to commit political suicide. One of those questions concerns General Buhari, who in one way or the other is speculated to be on the proposed ticket party leaders might attempt to cajole their members to embrace. In spite of my love and admiration for the laconic and principled general, I am not as optimistic as the party that given the fast changing dynamics of Nigerian politics, and notwithstanding the fanatical following the general elicits especially from the North, he can guarantee success for the progressives.

    If the APC is to succeed, it needs a radical change of paradigm driven urgently by a new momentum designed to leave the PDP gasping for breath. I invite the progressive party to remould itself by recognising that its priority is to win the next polls first. To do that, its leading lights will have to sacrifice almost their lives. But nature is not so cruel as to leave those sacrifices unrequited.

  • Rescue Chibok girls

    The capacity of the Boko Haram insurgents for evil  is indeed legendary. Not satisfied with the endless killings of people through its various attacks like the recent one in Abuja when scores of persons were killed and many others injured, the group recently abducted over 200 secondary school girls in Chibok, Borno State.

    The abduction of the girls whom they have refused to release despite all appeals has damaged whatever is left of our image in the international community.

    The ability of the terrorist group to beat the military security network despite the partial state of emergency in force in Borno State and ferry away the girls into the forest has again confirmed its near invincibility despite claims by the federal government that it is on top of the situation.

    The abduction of the girls is a litmus test for the federal government to prove that it has the capacity to checkmate the insurgents, now or in the future. The military unfortunately started the rescue efforts on a wrong note by claiming to have rescued the girls when then they had no clue of their whereabouts.

    The initial controversy over the actual number of students abducted and those who have escaped is also not good enough as it gives room for doubts on who to believe.

    Except the girls are rescued alive and not allowed to be abused as sex slaves or used as human shield, the federal government should consider the battle a lost one.

    We cannot afford to allow the reign of terror being unleashed presently in the north east part of the country to continue. The terrorists have become a law to themselves and except they are permanently curtailed, they will do more damage and seize control of some more states.

    Much as the military must exercise caution because of the civilian population trapped in the battle zone, no effort must be spared in regaining the areas the terrorists are based.

    From all indications, the insurgents are well-equipped and can only be defeated with superior intelligence and weapons. The welfare of the  soldiers serving in anti-Boko Haram operation must be catered for and they should not be dispirited in anyway.

    Where we need foreign support, we should not hesitate to ask, considering the international network of terrorists.

    This is a battle that must be won to save our country from the looming danger where the onslaught of the insurgents will spill over to other parts of the country.

    The confusion along the Lagos/Ibadan Expressway last week over the false alarm of Boko Haram members attacking motorists should serve as a warning why security should be firmed up nationwide, instead of pretending that the problem is limited to the northeast and Abuja.

    It is bad that our leaders have allowed the situation in the country to degenerate to where Nigeria is being named along with Somalia and Afghanistan as terrorists enclaves, but there is still time to stop our dangerous slide to anarchy.

  • False terror alert: matters arising

    False terror alert: matters arising

    The federal government should make new efforts to improve intelligence needed to fight Boko Haram

    It is an understatement to say that any mention of Boko Haram these days creates panic among peace-loving Nigerians. This situation has become aggravated since the spreading back of Boko Haram violence to Abuja to bomb a crowded bus terminus—material, men and women. The scare induced by the terrorist Islamic sect got worsened when over 200 innocent girls of mixed ethnic and religious backgrounds experienced mass abduction over one week ago in Chibok, Borno State recently on the eve of their school-leaving examination. Though Boko Haram appears to be aiming at becoming ubiquitous, crying the wolf of Boko Haram where none exists, as happened in Lagos, Ogun, and Oyo States a few days ago, has added another source of tension and instability to living in Nigeria. The phenomenon of false terror alert calls for additional responsibility on the part of the government and its media.

    Though the menace of Boko Haram may have lingered longer than expected, it is obvious that the federal government, constitutionally charged to end such menace, has not shied away from efforts to engage physically and rhetorically the scourge from the sect. There is no day that messages of optimism and hope do not emanate from the presidency and the military agency that is deployed by the president to bring the violence of Boko Haram to an end. Recently in Nyanya, near Abuja, President Jonathan assured the nation, while consoling victims of bomb blast at the hand of the sect, that terrorism would soon be over. So does the military commander in charge of the offensive against terror continually assure citizens that the military would soon obtain the release of abducted girls and end the problem of terrorism, wherever it exists in the country.Using its own arsenal, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) has been calling for periodic fasting and praying against terrorism.

    On the whole, government leaders at all levels have not missed any opportunity to tell citizens to accept that the security of the country is not the responsibility of government alone, but of all citizens. Critics of government efforts also do not fail to draw attention to what they perceive as lapses in the fight against terror: failure of intelligence. While the government and security staff need assistance from citizens with respect to intelligence, so do citizens need adequate information from the government in respect of terror attacks. The need for information by citizens includes government’s preparedness to defuse false terror alert. Just a few days ago, half of the southwestern region of the country was thrown into confusion as a result of false alert. The chaos on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway that lasted for hours brought home to citizens some intelligence deficits that require immediate remediation by government and its security agencies.

    A major aspect of the fight against terror in other countries is readiness on the part of the government to prevent the media, especially social media (which includes the use of telephone texts in Nigeria) from doing anything to further terrorist goals. The dynamics of the terrorist enterprise includes sophisticated use of disinformation, such as citizens fell victims to a few days ago, when someone initiated mass circulation of falsehood about the cause of traffic snarl on the Lagos-Ibadan highway. The fact that it took government’s traditional media several hours to announce that there were no Boko Haram merchants of death on the highway illustrates that the government has not taken (and is not taking) as much advantage of digital age communication systems as leaders of Boko Haram or their sympathizers.

    If political leaders and governors use Facebook and Twitter to establish communication with citizens, and governors use text messages to campaign for second term in office, then there is no good reason for the federal government not to have established a Terrorism Information Centre that is capable of providing a warning system to citizens and to disabuse the minds of citizens of disinformation planned by terrorists, their supporters, sympathizers, and even innocent citizens who take advantage of instant mass communication made possible by texting via cell phones to send inaccurate information. Although there is no evidence about the origin of the recent false terror alert about Boko Haram across the Southwest, it is not out of place for the government to investigate this. Such disinformation could have come from agents or allies of terrorists to test the effect of such alert on citizens. It is also capable of strengthening terrorist groups while at the same time creating avoidable panic among citizens.

    Since the federal government is in the process of getting assistance from other countries in the fight against terror within its borders, those negotiating for such help need to ask for support to use current technology to ensure adequate and timely information sharing between government agencies and citizens. Borrowing models from such countries may also be an advantage to government and the citizenry. America’s Homeland Terror Warning System is a case in point. Government provides citizens with information on traditional and digital communication channels regarding the level of threat from terrorists as many times as it perceives that such information is needed by citizens.

    Three years after the emergence of Boko Haram should have been enough for the federal government to change the architecture of communication between the government and citizens. All highways ought to be provided with digital bulletins that can be used to inform citizens about movement of traffic and cause of traffic snarls when they exist. If such system had been in place, it would have been easy to counter the false alarms sent to thousands of telephones about the wolf of Boko Haram a few days ago. Traffic management being done by Federal Road Safety Commission on federal and non-federal highways should go beyond stopping drivers to check their papers. It should include using this agency to feed information into digital highway bulletins as the need arises. Such need arose a few days ago on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, but the ubiquitous red-capped traffic police was of no use to reduce the pain of citizens. Neither was the National Emergency Management Agency able to respond to the situation in a timely fashion, to mitigate the pain caused by inaccurate information from anonymous sources.

    Given the negative impact of the false alarm of the past Wednesday on movement of citizens and goods, it is conceivable that terrorists may want to add the use of modern communication gadgets including the Internet, cell phones, and social media to their strategies and tactics to create panic in places where terrorists do not have substantial presence. The federal government that is solely in charge of security and law enforcement thus needs to face the new challenge posed by use of cell phones to dis-inform citizens and, in the process, cause pains for citizens while stalling traffic and disrupting normal economic activities.

    The federal government should make new efforts to improve intelligence needed to fight Boko Haram and also to prevent disinformation about Boko Haram that is capable of paralysing the country’s economy and inflicting avoidale pain on citizens.

  • You may set forth at dawn

    So it is then that it no longer matters how early you set forth these days. Death and disaster are permanently lurking on the Road. They have become twin-companions of the commuter. Like Siamese twins, they are irreversibly conjoined by nature. Only modern medical wizardry attempts to separate them, and it is always an extremely risky operation. Whatever colonial fate and nature have joined together, let no man put asunder.

    In the event, it is only those who are extremely lucky who reach their final destination. Otherwise, you are destined to become part of some grim statistics of death and involuntary disappearance. The old African travel advisory about setting forth at dawn which signposts the welcoming allure and invigorating breath of early morning no longer makes sense. It was meant for another age.

    But being a creature of ancient habits, snooper always likes to set forth at dawn. Last Wednesday was no exception. One had set forth from Lagos at dawn hoping to reach Ogbomosho by noon for the investiture of the former governor of Lagos State, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as the Chancellor of the Ladoke Akintola University.

    So it was that very early in the morning, one had arrived at the new outskirts of Lagos, which is actually situated in Ogun State. Lagos is a mega-state megalopolis which keeps developing new skirts and outskirts like a rapidly mutating wonder child and to the dismay and chagrin of topographic seamstresses. Like a massive whale in dread of being beached, the city has been thrashing out in all directions including towards the Atlantic Ocean itself.

    Just imagine how Lagos would look like in another 40 years. Fifty years earlier, Agege was an ancient town completely severed from contemporary Lagos. It was the last outpost of hinterland Yoruba culture and civilisation. To your adolescent earlobes, the language of the local people seemed strange and intriguing. It was Yoruba all right, but what kind of Yoruba was this, you wondered then. Even Oshodi was an isolated rural farmland with a solitary train station brimming with farm produce freshly disgorged by the Idogo train which was a proverbial byword for slow motion.

    A nasty traffic tailspin at Ojodu Berger forced one out of the early morning reverie about the old colony. But miraculously and mysteriously, it evaporated like a ghost just like it had built up. This is part of the great wonders of contemporary Lagos. You always find nothing at the end of every traffic build up. Don’t ask any question, just get on with it.

    Very soon, as the countryside began to open up, you lapsed into another memorable reverie. April is the most beautiful month in Nigeria. The entire countryside is draped in stupendous greenery, the colour of renewal. The landscape is one vast evergreen ocean. The early rains have come, and the long siege of drought and harmattan is giving way to the bounteous wonders of nature. The nostrils are filled with the becalming and herbal smell of fresh earth.

    It is in April that Mother Nature’s astonishing gifts to Nigeria are in full parade. It is an embarrassment of riches. Only very few countries combine within their territorial space the mangrove swamp of the delta with the arid severity of the Sahel. With such extremities of climate, Nigeria should be one of the natural food baskets of the world. Sadly, 54 years after independence, Nigeria remains unable to achieve self-sufficiency in food productions. In one of the greatest scandals of the modern nation-state, many Nigerians still go hungry.

    As a full treatment and therapy for the institutional decay of contemporary Nigeria, Snooper often escapes into the countryside. Anybody who has journeyed across the English countryside with its verdant green, its rolling hills and fully mechanised farming must appreciate this wonderful joy of nature as it is made to work for humankind. It is what the singer Tom Jones called the green, green grass of home, and it rises to meet you as you approach either Heathrow or Gatwick for landing.

    It was mid April, and the countryside was beginning to sing again. Lagos-Ibadan Express Way remains a long scene out of a horror movie. But once you are out of the Bedlam of the Bible Belt and its assortment of religious curios, once you negotiate the old tyranny of the trailer tailspin at Ogere which has now been subdued, thanks to Ibikunle Amosun, the grandeur and beauty of the countryside loom large overwhelming you with its perfumed presence.

    You begin to smell the countryside in all its vast and variegated verities. You can sniff the earthy odour of the cricket, the sharp, pungent stench of a certain species of dung beetle, the fragrance of early mango and the lavender of wild flowers. At a point, you are overpowered by the wonderful aroma of fresh palm wine. Why have Nigerians been presented with such a beautiful country with unlimited possibilities? Nigeria ought to be the magnetic hub for the transformation of the entire continent.

    The story is told of how some disaffected nationals of other African countries made a representation to God complaining about the unfair advantages granted to Nigeria in terms of national resources and agricultural potential. The good Lord was said to have looked at his interlocutors without blinking. He was then known to have observed: “As for Nigeria, you wait until you see the kind of people I will put there”.

    Shortly after Ogere, the drama began with a plaintive phone call from a friend in Lagos. “Where are you?” the frantic caller began. Before one could answer, the caller dropped the bombshell. “Whereever you may be, make sure you don’t venture near Lagos-Ibadan Express Way. Boko Haram has invaded. They are approaching Lagos.”

    “I am in Ogere, and there is nothing like that”, Snooper answered. The phone dropped with an ominous clatter on the floor. It sounded like a death sentence. A few minutes later, there was a more frantic text announcing that the Boko Haram people had killed several commuters and were matching on Lagos. It was all too reminiscent of Ore during the civil war.

    An eerie silence descended on the normally bustling Express Way. Vehicular movement suddenly dwindled. After a quick evaluation, yours sincerely came to a decision. It was better to continue than to turn back. It was a nerve-wracking moment. Snooper began imagining the hordes of the merciless swarming all over the car that had been brought to a forcible halt before setting it ablaze. Having escaped the fangs of the Nigerian state several times, martyrdom from an unlikely source now beckoned.

    It was the longest 20 minutes ever. Very soon, the ungainly profile of the Ibadan metropolis appeared in bold relief. There was no Boko Hram in sight. But if this was a glimpse of the looming apocalypse, something urgent needs to be done to rescue Nigeria from this political and religious quagmire. Goodluck Jonathan and the political class should stop playing politics with the fate of an endangered country. It is time for an urgent bipartisan summit on the state of the nation.

  • Chibok abductions: two weeks of national impotence

    Chibok abductions: two weeks of national impotence

    There are not many countries where over 270 teenage girls could be abducted by criminals in one fell swoop and a national emergency had not been declared, or a task force saddled with the urgent responsibility of securing their release. Reports in fact suggest that at the expanded security meeting held on Thursday at the instance of the president, the military claimed to have a secret tactical plan to secure the release of the remaining 234 schoolgirls still being held by Boko Haram militants. If it is true, that fact, notwithstanding its secrecy, must be at least a little reassuring. However, except perhaps in a hostage situation, I do not recollect where so many young girls had been abducted so easily and for purposes that leave little to the imagination. If the abductions do not reflect poorly on the tactical prowess of Nigeria’s security organisations, they at least reflect on the impotence of the nation, and in particular, the impotence of the Jonathan presidency.

    The President Goodluck Jonathan government must excuse us if we blame him wholly for these abductions. He was elected to ensure the country’s safety and well-being. If in the process of executing the mandate given him to rule over the affairs of the country he encounters a vicious insurgency, it is entirely his responsibility to devise means of battling it, including knowing how to energise the country’s security network, inspire confidence in his methods and ability, and rally the people to the last man to counter the worst bestiality Nigeria has ever seen. If he is unable to do all these, the failure is entirely his.

    Sadly, apart from not giving us confidence in his counterinsurgency measures, his style has also left so much to be desired. He and his aides are too easily irritated by criticism, preferring an unearthly and gentle form of correction that even a dictatorship would find patronising and hypocritical. His judgement is also too strange to be deciphered. While the disaster that the abductions were was yet to sink in, and the shock yet to abate, Dr Jonathan took off to Kano for a superfluous political rally where shockingly he practiced a few dance steps that, in the eyes of the opposition, seemed to mimic the fiddling Roman emperor, Nero. Neither he nor his aides have successfully defended that alarming absence of judgement in the face of grave national emergency.

    But at last Dr Jonathan is gradually converting to the full horror of the abductions. His expanded security meeting of Thursday, not to talk of the meeting’s resolve to ensure the abducted girls were rescued, somewhat indicates that conversion. But the Jonathan presidency will have to struggle in the coming days, as the captivity of the schoolgirls continues, to douse national suspicion that it failed to appreciate the urgency of the matter because the daughter of no one of importance was involved. The country recalls that when the president’s 70-year-old uncle, Nengite Nitabai, was abducted in February, it took less than three weeks to arrest the suspected kidnappers and free the septuagenarian. They also recall the alacrity with which the son of the elder statesman E.K. Clark, Ebikeme, was prised loose from the grips of his abductors. Not only were the suspects in the case arrested, together with their families, the abduction lasted only one week.

    Such comparisons are bound to surface in the days ahead given both the initial lethargy of the Jonathan presidency to the schoolgirls’ abductions and the business-as-usual attitude it exhibited when the full import of the horrifying news was just being felt. The initiative of the Jonathan presidency may have been dulled by the quality of the personnel in his team, but given the bad press he has attracted over the emergencies of the past few weeks, it is time Dr Jonathan took the job he schemed so passionately to secure more seriously, especially given his fresh scheming to keep it for another four years. He can however only get a second term if he justifies the confidence the electorate reposed in him in his first election. So far there is nothing in his responses to Boko Haram or any of the other social, economic and political ills afflicting the country to justify his craving for another term.

  • It is not only those girls who are lost, the entire country is lost!

    The political option that we thought would save us as a country is turning around to not only batter us but is threatening to drown us. Mmmn! Now where shall we run to, the hills?

    To say that the nation is grieving is a large slice of understatement. The nation’s heart is broken. Actually, I am one of those who believe that its spine was broken right at birth. In other words, when the country was founded on the tripartite foundation of unsteady wobbliness, ungainly clumsiness and deceitful falsities in order to favour one group over another, the country had little or no fighting chance. You could say it came out fresh from the delivery room practically dead on arrival. The result of all that was planted in those early times is what we are all witnessing today – social exclusion of extremely large groups of people. In turn, this unfortunate but deliberate exclusion has bred varied levels of national malcontent, social fractures, senseless insurgencies, and one great, monumental chaos all of which have made this nation one giant mental institution floating in outer space. That’s right, folks, you and I have our abode in The Lost Country.

    The sad thing is that the country is one huge success as far as those who planned this chaos are concerned. You see, this country was never meant to do well; so in the very fabrics of its failures resides its success. Yep, we are children of the doomed… nation. Indeed, that it is still standing, albeit rocking on its heels like one drunken ancient mariner tottering on the edge of his famous breakdown, is one of the miracles of the modern world. Science is a wonderfully astounding thing and it has been known to do things and reach places even you and I have no inkling of, but I do believe that the science that can save this nation is perhaps still on the drawing board. You see, it would have to include an antivirus that is capable of not only wiping out this strange strain of madness besetting us all but inoculate even the yet unborn in the country.

    Just imagine, two hundred school girls were abducted all at once from a north-eastern town in Nigeria; presumably, where we have law enforcement agencies. Without any interference from any of these agencies, those children were being put into trucks and this did not take place in a few minutes! Worse, they passed through streets and roads filled with people. No one saw them, no one interrupted them. And there has been no inkling as to where they are, many days after! This is the extent to which we really have lost it in this country. It is not only the girls that are lost, the entire country is obviously lost! Now, who is going to find us?

    For ages, right thinking elites and news commentators tried to articulate the impunities and ills bothering this nation, and it’s been no trifling act for them; for both the mild pens and the more ponderous ones have wrought and oozed weighty prose in the attempt or failed trying. In spite of these clanging of caution screaming horror, beware the horror, the ills kept piling up because the impunities kept growing. Now, we have come to the point where locations are no longer just bombed in daylight, people are not just killed in daylight, hundreds of school children are abducted in broad daylight! Ebino! That’s just the way we are! And the nation is helpless because, in truth, it has existed on series and litanies of impunities. Let us see now.

    When a nation’s laws are perpetually set aside for selfish and self-serving reasons, it’s the beginning of the dance macabre manifesting as the death wriggle. Just look at every facet of national life: the military never had any respect for the nation’s laws; this is why it was and still is possible for every general to have his own outriders and siren and also dictate for the country. Now, the presidency has inherited that lack of respect for laid down laws and kicks them around anyhow. Blatant and outright disobedience of the law is perpetually displayed to the nation from the presidency daily: check out the case of governors’ forum election (illegal as it is), the Justice Salami case and so on. And have you seen the police drive around in traffic? I assure you, you will whistle through your teeth. Equally bad are drivers of vehicles bearing government plate numbers: they make everyone want to pick up their feet and run. The beginning of tragedy is when leaders lead the entire country down a rut, and the followers follow in the footsteps of the leaders. And well they should. So, when impunity greets impunity, there is nothing else to do but self-destruct. As we are doing now.

    Nigerian leaders laid down the precedence for what happened last week many decades ago by their failure to show the people what to do, how to keep the law, build their houses, conduct their businesses, use the roads, have access to the public utilities, and how to have everybody equal before the state, etc. And by failing to have one law for all, the leaders tacitly gave everyone of us the go-ahead to evolve the law as we saw fit: mostly to act with impunity. This is what happened in the South-south when the president’s own relative was kidnapped; now it is happening in the North-east. Many other things happened to give rise to these but we cannot go into them here. What is the use crying foul when the referee is already peddling out of the pitch on his escape bicycle? Who knows if perhaps the culmination of all this is yet to come? I tell you, Chaos rules, ok? Ok!

    Let us now scrape around for solutions because we really need to scratch the ground to find anything in this quagmire of gooey problems. Listen, this country needs to do some serious social engineering to give everyone a stake in the place. This socio-economic distancing of people within their own fatherland needs to be checked. The worst part is that this group, already excluded from the society, are now seeking to exclude even more of their own kin and generation and coming ones who are seeking to end their own exclusion through education. This wickedness needs to be put a stop to.

    Everyone knows now that the political content of this insurgency is very high. This means that the political arrangement that we thought would save us as a country is turning around to not only batter us but is threatening to drown us. Mmmn! That is food for thought. Now where shall we run to, the hills? Those children were said to have been taken into the forests where the insurgents have their camps, presumably, to be wives to the outlaws. Now, is it possible for two neighbouring countries not to be on talking terms that they cannot cooperate to look at every blade of grass between their two countries in search of those girls?

    In my opinion, I think the first thing that the government ought to do is take a good look at itself and stop declaring that it is fine. It is not fine. Indeed, something is very wrong if we all allow the insurgency to continue to grow because of the government’s reluctance to bring out the facts surrounding the problem. And, obviously, there are facts. It will be sad to continue to allow the nation to get more lost because of this reluctance. As it is now, each day, people are getting more confused because they have more questions than answers. I think the answers should begin to come about… now!

  • ‘General’ Sambo goes  to the war front

    ‘General’ Sambo goes to the war front

    Last Wednesday, Vice President Namadi Sambo spoke of his party’s preparations for the Ekiti and Osun elections slated for June and August respectively. He is of course entitled to speak and act with as much self-aggrandisement as he can muster, and to inflate the hopes and expectations of his party and its candidates. But what he is not entitled to is his undignified and provocative use of language, one that absolutely does not edify his office or person. “We are going to the war front to bring back our stolen mandate,” he said brutally, if a little surprisingly, for someone previously thought to be mild-mannered and more polished than his principal. “Everybody knows that Ekiti belongs to PDP: they used all instruments to take it away from us.”

    With that careless innuendo, the vice president spoke many untruths and denigrated his high office. Comparing the Ekiti and Osun political campaigns to war fronts in a society struggling to exorcise the pernicious influences of military rule and the concomitant effects of militarised minds is both reckless and unreflective. He might, like any other nostalgic civilian, wish to romanticise the electoral battles ahead as military engagements, but the demands of his office, not to say the long-running battles his country has waged to democratise the polity and rid it of arbitrariness, ought to have sensitise him to the use of proper language and etiquette.

    But likening politics to war was not the only gaffe the vice president made last Wednesday in Abuja. Like the often bucolic President Goodluck Jonathan, he also suggested wildly that the victories of the APC governors in Ekiti and Osun were procured by dangerous artifices, in particular through conniving courts. It sadly did not occur to the vice president that his office imposes great responsibility on him to sustain rather than undermine the independence and sanctity of the judiciary. As a matter of fact both he and the president, not to talk of the many philistines and hawks in top echelons of the PDP, actually believe the court judgements that brought the APC to power in Ekiti and Osun were illegitimately procured. Even if it were so, it is still unbecoming of the vice president to lend credence to such dangerous and damaging insinuations. Once the highest court of jurisdiction gives a judgement, state officials at the level of the presidency must act and speak decorously.

    Vice President Namadi may have been put in charge of the PDP campaign to reclaim Ekiti and Osun States, but his reputation as a robust and suave mind should have dictated a better approach to the self-styled war he wishes so indecorously to wage. Had he in fact forborne a little and not excitedly subscribed to the historical fallacy bandied by PDP apparatchiks, he would have rephrased his inaccurate ascription of the two states’ ownership. While it is true that the PDP once governed the two states, it is even truer that the APC, through its progenitors, first governed the two states at the dawn of the Fourth Republic.

    The vice president is, however, unlikely to find the motivation to restrain himself in his actions and use of language. It takes much deeper understanding of issues, not to say exposure to the politics and styles of other great climes, for those in high office in Nigeria to embrace measured and polished language. The desperation to win the coming polls in Ekiti and Osun, and everywhere in 2015, will consistently predispose both the president and the vice president, and of course many others in the PDP, to their characteristic fallacies and flippancy.

    Two problems emerge from the vice president’s dangerous rhetoric. One is that the Nigerian government’s continuing misuse of power, as their often violent language and actions show, is one more confirmation that African rulers don’t react well to issues of power. Even though they are beneficiaries of modern constitutional arrangements, they have remained substantially and instinctively monarchical in mind and in practice. Any challenge to their persons and policies is nearly always perceived as treason, or in mild cases, as disrespectful of the ‘exalted office of the President.’ They therefore have less motivation in speaking or acting with the courteousness Nigerians demand of them and are constitutionally entitled to.

    The second problem is the general unwillingness of African leaders to institute conditions and structures by which their societies could flower and endure. It is not too clear what is behind that slothfulness. Could it be a lack of knowledge, or just plain indiscipline? Looking at Dr Jonathan’s policies and hearing the vice president’s statements on Ekiti and Osun, it is tempting to think it is a question of ignorance. If they knew the positive implications of promoting democratic values and principles, they might be motivated to honour their oaths of office, knowing full well that in the long run, their successors, country and people, not to say their own children, would thrive in a stable polity, one in which justice, fairness and equity would reign.

    But perhaps it is a question of lack of discipline. African leaders are notoriously undisciplined, privately and publicly, as past Nigerian rulers showed. Until Nelson Mandela came along, it was thought that the continent was an unrelenting landscape of brutal and undisciplined rulers who find it difficult to even obey the laws they themselves wrote. Vice-president Sambo owes it to himself as the polished mind we are used to not to surrender to the putrefactive mannerisms of his party. He is surely enlightened enough to know how to fight an election and campaign for votes with the decency inherent in his professional training and the civilisation intrinsic to his fundamental make-up. As for his principal, the one who enthrals only when he indulges his bucolic simplicity, this column gave up a long time ago.

  • Writing in extremis: the TLH column in the context of life, personal and collective

    Writing in extremis: the TLH column in the context of life, personal and collective

    It number 61, this column named Talakawa Liberation Herald reaches one year, two months and three weeks since it started appearing in The Nation on Sunday without missing a single week. As some of the regular or devoted readers of the column know, before The Nation, the column was appearing in The Guardian on Sunday under a slightly different name, Talakawa Liberation Courier. In that incarnation, the column appeared for about five years and eight months. Unlike The Nation where the column has not failed to appear week in week out, the column in The Guardian failed to appear in about five times in the more than five years that I wrote the column for that newspaper. That failure was not my fault; I never failed to send my contribution every week. It was The Guardian which, for one reason or the other, failed to publish the column in about five times while I wrote for the paper. [That was in fact one of the reasons why I left The Guardian, but it was not the most important reason. Some day, I shall write a full account of the reasons why I left that newspaper in which, from its very inception, I was one of the most dependable among the small group of academics that played a major role in its rise to prominence among Nigerian newspapers]

    Since I have a full time job as a university teacher and researcher, many of my friends, themselves university teachers and researchers, regularly ask me how I am able to write the column every week unfailingly. The answer to that question is both simple and complicated, both direct and complex. The simple and direct factor can be briefly stated. I have a passion for reading and writing, a passion that is almost lifelong since it started in primary school more than half a century ago. With that kind of background, producing a weekly newspaper unfailing year in year out turns out to be not as daunting as it seems. With the tremendous advantage of that kind of background, all I have had to do really is organize my weekly duties, obligations and habits in such a way that it leaves the period of from early Friday morning to noon free to write the column. This was difficult at first, especially on the occasions when I was traveling in other countries, other continents. But after the first few months, this practice not only became routine, it actually became something that I looked forward to every week, so much so that the time spent writing the column became one of the most treasured experiences of the week for me. How I wish this was all there is to say about why I write the column!

    The fact is also that I write the column in extremis. I think that most regular readers of the column will readily agree that for the most part, I write on topics, events and experiences that reflect profoundly disturbing, frightening or depressing things relating to how life is massively (dis)organized and made extremely burdensome for most of the peoples of our country, our continent and our world. In particular, I write about the present political order in our country and its capacity for corruption and predatoriness of the most unconscionable kind. But I also write about how the ethos, the rot that starts from the rulers have tragically taken deep roots in our peoples themselves in their tens of millions. Most especially I write, often in desperation, to indicate that I have lived long enough to know that things were not always what they are now in our country and our world. Without nostalgia and sentimentality, I write about a different time and an almost different world from my childhood through my early adulthood – at Oke-Bola, Ibadan; at the University of Ibadan as an undergraduate; and at both Ibadan and Ife as a teacher and researcher – when there was a basis for real hope for the country and for Africa, even with all the crises that we experienced in that long period. I write with an almost maniacal urgency and certainly with a desperate hope that our youths, those who have not lived long enough to know a different Nigeria, do not become overwhelmed by the dire prospects confronting them and succumb to despair, cynicism and, worse, nihilism. This is what I have in mind when I say that I write in extremis.

    As the dictionary meaning of the phrase, in extremis, that serves as the epilogue to this piece indicates, in its medical use the phrase means “at the point of death”. I hope that I have written enough in this column to indicate that this “death” is not literal; it relates neither to my own death nor the death of my society, my country. Rather, it is the death of the spirit which takes many forms. One of the most prevalent forms of this death of the spirit in our country at the present time is the fact that a frightening, terrifying future looms large on the historical horizon for our peoples, especially our young people and yet we seem completely unable to do even the minimum of what it will take to avert that looming, gloomy future. Of course, our indomitable prayer warriors are at work to redeem that future for us. Apparently, there is no death of the spirit for them. But scratch beneath the surface of this spiritual buoyancy of the prayer warriors and you will find a hysterical and crippling fear of legions of nameless enemies which is but an ironic form of spiritual death.

    There is another dimension to writing in extremis that perturbs me a lot and this is the fact that I am a full time teacher and researcher first, and a columnist second. As much as I have tried to organize my weekly life and affairs to make the writing of the column both assured and pleasurable, I still find it enormously challenging to combine my work as a fully employed academic with the demands and opportunities that come with being a columnist. The most regrettable expression of this conflict, this split is the fact that I serve two consistencies whose pressures on my time, my energies are unequal. Simply stated, my students, both undergraduate and graduate, exert a more immediate and a more embodied demand on me than the readers of my column. This is only partly due to the fact that I see my students all the time while, for the most part, the readers of my column encounter me only through the impersonal medium of print journalism. More significant is the fact that I have to attend virtually all the time to the writing of my students, leaving me no time at all for the writing of my readers who, responding to things that have greatly intrigued or inspired them in my column, reach out to me through emails to start a conversation. To all such readers, my apologies. There are only 24 hours in a day and seven days in a week and one can only do half or even less of what one would really like to do in the little time that one has. This is part of the great dissatisfaction of writing in extremis, under seemingly dire and impossible conditions. But then, as the next segment of this week’s column implies, hope spring eternal in the human heart….

  • A short history of Nigerian terror, by PDP

    A short history of Nigerian terror, by PDP

    A politician’s grief is often very brief – especially when he or his kin are not on the receiving end of some tragic happening. When they make their public shows of empathy, it is often with an eye on the photo opportunity or to pre-empt any criticism about being unfeeling.

    But this week Nigeria’s apex leadership outdid itself. What President Goodluck Jonathan did in scurrying to Kano to preside over a reception for defecting ex-Governor Ibrahim Shekarau barely 24 hours after 80 innocent Nigerians were blown to smithereens by terrorist bombs at Abuja’s Nyanya motor park is beyond the pale.

    We are talking of 80 souls, for God’s sake, blown away in one moment of madness in the nation’s capital! How does the president react? One photo-opportunity at the bedside of a victim and quick as a flash he’s off to Kano for a bout of singing and dancing.

    Politicians must truly be remarkable people who can switch from one emotion to another the way we turn light bulbs on and off. It just shows how desensitised we have become and what low stock we now set by human lives that rather than accept that he had made a mistake, the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) spokesman, Olisah Metuh, launched into an inane defence of the shameful outing.

    In search of rationalisation, he embarked on time travel – landing in 1984 where he pounced on the fact that the then British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, continued with the Tory Party conference in Brighton after a terrorist attack that killed five.

    What he did not tell us was whether Britain was under the kind of siege that has seen hundreds of people blown to bits by bombs in Nigerian villages and towns every week. It is always convenient to throw such isolated examples.

    The PDP spokesman should tell us how the leadership of Norway reacted in 2011 when a gunman killed 77 young people on the island of Utoya. Aside other actions, the nation declared 30 days of mourning. That was just one incident! Here such things happen every other day and we react by going dancing.

    No one is saying the government should shut down – because that would be impractical and pointless. But we have to show that we value human life and respect our people; and that as leaders our actions are not driven only by naked ambition and lust for power. In any event, the Kano excursion had nothing to do with governance: it was purely partisan politics – an occasion for Jonathan to inveigh against his arch foe, Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso.

    While we were still digesting this, the nation woke up to the shocking news that barely 24 hours after that brutal Nyanya attack, Boko Haram insurgents invaded an isolated secondary school in Borno and abducted over 100 girls.

    These days barely a week goes by without one such outrage or another. Leaders who respect their people would understand that these are not ordinary times and keep a low profile – especially when they cannot provide solutions to the evil ravaging the land.

    Instead we continue to be assaulted by the arrogant and illogical statements from the likes of the PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Olisah Metuh. In his latest offering he accused the All Progressives Congress (APC) leadership, governors – even Rotimi Amaechi of being the sponsors of Boko Haram. Others whom he has identified as being the founders and financiers of the sect include former Head of State, Muhammadu Buhari and suspended Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi.

    It is only in frontier territory that this sort of outrage can happen. You impugn people’s character in such a manner in the name of politics! Buhari has threatened to go to court if he doesn’t get an apology within seven days. Hopefully, Metuh and the PDP would be inundating the courts with proof soon.

    The volatile partisan air that has overtaken the land cannot obliterate historical facts. Credible chronicles have been written tracing the emergence of what is now known as Boko Haram to the influences of the defunct radical Islamist group Maitatsine which flowered in parts of northern Nigeria in the 80s and was eventually wiped out in the early 1990s.

    The present incarnation of the sect emerged from a radical group that met at the Ndimi Mosque in Maiduguri around 2002. They were led by the sect founder, Mohammed Ali, and were implacably opposed to the government of the then Borno State Governor, Mala Kachalla, who they viewed as irredeemably corrupt. Ali would later extend his activities to the Kanama community in Yobe State where he met his end in 2003 after clashes with the police and army.

    It was the survivors of this battle who regrouped in the Ndimi mosque under the leadership of Mohammed Yusuf. Up until the clash between sect members and the administration of the then Borno State Governor, Ali Modu Sheriff, in February 2009 over the use of helmets by motor cycle riders, they remained largely a local phenomenon.

    But in July 2009, the sect would have a pivotal run-in with law the enforcement agents who stopped a procession of the group on their way to bury a prominent member of the sect. The clashes from that one incident snowballed into a massive orgy of burning and looting across Bauchi, Borno and Yobe States.

    In the process, several policemen were killed. The intervention of the military brought the situation in Maiduguri under control and led to Yusuf being apprehended. Unfortunately, after soldiers handed him over he would be killed by extra-judicial means whilst in police custody. From that point on the thirst for revenge against federal government led by then President Umaru YarÁdua seemed to imbue the sect with a new zeal for mayhem that very few would have predicted.

    As Nigerians thrashed around looking for explanations for the enduring power of the sect, many recalled a pregnant statement made in the heat of the 2011 PDP residential contest. So much has been made of the statements by Alhaji Lawal Kaita to the effect that the North would make Nigeria ungovernable if the PDP forced Jonathan down their throat as presidential candidate in 2011.

    Metuh has also referred to comments made at the party’s convention that year by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to the effect that those who make peaceful change impossible make violence change inevitable.

    These statements are now the lazy and convenient explanations for the scourge of terror sweeping the land. Unfortunately, these things don’t add up. Anyone who has followed the rise of Boko Haram and the emergence of its leaders like Yusuf and Abubakar Shekau would know that mainstream northern politicians had very little influence or contact with the group.

    If anything, the sect’s leaders had only contempt for them. We seem to forget that it is this same sect that has threatened to kill everyone from the Sultan of Sokoto to former President Ibrahim Babangida, Buhari and others. A few days ago, they killed a monarch who dared complain about their activities.

    Indeed, if anybody should be accused of being the driving forces behind the Boko Haram, it is those from within the ruling party. We have the weighty testimony of a President Jonathan to that effect! Speaking during an inter-denominational service to mark the 2012 Armed Forces Remembrance Day, he shocked the world by claiming that the sect had infiltrated his government.

    “Some of them are in the executive arm of government; some of them are in the parliamentary/legislative arm of government while some of them are even in the judiciary.

    “Some are also in the armed forces, the police and other security agencies. Some continue to dip their hands and eat with you and you won’t even know the person who will point a gun at you or plant a bomb behind your house.”

    Before it became fashionable to accuse the APC of terrorism, this same administration fought attempts in 2012 by the United States government to declare Boko Haram a Foreign Terrorist Organisation (FTO). The excuse? Such designation cause travelling inconveniences for Nigerians at foreign airports. The administration also argued that it was capable of resolving the problem with its own local solutions and didn’t need the American action.

    Fast forward to 2013 when the US went ahead anyway and labelled Boko Haram an FTO. Without any sense of shame, the same government that was so keen to give comfort to the sect it claimed to be talking to, tripped over itself to welcome the move.

    A couple of weeks ago, President Jonathan told an African Union Conference of Ministers of Finance, Economic and Planning in Abuja, that terrorists  like Boko Haram and others who had access to very expensive weapons were clearly receiving external support.

    All of this flies in the face of the partisan charges being levelled against the opposition. If indeed the government and PDP know what they claim, then it is a mystery that decisive action is yet to be taken. A government that has all this information about the ‘terrorist’ activities of opposition leaders and has not apprehended and prosecuted them, can only be described as a joke.

    But then, recent Nigerian history is replete with such antics. It was standard practice under the regime of the late General Sani Abacha to accuse every opponent or critic of the junta of coup-plotting. Many were jailed for participating in phantom coups that existed only in the imagination of the dictator’s goons.

    The antics and utterances of the PDP and the government show that they still don’t grasp the gravity of the insurgency. If Jonathan and his men think that partisan posturing is the way out, then they should go ahead and solve the problem. But commonsense suggests that this is a time to rally the nation rather than demonising the opposition.