Category: Sunday

  • Pork galore after white  paper on Oronsaye’s report

    Pork galore after white paper on Oronsaye’s report

    Two years after the sitting of the Oronsaye committee, the federal government is still struggling with itself on what to do to achieve good governance

    Two years after the committee on rationalization and restructuring of federal government parastatals, commissions and agencies, the country has come to find out that nothing has changed. Less than 10% of agencies and commissions recommended for rationalization got the nod of the President. Federal government’s final response to the call for rightsizing the bloated public service has raised many questions about governance in our post-military ethos.

    Most of the agencies and commissions that the Oronsaye committee recommended for abolition or merger were created by military rulers. The thinking during the decades of military autocracy was that increasing the powers of the federal government vis-à-vis those of the regions or states was the best way to ensure the country’s territorial unity. Military dictators also believed that the more agencies, commissions, and authorities, the more pork would be available to distribute to military cronies and civilian collaborators. An enlarged federal civil service and expanded public service in the name of agencies and commissions were believed to be sources of jobs for the boys and girls around the corridors of power.

    Even after Structural Adjustment Programme and the austerity that characterized it, military rulers kept at creating federal bureaucracies for any aspect of life that came to their mind.This thinking was even extended to the states, to the extent that most states today spend over 70% of their budget on servicing the public service. When President Jonathan established the committee headed by Oronsaye, the general belief was that the President had recognized the need to create a new culture of governing the country that is different from the one inherited from military rule, which equated revenue from petroleum with wealth that was just waiting to be spent. It was also believed by many citizens that the Jonathan administration was ready to start the process of de-militarizing the polity.

    But the President’s comment at the 2014 budget presentation confirmed (before the final position taken by the federal government recently) that the polity is not likely to be de-militarized any time soon: “It had been hoped that significant savings would be made from the implementation of government’s white paper on rationalizing public agencies. Unfortunately, very little or no savings are likely to be made from the implementation of government’s white paper on rationalizing public agencies due to the fact that many agencies recommended for closure or merger were allowed to remain partly due to the fact that some of them are underpinned by law, which cannot be repealed in the short-run.”

    Many media pundits have argued pro and con since the release of the federal government’s final position on retaining most of the public agencies that the Oronsaye committee recommended for discontinuance. Those who believe that the federal government has not been courageous enough in its final attitude to the Oronsaye committee report are on the right side of history. To continue to fund overlapping agencies from sale of non-renewable petroleum is to deliberately play the ostrich game. The era that fueled creation of numerous agencies and commissions, when the thinking among military rulers was that money was not the problem of Nigeria but how to spend it, is no longer with us. What the federal government has done in relation to public agencies is to act as if money is still not a problem.

    On the side of the limited response of the federal government,Leadership of April 14 argued that it would not matter whether there are five or 500 agencies and departments once the wastage and leakage are curbed, and resources lost to corruption—foreign training, contract inflation, phantom procurement, and ghost workers are blocked while providing adequate re-orientation away from the culture of indolence, corruption and deep-rooted system of inefficiency that generally bedevil public institutions. The question is how can the culture of indolence and corruption be blocked when infrastructures for these problems are given new lease of life? Agencies that duplicate the job of other commissions should be easier to abolish than having hope in psychological re-orientation of workers in such agencies.

    Just going through the names of most of the agencies on the books suggests that the latest position of the federal government on public agencies is disappointingly peripheral, more so at a time that the same federal government has overtly shown interest in restructuring the way the country is governed through the instrument of the ongoing national conference. Having waited for two years to respond to the recommendations on public agencies, the federal government might as well have passed the matter to the national conference, instead of giving another lease of life to numerous agencies that citizens see largely as pork or sources of jobs for the boys.

    In a country that is actively looking at a national conference to create a system of governance that is efficient and effective, citizens cannot but wonder what the federal government still wants to keep, for example, Border Communities Development Agency for. What makes border communities any different from communities within the border? Are border communities not part of existing states? Similarly, what is it that the National Refugees Commission does that cannot be done by the National Emergency Management? Where are refugees in Nigeria coming from? When they come, do such refugees come to a federal space or to states?

    What makes Gurara Water Management Authority different from other water-related agencies, such as Nigeria Integrated Water Resources Management Commission or National Inland Waterways Authority? What is the difference between National Orientation Agency and National Institute for Cultural Orientation? These two agencies are not any distant from each other than the National Council of Arts and National Troupe and the National Theatre now merged into National Council of Arts and Culture?

    What is the use for National Rural Electrification Agency at a time that electricity has been fully privatized? Shouldn’t the new Gencos and Discos be given the opportunity to serve urban and rural markets at the same time? What is the purpose to be served by Nigerian Institute of Education Planners and Administrators when there are 36 federal universities? What job does National Metallurgical Development Centre do that the National Metallurgical Training Institute cannot do? There is no better way to illustrate the absurdity of the country’s obsession with bureaucracies than the decision of the federal government to keep both NECO and WAEC under the excuse that more examination bodies are better for learners or to insist on keeping separate NTA, FRCN, and VON. Another laughable decision is the federal government’s further empowerment of JAMB to include direct entries in its menu of functions. What exactly is JAMB going to do in respect of direct entries better than universities, re-process A-level results?

    It is now clear that two years after the sitting of the Oronsaye committee, the federal government is still struggling with itself on what to do to achieve good governance. If it can do so, the ongoing national conference should come to the aid of the federal government.

  • Martyrs arising

    Martyrs arising

    This morning, this column suspends all intellectual hostilities to wish our compatriots a happy and prosperous Easter. There is time for everything; a time to curse and a time to cry; a time to hiss and a time to sing. The Easter season is the season of resurrection, of spring and amazing renewal for humanity and nature alike. It takes a divine and peculiar miracle for humans to resurrect. But unlike living organisms, dead nations do resurrect.

    In its one hundred years of existence, this nation has suffered too much. There have been too many strife, bloodshed and mayhems. The killing and mutual elimination have been on an industrial scale. It has been a blood-splattered canvas; a killing field on an Olympian scale. If we were to resurrect all those who have died, all those who have been sacrificed at the shrine of modern Nigeria, what an endless cortege of misery and suffering!! !

    Only this week in Abuja, a city willed into existence from virgin forests by the ingenuity and imagination of some visionary compatriots, hundreds were bombed out of existence. In the same week, a hundred and twenty female students were abducted from their school in the dead of the night by gunmen who herded them into waiting buses. It doesn’t get more eerily unsettling.

    In Africa, only two countries, the Congo and Sudan, can be said to have suffered more than Nigeria. But there is suffering and there is suffering. There is quantitative suffering and there is qualitative suffering. These three African countries are distinguished by their humongous sizes. Perhaps in the post-colonial condition “big” is the beginning of trouble. Yet after the forcible partitioning of Sudan, South Sudan has dissolved into a nasty civil war. The nightmare of colonial cartography survives radical surgery.

    We cannot continue to blame the colonialists for our woes. You cannot give what you don’t have. Based on their history, the British have been compulsory unitarists, privileging and placing premium and priority on order over justice. From its time as a Roman colony, through waves of Viking invasions and the Norman Conquest, the isle has been a potpourri of immigrants. There was always a need for a harsh central authority no matter how bloody-minded to ward off anarchy and weld the human amalgam together. This is the colonial bequeathal to Africa.

    This morning in the spirit of Easter celebration, we take an unusual look at the amalgamation not as a political tragedy but as a classic love story. Love and loving are classic human attributes transcending race, religion and creed. Jesus Christ, the man we celebrate this morning, was a great revolutionary, just like Prophet Mohammed. In the two avatars, radical nobility of nature takes a quantum leap forward. Jesus had a special place in his heart for women, just as Mohammed codified the humane treatment of women as a cornerstone of Islamic philosophy. Reading through the following may soften our heart towards Lord Lugard. He was human after all, and a gallant and chivalrous lover to the bargain.

  • After the marathon fasting …

    After the marathon fasting …

    If need be, Nigerians should repeat the  exercise next year, and then be expectant

    Between them, two mega churches with membership running into hundreds of thousands each have asked their members to observe at least 121 days of fasting this year alone. The churches – Living Faith Church Worldwide (a.k.a. Winners Chapel) – with Bishop David Oyedepo as its head, asked its members to observe the annual 21-day fasting which they did from January 6 to January 26. Members of the second church, the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), headed by its General Overseer, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, observed a 100-day fast which started January 2 and ended on April 11. The position of these two churches represents that of Pentecostal churches concerning fasting, particularly with regard to Lent. For the benefit of those who do not know, Lent is a period when Christians practice fasting, repentance, moderation and spiritual discipline for 40 days, with the aim of imitating the actions of Jesus Christ and reflecting on his life, death and resurrection.

    As for the orthodox churches – the Anglican Communion, the African Church, Catholic Church, Methodist Church, etc., they observe Lent so fastidiously. They hardly joke with the 40 days fast, and especially the very last week, which they observe as Passion Week. I guess the Pentecostal churches prefer to fast as the spirit directs, rather than during Lent like the orthodox churches. Definitely the question of fasting at other times apart from Lenten Season cannot be because they do not want people to know when they (Pentecostal churches) are fasting since the announcement is everywhere online whenever they eventually decide to fast. For instance, almost everyone knew members of the RCCG were fasting from January 2 to the time the fasting ended on April 11.

    Anyway, this piece is not about the rightness or wrongness of any of these positions. Rather, its aim is to draw attention to fasting as a possible way out of our (specifically) national quagmire. And that is what we should focus on and not the ‘my Christianity (or even religion) is better or holier than yours’.

    Apart from these two churches whose members have had a cumulative 121 days of fasting, many other churches, particularly the orthodox ones, have only just ended their 40 days fast, which started on March 5 and ended on April 18. Millions must have participated in the fasting, considering the number of the orthodox churches in the country and their equally large membership. My point is that this year alone, Christians of all shades in the country must have fasted for 161 days. This is not to talk of other churches and individuals that were not captured in the 161 days cumulative fasting. This is a lot and if really we did it conscientiously, there should be result.

    Ordinarily, RCCG members fast every February; but Pastor Adeboye, in asking the faithful to embark on the 100 days fast this year, told them it is specifically for Nigeria, especially in the context of next year’s general elections and the earlier prediction that the country will disintegrate in 2015. If morning shows the day, what we have been seeing so far concerning the elections is enough to make us worry. And we should in a situation where a government that is not performing is doing everything to remain in power. The question is: to do what? What new thing has the ruling party to offer that it could not have done in the last 15 years that it has been in power? Curious enough, it is not talking about winning elections, its leader is talking about ‘capturing’ states, including places where people who might have dreamt of voting for the party would go back to sleep so they can have another dream to reverse the bad one.

    If only for this reason, I would not mind asking that the process be repeated next year. I understand some members of the RCCG have told Pastor Adeboye just that. Without doubt, it is not going to be easy, but it pays. What the Bible says is that “we shall also suck the milk of the Gentiles; and shall suck the breast of kings”. Unfortunately, it is the Gentiles and the kings that are sucking the milk of the faithful in Nigeria as in many parts of the world. Or, what do you call a situation where the governed are being burdened with all kinds of yoke, including removal of fuel subsidy, and asking the jobless to pay for jobs they will never get? This surely is not God’s purpose for Nigeria. If God had intended us to suffer as we are doing, He would not have so blessed us, not only with crude oil, but also with other mineral resources as well as quality human resource. A situation where the children of meat sellers are eating bones is an aberration; just as children whose parents are selling expensive apparels should not be going about in rags. So Nigerians, particularly Christians, who feel sufficiently concerned should not hesitate to pray and fast their way out of these anomalies.

    It will be a mockery of the spiritual exercise if at the end of the long days of fasting Gentiles and kings still keep sucking our milk when we ought to have wherever they have stored our stolen milk deep in our mouths, squeezing them with our tongues and teeth so as to draw in arrears our milk that they had sucked illegally in advance. If we must co-opt the Fall Down and Die people the next time we fast for this to happen, so be it.

    There is nothing wrong in our church leaders coming together against bad governance. As a matter of fact, this is one area they have been found wanting. It is not only political parties that can enter into alliance; spiritual leaders too can, if the aim is to defeat a common enemy. And they do not have to mention anybody or any political party in particular when praying. All they need do is pray fervently for God to come and take absolute control of the country. It is not their business to ask that God should touch the heart of the leadership. How many times did God ask Moses to go tell Pharaoh to ‘let my people go’? This tells us the futility in asking God to touch the hearts of leaders, sometimes. The point is that when our spiritual leaders call the right prayer points, like asking God to deal with those troubling the peace of Nigeria, this is enough poison to make the political leaders who have made the churches a Mecca of sort to think twice before going to those churches because they know what they are doing. They know they are the ones troubling the peace of Nigeria. As our people say in Yoruba land, a bad person knows he is bad; he is only waiting for someone to tell him. With due respect to our church leaders, the fact that most of these political leaders find it easy to go before those altars of God again and again should tell us that those altars are not carrying sufficient fire; otherwise, the heat should be enough to deter them from getting anywhere close.

    This country deserves better governance and our spiritual leaders have a great role to play in its rejuvenation. I know some faithful may feel so bad that many of these spiritual leaders are too close for comfort to the political leadership; many, including those whose churches don’t have any need for the filthy lucre that the latter may offer. Not to worry; let them (the spiritual leaders) just make the mistake of asking that the faithful pray and fast again for the country and the congregation should know where to direct their prayer. This is a road we travelled before; we have had a situation where a particular leader thought even if he must be removed, it would be bloody. But when the time came, not a single shot was fired; not even a baton was lifted. The rest is history.

    Things have just got to change.

  • As  a repeat of 1965  beckons in Yoruba Land

    As a repeat of 1965 beckons in Yoruba Land

    But talking seriously, why would a man as  mightily blessed of God as President Jonathan elect  to tempt God,  choosing to  have a  section of the country he governs, under God, be recklessly  declared  a war zone

    It is extremely unfortunate that for reasons of immaturity, self-centredness, even self-importance, African political leaders never learn from history, but instead, unerringly allow history to repeat itself as tragedy. Southwest Nigeria, no thanks to President Jonathan, and his party the PDP, is fast regressing into the anomie of the 1965 West Regional Election era, about which the following was written: ‘… amid widespread charges of voting irregularities, Akintola’s NNDP, supported by its NPC ally, scored an impressive ‘victory’ in November. There were extensive protests, including considerable grumbling among senior army officials, at the apparent perversion of the democratic process. In the six months after the election, an estimated 2,000 people died in violence, called WETIE – i.e douse him/her with petrol- that erupted in the Western Region’. Interested readers should go to: http://www.mongabay.com/history/nigeria.

    If the motivation in 1965 was the urge to solidify the Hausa-Fulani hegemony over the entire country, President Jonathan’s 2015 ambition is the leitmotif for the current looming Armageddon in Yoruba land. In 1965, the NNDP, in which the respected father of Femi Fani-Kayode was the second ranking member, told the world that whether or not the Yoruba electorate voted for its candidates, their party will win the election. Femi Fani-Kayode’s recent rapprochement with President Jonathan is therefore certainly not a happenstance: it must be either the President reached out to him to learn how to have his candidates get elected without the electorate voting for them in the coming governorship elections in Yoruba land or the charismatic Fani-Kayode went there selling his credentials as a ringside observer of the 1965 melodrama. Today the refrain, in Ekiti for instance, is that the electorate will be banished on 21 June, 2014, such that whether

    or not Ekitis vote for Ayo Fayose, he will be declared winner. Fani-Kayode, being such a good archivist, should complete his mission by telling his distinguished host the consequences, for country, as well as for the unfortunate dramatis personae, of the 1965 heinous election rigging. The Yoruba nation has also heard, loud and clear, Vice President Sambo declare Odua land a war zone. We do not intend to ask these ‘soldiers of fortune’, these foreigners in our land of honour, not to come for their war, but we promise, in the name of Eledumare, that they will not return in one piece. The Yoruba is the David here but we do hope they remember what happened to the mighty Goliath. Yoruba land has always triumphed in such ‘wars’ beginning from the 18th century treachery of Afonja, the Are-Ona Kakanfo, to the much more recent Abacha plot to decapitate us and lay our land to waste. And when we see the roles being played by some Yoruba elements

    in all these, we are poignantly reminded that the same Afonja, against the tradition of never attacking Ife, Yoruba’s spiritual citadel, not only sacked Apomu, but marched on the capital, Oyo-Ile, to demand the abdication of Alafin Aole confirming that internal treachery is not new to Yoruba land. But in all cases, they always ended up miserably, both they, and their dastardly causes.[

    But talking seriously, why would a man as mightily blessed of God as President Jonathan elect to tempt God, choosing to have a section of the country he governs, under God, be recklessly declared a war zone, when all we seek is to be able to democratically elect who to rule over us?

    I continue to pray that President Jonathan will be restrained in the pursuit of his 2015 ambition. Without a scintilla of doubt, I know it is not that he loves Fayose or Omisore so, or cares that much about Yoruba land he once told Nigerians is populated by rascals. I am sure that what is playing out is that once the North East has played into his hands, and everything is now being done to ensure that elections do not hold there in 2015, the next major challenge for the President and his Think Tank, is how to also have the Southwest vote consumed by a raging inferno he would have set in place courtesy unprecedented post-election crisis, as there is no way this President will get away with rigging elections in Yoruba land. The history books are there for those who need to learn valuable lessons.

    We are well aware that as part of preparations for the looming apocalypse, the President has meticulously put in place a group whose history, to the last man, the Yoruba people know only too well. While we know that for Buruji Kashamu this is all about business, not so for the quartet of Fayose, Omisore, Obanikoro and Jelili, a group to which Alao Akala would soon be added. I came to that conclusion during the past week after I read that the court has declared he has a case to answer in the N11.5 Billion case instituted against him by the EFFC. He should, therefore, be a perfect fit for PDP’s candidature.

    The above are the reason our people must appreciate what is afoot in our home land, especially what our political enemies have in stock for us. It is heartwarming to note that this is already happening.

    It was fascinating, for instance, seeing members of the Ekiti E-11 on the Ekiti state television morning of Thursday, 17 April, 2014, reminding our people of where exactly we are coming from and how, at the instance of these same federal elements, Ekiti had nine governors in eight years whereas Lagos state had two in fifteen. They equally reminded all Ekiti of the mayhem and bloodletting of those years of the locust compared to today’s relative peace.

    More harrowing, however, is the likely overall consequences of President Jonathan’s plot to ‘pacify Yoruba land for his 2015 presidential ambition. A determined group of concerned Yoruba patriots, already working to thwart these evil plans, has summarised the situation as follows: ‘Yoruba land is being assailed. The adversaries are tugging at our softest underbelly. There is great insult on our collective sensibilities. The core of what we stand for as a people, our ethos, our values and our heritage are being assaulted. A Fayose in Ekiti, an Omisore in Osun, and possibly, an Alao-Akala (or the likes of him) in Oyo, people who ill-represent core Yoruba values, are being arranged from Abuja to once again, intrude into our development process and set us back one more time. They are telling us that we should reject the likes of Fashola, Fayemi and Aregbesola and welcome with open arms these sorts of individuals. They have let on the loose the likes of Obanikoro and Adesiyan – a Minister of Police Affairs ludicrously nominated solely on the say so of an Omisore – to carry out invidious assignments against us. ( We are reliably informed they are already training some of their fake policemen/thugs in Badagry and Ojota, for instance). If care is not taken, and if all hands don’t come on deck, they will succeed and we will be in trouble. We would once again have to contend with another cycle of brigandage, mis-governance, underdevelopment and unimaginable setback, which God forbids.

    WE MUST THEREFORE SAY NO, even on the pain of death!

    They have no faith in the ballot box; otherwise we would have said bring it on. But their style is to act with impunity and they would most probably stop at nothing to ensure that our votes do not count. We must therefore be ready and vigilant. The Yoruba nation must never return to Egypt. We must square up to them with intelligence. We must ensure that they fail miserably. Yoruba land, the most politically important empire in these parts from the mid-17th to the late 18th century, holding sway over large parts of some nearby neigbouring countries, notably the Fon Kingdom and that of Dahomey in modern day Republic of Benin, will never again be sold on the cheap by these marauding buccaneers.

  • Boko Haram, sex slaves and counterinsurgency

    Boko Haram, sex slaves and counterinsurgency

    All those who ever secretly or openly supported Boko Haram either as a social, political, economic or sectarian revolt should feel deeply mortified by the sect’s atrocious and nihilistic transformations. The sect always had it in them, especially judging from the circumstances surrounding its founding and initial operations, to engage in very appalling and destructive anti-social behaviour. But it fooled many who were hoodwinked by its sectarian appeal, many who thought that in some quaint way it represented an uprising against political and economic corruption, many who were beguiled by its regional proclivities. Given its second major abduction of schoolgirls this year, it has become abundantly clear that the sect is irredeemably evil and that it represents the twisted and selfish interest of its demented and perverted founders and supporters.

    As I indicated in this place a few weeks back, I am not sure that Nigeria has learnt the appropriate lessons from the disturbance sufficient to end the uprising. Neither the federal government which was for a long time ambivalent in fighting the sect, nor the religious, social and political elites of the North which initially saw the sect as a puritanical and messianic tool for societal cleansing, nor the dispossessed who saw it as a fitting retribution against government at all levels for years of official tyranny , has had a new and deeper appreciation of the concepts of tolerance, justice, fairness and equity, and that these values actually transcend tribe, religion, class or political grouping.

    More practically, however, it beggars belief that the security agencies were not proactive in defending the Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok, nor was their defensive dragnet tight enough to forestall the abductions of over a 100 students from that school. The first major abduction of about 20 schoolgirls at Konduga in Borno State in February caught the government and its security agencies flatfooted, notwithstanding the declaration of a state of emergency in that state and two others. Not all the girls have been freed. And now this. Coming a day after the Nyanya, Abuja bombing in which more than 75 people lost their lives, the Chibok, Borno State abductions are bound to fuel a feeling of hopelessness and to underscore mounting lack of confidence in the ability of the government to perform its constitutional duty of protecting its people.

    Every Nigerian, especially parents, must be deeply distressed by the abductions and the implication for the safety and chastity of the abducted girls. It is truly heartrending. Indeed, every such abduction brings the country frightfully close to an implosion, as reports of parents determined to go into the bushes to liberate their daughters show. Dr Jonathan has called a security meeting, as he always does every time such horrendous crimes are committed. But does his government have a new plan to fight the sect? Does he himself inspire courage in the society and in those fighting the anarchists? Not only has the president inexplicably failed to visit the affected areas and show heartfelt empathy, even when he visited, all he did was talk down to the traumatised people of the emergency states.

    More and more, the Jonathan presidency looks absolutely befuddled, if not paralysed, in fighting the sect. But the president clearly does not have time on his side. Nor do we as a country. If we do not defeat the sect very soon, the sect will be the death of us, for the country is so dangerously close to the precipice and so inflammable that a small fire at any remote part can provoke a conflagration.

  • Obanikoro’s speciousness

    Responding to accusation of misusing the military for political ends, the Minister of State for Defence, Musiliu Obanikoro, has offered what is at best a specious explanation for his giddy actions in the past few weeks. He had been accused of deploying, or causing to be deployed, soldiers for the recent Ondo by-election. He was also accused of militarising Ile-Ife, together with Jelili Adesiyan who swooped on the town with truck loads of policemen, during the last Ife day. And, now, he is also accused of using soldiers to subvert the Lagos State government over a land matter clearly not in his purview.

    His response does not do credit to his claims of intelligence. He had asked his accusers whether they knew how soldiers were deployed, as if in fact we didn’t. The military themselves, reports say, were embarrassed by what the junior minister was doing with soldiers everywhere. The Resident Electoral Commissioner for Ondo State had complained about Mr Obanikoro’s obtrusion during the by-election. And even though the REC has rephrased his complaint, the essential details of Mr Obanikoro’s malfeasance remain unchanged. What business did he have with the Ondo by-election? Indeed, how does the Lagos land matter concern the Ministry of Defence to warrant his interference?

    The fact is that in their obsequious minds, both Mr Obanikoro and Mr Adesiyan interpret their appointments as empowerment to subvert the governments of the Southwest, especially in states where elections will be held soon, and to reclaim the zone for the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But if they must, should they destroy their zone in order to accomplish the task, or subvert due process and the constitution to please their employers?

    But in all, it is a reflection of the low amperage of character left in both the military and the police that ministers could flagrantly and unconstitutionally suborn the security agencies for reprehensible, unethical and partisan duties. In addition, it is a reflection of the contempt the Jonathan presidency has for the country and its constitution that some of its ministers could embark on adventures that ridicule and undermine the country in the estimation of the world.

  • Love in the tropics of malaria

    Love in the tropics of malaria

    There was something of the tropics about Fredrick John Dealtry Lugard. Despite his ice-cool exterior and glacial temperament, there was an underlying fire, a capacity for fury and vengefulness which was quite tropical in nature. Lugard also had a capacity for torrid, equatorial passion in the amatorial sense which would be considered in the west as a sign of the emotional incontinence that Africans are particularly prone. Despite being a British warlord, Lugard was in every sense of the word Othello’s compatriot.

    Fredrick was a child of the tropics. He was born in the tropics, in Madras, India. He was the son of a British clergyman and his third wife. But he was raised in Britain and eventually enrolled at the Sandhurst Royal Military Academy. After commissioning, he was posted to the East Norfolk Regiment and from there to the second battalion in India. The tropics had reclaimed its own. It was from the orient that Lugard was to first contract the malaria that plagued him for the rest of his life and which became worse as Africa added its own vicious variety.

    The fateful conjoining with the tropics and its colonial history was to alter the fundamental trajectory and course of Lugard’s life. But in retrospect, it did not affect his substantial destiny. This is the way fate sometimes plays poker with human destiny. In any case, there is malaria and there is malaria. There is also emotional malaria, which sends the afflicted to the pitch of fevered delirium.

    In India, the young officer fell hopelessly and fecklessly in love with a married woman. It was the height of indiscretion. The ensuing furor was to destroy what was a promising military career. Normally high-strung, it was believed that it was at this point that Lugard suffered an emotional and nervous breakdown. In a feat of self-obliteration partly to redress the shame of an aborted career and partly to satisfy his love of high-risk adventure on behalf of the crown, the future ruler of Nigeria journeyed to East Africa to join the battle against predominantly Arab slave raiders.

    The year following his arrival in Africa, Lugard was severely wounded while leading a charge against the stockade of a slave raider very close to Lake Nyasa. For days, Lugard hovered between life and death. It was probably at that point that he experienced a radical epiphany. He found his life’s purpose. He was not going to be a regular British officer periodically called out to defend the interests of empire. But he was going to spend the rest of his life fighting for and securing the interests of the royal majesty in Africa and the Far East.

    It was actually on his second tour of what was to become Nigeria that Lugard was named High Commissioner for the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. Even by then, the Madras-born soldier had become something of a legend in colonial military history. In several campaigns, he had distinguished himself for exceptional valour and his fabled contempt for personal safety. Often hopelessly outnumbered by the swarming natives, Lugard’s military maxim seemed to have been never to spare a maxim or show mercy when you needed to be merciless.

    The African campaigns—or punitive expeditions properly speaking—were marked by such savagery and brutality that they marked Lugard in turn for the rest of his life. Apart from having been severely wounded in Zanzibar, Lugard also had a poisoned arrow stuck on his forehead from northern Nigeria. Nobody is sure of how this impacted on Lugard’s mental and psychological state. But gone forever was the callow officer of the Indian Second Batallion, or the youthful inexperienced lover.

    Margery Perhams description of Lugard is incredibly graphic and unforgettable: “Africa has marked him as her own: Tall, gaunt, angular, dark as a Spaniard, Lugard has the yellow skin, the hollowed cheeks, the sunken eyes, the indented temples which mark the man who has struggled for life with the fever-fiend.”

    Perhams could as well have been describing a classic Byronic hero. There were also the dark Spanish looks and a hint of the ancient conquistador and his menacing machismo. But Lugard was not your typical garden variety Don Juan. Any hint of sensual frivolity had been savagely repressed, particularly after the Indian fiasco. Enveloped in a forbidding aura of testy reserve, Lugard never gave anything away.

    Yet it was at this point in time that the invisible hand of fate summoned Lugard to what was perhaps his greatest campaign. Militarily and politically, he was already approaching the summit of his power and glory. But emotionally, he remained an Arctic tundra of frigid and frozen impulses. The conqueror of the lower and upper tribes of the Niger was ripe for conquest by love, by affection and by lifelong devotion and faithful collaboration. Romance beckoned…… in the tropics of fever.

    Fiona Louise Shaw was born in 1852, six full years before Fredrick John Dealtry Lugard. She was the daughter of a British general of Irish extraction and a French mother. She was as beautiful as she was proud, imperious, fiercely independent and intellectually self-assured. In the history of British journalism, she was the first woman to have reached its stratospheric summit.

    Margery Perhams description of this Amazon of the pen is equally gripping: “She looks what she is, a woman to go anywhere and do anything; the woman to write three columns of good copy for a newspaper on the back of a portmanteau in a desert.” Fiona Shaw was an original in every sense of the word. Like her husband to be, she did not take hostages or suffer fools gladly.

    They first met in 1893 when they were both approaching midlife. Nothing came out of that encounter. But it was obvious that they shared a passion for the new British colonies of Africa, Nigeria in particular. It was Fiona Shaw who coined the new name for the British protectorates, although it can be argued that the name had been in private circulation among the Lagos coastal elite for some time. It is an irony of history that the same elite group would view the subsequent amalgamation of the protectorates with considerable dismay.

    Fiona Shaw was at this time romantically involved with Sir George Goldie, the legendary helmsman of the Royal Niger Company. It was a doomed relationship. Goldie was a notorious womaniser and feckless rake. His brutal indiscretions led to Fiona’s emotional breakdown. It was at this point that Lugard stepped in like a shinning knight in armour. Even then, Fiona Shaw turned him down and only accepted his proposal the second time.

    They married in Madeira in 1902 while Lugard was on a leave of absence from the Northern protectorate. Shaw fully supported Lugard’s proposals about the need for an amalgamation of the protectorates. The basic argument was that there was no need sending the surplus extracted from the South through taxation on liquor, railway and natural produce to Whitehall when the north remained virtually bankrupt.

    The union seemed to have liberated Lugard’s political genius. This was Lugard at the summit of his political and administrative ingenuity: brilliantly gaming against Whitehall and frustrating its attempt to rein him in militarily; propping up belligerent subordinates like Abadie, the Colonial Resident of Zaria, against wiser and more restrained counsel from his more experienced lieutenants. An exasperated Whitehall mandarin actually whispered the word “coup” to describe Lugard’s adroit manoeuvres. The amalgamation was actually Nigeria’s first coup.

    A vengeful Lugard was bent on putting the old north, particularly the emirate of Kano and the Sultanate, to sword: The emir of Kano for joyously welcoming the thuggish band that put Moloney to death in Keffi and the sultanate for the contumely of Sultan Abdu who had questioned his authority in a moment of frustration.

    Military historians have suggested that the Emir of Kano was actually on his way to Sokoto with numerous supporters to commiserate with the new Sultan, Attahiru, over the death of his predecessor and to urge him to get the Fulani to flee en masse from the protectorate to escape the mighty wrath of the Raj. This strange movement provided Lugard with a casus belli. Lugard moved with swift and merciless precision. The Fulani hegemons were put to death. Men are killed not because horses are stolen, but so that horses will not be stolen. The sultanate had been pacified.

    But nothing lasts for long in the tropics. Tropical fever set in. Fiona suffered an irreversible breakdown. She left never to come back, but remained in ceaseless correspondence with her beloved husband. It is a curious irony that Lugard who was to singlehandedly establish the University of Hong Kong and who also championed the cause of the sophisticated Chinese islanders would be so riled by the sophisticated and western-educated elite of Lagos. In correspondence with his wife, he noted of them:” I am not in sympathy with him. His loud and arrogant conceit are distasteful to me.”

    The vengeful African tropics had left their indelible marks on the greatest colonial administrator of the last century. But when we hurt others, we also hurt ourselves. Unlike the Chinese who had five thousand years of fairly stable history behind them and who did not have to adopt a new culture and language, early educated African elite came a long way overcoming the colonial mindset about Africa and other entrenched prejudices. They could not but be loud, arrogant and conceited, unlike the self-assured Chinese who had nothing but sublime contempt for Western culture and civilisation.

    The pity of it all. Britain would have found a powerful ally in a powerful, prosperous, democratic and liberal-minded contemporary Nigeria. Equatorial distemper is no respecter of humanity. Lugard was human after all, and a gallant and chivalrous lover to the bargain. Let good old Freddie now rest in peace while we get on with it.

  • Pitakwa, our own cherished Pitakwa: Port Harcourt World Book Capital 2014

    In its desperate optimism, this column is always on the lookout for hopeful signs of social, cultural and educational advancement in our country. The festivities that will next week mark the declaration by the UNESCO of Port Harcourt as the World Book Capital for the year 2014 is one such great achievement. With a keynote address by Nobel Literature Laureate, Wole Soyinka and the attendance of many front rank writers and artists from Nigeria, Africa and the world, the celebrations in Port Harcourt next week will be second to no other event in the cultural calendar of our country and the African continent this year. Set you gaze on Port Harcourt next week compatriots, but not for eruptions of political brigandage in the ruling party!

    Festivities and celebrations are one thing, the activities and programs that give birth to and sustain them is another thing that is of far greater import than celebrations. Thus, behind the World Book Capital celebrations in Port Harcourt next week is the Rainbow Book Club and its indefatigable founder and director, Koko Kalango, together with the unstinting and enlightened support of the Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Odili Amaechi. For quite a long time, the Rainbow Book Club has been doing a lot to encourage reading in Port Harcourt and Rivers State in particular and across the regions and states of Nigeria. It has sponsored “Reading Weeks and Months” among schoolchildren. It has organised literary festivals that bring together older and younger Nigerian writers, thereby sponsoring a much-needed intergenerational conversation among the country’s literati. And it has published books and manuals that highlight the importance of reading in a country and a world in which reading has its back to the wall of survival against the depredations of the culture of the internet and smart phones and the philistine tendencies in their “texting” and “twitting” inducements to the young. Will reading and writing as powerful means of cultural and educational advancement in our country survive the challenges of the barbarisms of the digital age? I think they will, though the road ahead is going to be rough and tough. The Rainbow Book Club is one of the most important bases of this hope. Hearty congratulations to the Rainbow Book Club and the Rivers State Governor.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • So sad that it’s Black all the way again!

    Corruption not only allows people to live above their means to the chagrin and envy of their neighbours, it also allows people to be able to afford to arm and pay insurgents

    Obviously, there are things at stake in this country that are not too obvious to us ordinary Nigerians. We can only guess. We can guess that there are people disgruntled enough to fund and arm, from ill-gotten monies, mercenaries to come into the country and decimate entire villages and pillage roads. We can guess that there are people desperate enough to want to force the presidents’ arm on some tawdry issue. Honestly, I have no interest in who stays or who goes because there is really no difference between black and dark black, which is what all our politicians are. It is not fair though that innocent people should be used as fodders for political ends. I tell you, the God of the innocent will not be silent.

    What happened at the Nyanya bus stop last week remains one of the most horrific tales told so far in the confrontation between the Boko Haram sect and the country. Indeed, the story is past telling. And while we were still attempting to tell it, the bizarre tale of the abduction of about two hundred girls from a secondary school broke. Honestly, even that story is still rankling because of the senselessness of it.

    True, the president’s initial response action and his party’s utterances have not been very encouraging. There are those who believe he should not have gone celebrating in Kano; there are those who say why not. There are those who think it is all politics gone bad; and there are those who say not. Yet, there are those who think it’s the beginning of the end. To be honest, I’m neither here nor there, for I think we are all missing the point.

    As a matter of fact, I am more alarmed that there are those being housed within the four walls of this country who have no compunction about lopping off a large number of people just to make a political statement. To me, it is a real tragedy because it would seem that such hearts are no longer pumping blood around the owners’ bodies but something else, say poison. That is what worries me.

    At the moment, everyone in the country has been left to play detective, undertaker or wonderer, mostly wonderer. We are wondering just what it is that would make a group of people: funders, planners, procurers, and executors come together over such a horrendous thing as this. It is amazing that these all did not come together to form a farm cooperative; they came together to prise the bodies of human beings apart, piece by piece. What on earth could they have been thinking?

    Point is, what’s to be done now? Sometime in the week, when the story of the Nyanya bombing broke, many commentators offered some solutions. Some said the president should resign because they were convinced that all the pillage and destruction were aimed at getting the president to resign. I laughed. I mean, if the president were to resign because he can no longer cope with the job, I would understand. If he were to resign because he cannot guarantee constant electricity to my house, I honestly would understand. If he were to resign because he cannot guarantee my security, that will be something. To ask him to resign because some people have chosen to make political statements using the blood of innocent people I find rather strange. I mean, what happens if the person who succeeds the president cannot work as fast to curtail the problem, he should also resign?

    Some people offered a more startling solution. Let there be more decisive actions against the Boko Haram or whoever might be behind the attack. Surely, force has been applied systematically all along, and look where it’s got us. That’s right, nowhere. Those who are funding and arming them are making sure they are better armed than the JTF, perhaps because they are familiar with the limitations of the military.

    I think the major problem is the government itself. After so many operations and destructions, I quite believe that it is not conceivable that it does not know those funding and arming the Boko Haram from within or without. Up till now, security agents have only picked up insurgents, but not the payers. It is not possible for there not to be a trail from the insurgents to the funders. The question is, why has the country not been given some names? In my opinion, the funders are more to be blamed than the executors.

    The more fundamental problem is the fact that too many people have helped themselves too freely to money from government coffers for private use. This column, as well as many others, has consistently drawn attention to the problems surrounding this phenomenon commonly called corruption. The fact is that too many people can afford to sponsor and keep private armies to be used against the state. That is the height of irony, isn’t it? People who have been asked to build and protect the state take the same state’s resources to procure weapons to fight against it. Marvellous.

    To show that it is serious in this war, this country must mop up on corruption. Many people believe it is the primary problem. Corruption not only allows people to live above their means to the chagrin and envy of their neighbours, it also allows people to be able to afford to arm and pay insurgents.

    Secondly, the government’s crisis management style is beginning to be questionable. It does not inspire confidence when a gargantuan event such as last week’s occurs and the president still insists on keeping his appointments with his jolly political fellows. Haba! A little sensitivity might have helped matters just a wee bit.

    Lastly, information management demands that we all be on our toes. Like it or not, a war has been declared against the nation. I think it is time to stop playing peekaboo with the opponent. These are no children. The government is not a nanny. More importantly, it needs the help of everyone in the country to win this war. Everyone needs to be involved as lookouts, or people to make the coffee for the SSS men while they sort through materials, or even as people to hold up tired, flagging arms while the war rages. Meanwhile this column joins others to pray that the remaining abducted girls will be found reasonably quickly.

  • A week of fun

    A week of fun

    The University of Ilorin (UNILORIN) Students’ Union Government (SUG) has held its annual Students’ Week, reports HAMEED MURITALA (400-Level Mass Communication).

    They wore different uniform with bags strapped to their backs. They assembled on an open space. Then, the ‘principal’, the Dean of the Faculty of Education, Prof Samuel Olorundare, took the podium to address the ‘pupils’. After the talk, the assembly dispersed and the ‘pupils’ sang back to their classrooms.

    But this was not a secondary school. All this happened last week at the University of Ilorin (UNILORIN) when the Students’ Union Government (SUG) held its Week tagged: Have fun while you study.

    The campus erupted in excitement at the sight of students dressed in secondary school uniforms. There was a comic touch to the event when some students appeared in funny old school attires.

    The event with the theme: I am young; I am the future, was declared open by the Vice-Chancellor (VC), Prof Abdulganiyu Ambali, in the university auditorium. The VC said youths of today would only be leaders of tomorrow if they are knowledgeable, adding that youths must read to understand the future in which they want to be leaders.

    Prof Ambali, represented by his deputy for academics, Prof Bayo Lawal, pointed out that youths were the foundation of the country’s future, noting that an illiterate youth population could not lead in the modern world.

    “If you are not a reader, you cannot be a leader. If you are not a reader, you are not the future. The first person you must lead is yourself. When you lead yourself successfully, you will be able to lead others properly,” the VC said.

    Prof. Ambali encouraged the students to develop the two “Cs” of leadership, which he called competence and character. Explaining that competence would always lead to better capacity and capability, the VC said character gives rise to confidence.

    He told students to strive to be the best in their field, urging them not to rest on their oars but to improve on their weaknesses. He said acquiring knowledge was the only way they could rise to become future leaders.

    The sub-Dean, Students’ Affairs Unit, Dr Abdulraheem Yusuf, urged the undergraduates to aim for success in all their endeavours. He told them not to think of failure, noting that students of the institution pride themselves as future leaders because of the stable academic calendar and quality teaching they get.

    He said: “No matter how bad things may go, your focus must be to attain success, strength, victory and belief. No one will tell you who and what you can be; no one will tell you what you can or cannot be; belief will change your world and the country. History will remember you for this.”

    The SUG president, Ahmed Lawal, said the event was organisedto improve social life on campus and to promote peace and unity among students.

    Ahmed said: “We want to promote unity in diversity through the exhibition of culture of the our various ethnic groups.”

    The Week also featured activities, such as games, cooking and eating competition. The event ended with a musical show where May D, a popular hip-hop artiste, thrilled the students in the university stadium.

    The eating contest was won by a 400-Level female Microbiology student, who ate 10 wraps of fufu(cassava flower) within four minutes. She was given a cash prize of N10, 000; the runner up, also a female student got N5, 000.