Category: Sunday

  • Pastors from hell

    Time was when Church titles like Pastor, Reverend, Bishop, and others were reserved for reverend gentlemen who are real God’s servants. In every way, they lived up to their titles and were hardly found engaged in anything that could question their integrity.

    The process of being ordained for spiritual leadership positions was very thorough then unlike now, when virtually anyone who fancies the titles can claim it, recruit his or her congregation, and start preaching any message that suits him or her.

    If this is not the case, how do we explain the present situation where the media is awash with reports of various heinous crimes committed by some supposed Church leaders in the country? It is either they are involved in one fraudulent case or the other, or they are charged for sexual assaults against their members.

    Instead of ministering to the needs of members who come seeking solution to one challenge or the other, some ‘Pastors’ take advantage of them. They twist the scriptures to exploit their members with all kinds of false theology. They sleep with women under the disguise of deliverance and helping them to get pregnant. They pronounce false prophesies to draw attention to themselves.

    The situation has gotten so bad that these days, it is sometimes difficult to identify fake Pastors who have perfected their act and taken advantage of the freedom for anyone to establish worship places.

    Those who claim that Church has become one of the fastest-growing ‘business’ are right to an extent. There are many people who claim to be Pastors today who have no reason to be but for lack of other things to do. Their spiritual antecedences are questionable and they have no moral basis to lead any group of persons.

    These are the set of Pastors who engage in all kinds of survival strategies until they are exposed for what they really are. Unfortunately, before they get caught, they would have done so much damage and cast doubts in the mind of the people about spiritual matters.

    To be sure, the rot is a global challenge that is not limited to our country. Last week, I watched a documentary titled ‘Seed of sin’ by a Kenyan television station about the menace of fake pastors in Kenya, based on the case of a female preacher who was jailed after being found guilty of false claim of healing members of HIV and AIDS.

    And when I first read about a South African Pastor asking his members to eat grass to cure them of whatever disease they had, I thought it was one of those social media make-believe stories. It turned out to be real when I watched the video later as the Pastor bragged about taking his members to a new level of revelation.

    I have no doubt that there are many genuine men of God in Nigeria and in other countries who have been a blessing to their members in diverse ways. But there is an urgent need to check the activities of the fake ones by whatever means.

    They have done enough damage and should not be allowed to continue to have a field day at the expense of the unsuspecting members of the public.

    Allegations against them should be thoroughly investigated and guilty ones should be treated like the criminals which they are to serve as a deterrent to others.  Church members should also be more discerning and like the Bible warned, check all spirits and be sure it is really of the Lord.

  • Olu Aboderin: 30 years after

    Olu Aboderin: 30 years after

    The man who saw what was invisible to others

    There are three things a man could bequeath to his children: ofo (nothingness), ogun (warfare) and ogun (inheritance). Of the three, the worst is an inheritance of warfare. This is what a man who bequeathed eight ‘face-me-I-face-you’ rooms on a plot of land to 12 children has done; ‘war’ is inevitable. The war becomes particularly intense if the children are from different mothers. What will be the sharing formula? If care is not taken, it would not be long before some of those children start joining their ancestors because they will fight to the finish on the property, and become regular features on Gboro mi ro and such other programmes, where they will wash their family’s dirty linen in public. The only exception is if the father had trained the children well while he was alive, which is usually rare in the circumstance.

    But, if a man left nothing for his children; the import is that the children should work smarter in order to make good for themselves. But the third man is the one that left behind a good inheritance for his children. Chief James Olu Aboderin might have been a jolly good fellow who loved life; still, he met this biblical criterion of a good man who left an inheritance, not just to his children, but to his children’s children. Sweet is the memory of such men.

    So, the children and relations of the late founding Chairman and Publisher of The Punch Group of Newspapers, Chief Olu Aboderin, had good reasons to remember this illustrious Nigerian who passed on on February 28, 1984, aged 49. The occasion was expectedly grand. But, as I was driving to the Intercontinental Hotel at Kofo Abayomi Street on Victoria Island, Lagos, venue of the Black Tie Legacy Ball to commemorate the 30th anniversary of Olu Aboderin’s death on March 1, the long queues at filling stations all over Lagos and other parts of the country immediately reminded me of this great man who saw far into the future when, over 40 years ago The Punch was established. One other feature that showed Olu Aboderin as a man with foresight was the general blackout that pervaded many parts of the country that day.

    If my memory is not failing me, The Punch had as many as six to seven generators of various capacities – 500KVA, 250KVA, etc., even as recently as the 1980s. At least two of them were on the right side as one entered the company’s (former) premises at Onipetesi in Ikeja then, and they were said to be capable of serving big ships on the high seas. Without doubt, those generators that more than served the organisation in those years can no longer serve the new Punch Place, an edifice that is sitting majestically on a wide expanse of land in Ogun State; there is no doubt however that Olu Aboderin could have kept on replacing them as time and need dictate, if he is still alive. That much we could see in his handling of the generator issue and the fuel dump on the company’s premises at Onipetesi.

    It takes a genius to see the kind of things that Olu Aboderin saw then and to do what he did. As at the 1970s, electricity supply was relatively stable and reliable, compared with what we have in the country today. In the same vein, ‘fuel scarcity’ was not a popular jargon in our homes then. But Aboderin, in line with what Pakistani politician Muhammad Ali Jinnah said, must have expected the best, yet prepared for the worst, given the extent that he went to deal with the potential twin challenges of fuel scarcity and blackout which were relatively few and far between then. Talking about expecting the best and yet preparing for the worst, Ali Jinnah was born on Christmas day in 1876, and died on September 11, 1948, exactly 53 years to the September 11 attack in the United States! Nigerians who were of age in the ‘70s and ‘80s would readily remember that any vice that we complained of then as a national problem was a child’s play compared with what is happening in the country today.

    In the ‘80s, for instance, hell was let loose when we learnt that N2.8billion oil money had been stolen. These days, it is not naira that is stolen, it is billions of dollars that are missing, yet, we continue business as usual. One needed to have more than two eyes to forecast such geometric decline in governance and other indices of development. It was unthinkable the depth we have sunk and our founding fathers must be wondering about the country’s fate. But Olu Aboderin saw all these coming.

    He saw decades ago that a day would come when Nigeria would be in the hands of a Sani Abacha; when Nigeria would become a victim of an Ibrahim Babangida’s misrule, when a Chief Olusegun Obasanjo would lead the country astray; Olu Aboderin envisaged the time that the country would be in the hands of Goodluck Jonathan, and when corruption would be a bride to be wooed by government officials, with the government itself so helpless as not to be able to lift a finger to fight the scourge. To this extent, Aboderin was a great man; mere mortals could not have seen all these coming, given the prosperity that was Nigeria’s lot at the time Aboderin established The Punch.

    I was not privileged to know Chief Aboderin. I joined The Punch in September, 1985 as a sub-editor; some 18 clear months after his death. But, like many others, I met his legacy. By his legacy, I mean The Punch. Of course, Punch was not the only business that he established; he had other businesses but it was obvious Punch was his beloved. That was why, even as he was dying, he was said to have muttered, “Punch should be kept alive at all cost”. Indeed, if there is any reason the man is being celebrated today, it is because of Punch. The Punch has remained his legacy that is speaking decades after his death.

    That is how it should be. But that legacy itself is a legacy with nine lives. Otherwise, it would have long been history. I remember those periods when production was threatened by power failure in the 1990s and we would wait with bated breath as technicians battled to bring the generator back to life. I remember how we leapt for joy when they eventually succeeded and the generator hummed again, because that meant the paper would be on the streets the next day. I remember how the military tried to kill the dream but each time only succeeded in energising it. Olu Aboderin must have foreseen all these, years before, hence his admonition: The Punch must not die. Many of its contemporaries are gone; some older ones are struggling for survival. Of course, Punch also witnessed several other threatening vicissitudes.

    But thank God, Providence always came to the rescue when it seemed the situation was hopeless. But, in spite of everything, the company has had only three hardworking and dedicated chairmen (including the incumbent) after Olu Aboderin’s death; all of them tried in their own ways to keep the dream alive. The incumbent is also keeping the flag flying. But the most talked-about remains Chief Ajibola Ogunshola, the actuary who ‘squeezed bread out of stone’, given the way he turned around the fortunes of the once popular tabloid that went comatose, and making it the institution that it is today. Punch, a study in resilience would have been a great loss to the journalism profession in Nigeria if it had been allowed to die because many journalists of note had passed through it. Hopefully, we shall talk more about this man whose foray into The Punch has, according to him, altered even the course of his own life. In due season.

  • You want to inspire women for change? Give them their own bank! Ah, ah!!

    True, there are women everywhere who seem to live life without a sufficient amount of motivation even to take the day’s bath; but you will also get a good number who have the motivation, strength and zeal to seize the world if given half a chance

    This time two years ago, this column called on this nation to seriously consider starting a bank exclusively dedicated to serving women, both rural and urban. The government pretended not to have listened. But I am used to harping on a topic. This year’s theme for the international women’s day marked on March 8, which is Inspiring Change, has just given me the opportunity to sound like a broken record again. This is why I want to repeat my prayer that the Nigerian government should please, as a matter of urgency, consider starting a bank exclusively devoted to serving rural women engaged in agricultural activities and city women engaged in entrepreneurial activities. I know women need this bank, the same way I know for a fact that cocks do not crow at midnight unless scared awake by a sudden noise, say from a prowling fox. Who does not fear death? I also know that parrots cannot be trusted with secrets; they have a penchant for speaking out of turns; and I know that you can always trust a dog to point out to you the place of its birth, which is more than I can say for myself. See, I know things. So listen to me as I tell you this: women need their own bank!

    There are countless reasons a women’s bank, put in the right economically sound hands and completely devoid of politics, can alleviate the sufferings of women, particularly in the rural areas. Let me however tell you one story. It is about a woman in a city who wanted to do something to enable her feed her family. There she was, with many mouths yawning at her and threatening to swallow her up of many mornings, and she not having a farthing to help them with. She looked left and right and there was none to help her – no husband, no relative, just those yawning mouths. But she did look around her and noticed that her children’s penchant for gulping bread was contagious. All the children in her neighbourhood liked to gulp bread. So, she decided to target their taste and approached a neighbour, who happened to head a community bank, for a loan. He it was who pitied her and gave her a loan of five thousand Naira. Now, why on earth are you laughing?

    Anyway, before long, she had sold the lot of bread she bought for five thousand naira and returned the principal for another loan. Gingered, her creditor extended the loan again and even increased it to a higher amount. Till today, dear reader, that woman regularly takes and returns loans as high as ten thousand Naira each week. Yes sir, her market enterprise is still bread. And, yes sir, her children are no longer yawning uselessly. You might think that story would defeat my own argument. No way; that woman was very lucky that she had someone close by that she could call on. Now think of the millions of women in the rural areas who do not have this kind of luck. Do you want every woman to have to wait to be lucky? If there was a more women-friendly, women-dedicated and women-focused bank that any woman can walk into and take that kind of soft loan, many lives would be made better, particularly those of children who yawn endlessly. More importantly, they even do not have to know anyone in order to get help. That is what we call a good society.

    Women do things now in order to solve many of the problems that surround them. Most women now contribute to feeding someone or the other. For some reason or the other, many women are sole breadwinners in their domains, even without the capital. The society knows this and the government also knows this but would not lift a hand to help many of these women who cannot help themselves. The story is told of a limbless woman – no hands, no legs – who had to paint with her teeth just to feed her family. One in a million, yes, but just go to the rural areas and see; come to the cities and see more of such needs. True, you will get many women everywhere who seem to live life without a sufficient amount of motivation even to take the day’s bath; but you will also get a good number who have the motivation, strength and zeal to seize the world if given half a chance. That chance must be given.

    More importantly, women are much more serious with government’s money and so are not likely to take loans and promptly go and marry more husbands with them. For one thing, the society will not let them. For quite another, their children will not hear of it. Have you seen how children are more ferociously protective of their mothers? Phew! So, new husbands are definitely out. The government can be sure that such soft loans will be used by the women for the women and their children. Believe it or not, there are some children who resume school in their tertiary institutions with two thousand Naira for the semester, while some government functionaries’ children resume in the same school with two hundred Thousand Naira as monthly allowance. (You will notice I have capitalised that t out of respect).

    There is a saying that the strength of a place is really no more than the strength of its weakest member. By analogy, the strength of a country is really no more than the strength of its women. Most of the time, women take care of the children and the disabled. As it is now, women have themselves been disabled by the society. Indeed, women are so disabled they are said to be victims of many preventable deaths: maternal, mal-nutritional, domestic, etc. A woman got very badly burnt once from escaped gas while trying to reheat her husband’s food in the night when he returned from his drinking binge and demanded to be fed. It is so bad now that greeting a woman has become a dangerous thing; you never know if she will keel over while answering you. In spite of any amount of malnutrition or fragility, God help the woman who goes on strike against any more child birth. Heaven and hell would witness all the efforts to bring her back in line. A more economically active woman would not only be stronger physically but would be more psychologically prepped to withstand social and health-related challenges.

    Seriously, leaving women behind in the pursuit of social development is doing only a half-job. The plight of most Nigerian women, in both the rural and urban areas, must be put squarely in the picture. As a matter of fact, there is no development index worth considering that does not begin with the status of women. Since they are said to constitute the higher per centage of the population and the lower per centage of the labour force in the formal and informal sectors in Nigeria, then the government is doing itself a disservice by not channelling their strengths and advantages towards higher productivity. So, if the government wants to get serious with development, it should not limit the use of women to giving welcome dances to political guests; or filling of rented halls for political programmes. It should open a bank for them. That will not only inspire women for positive changes, it will take care of a good deal of society’s concerns. A happy mother makes for happy children.

  • The mode of surplus extraction changed and corruption became the glue that holds things together: notes for young compatriots (3)

    The mode of surplus extraction changed and corruption became the glue that holds things together: notes for young compatriots (3)

    So distribution should undo excess/And each man have enough. William Shakespeare, King Lear

    In bringing this series to a conclusion, let me openly and readily acknowledge that so far, I have hardly written about the better known and more widely discussed acts and expressions of corruption in Nigeria of which there are uncountable and spectacular cases. In place of such cases, I have focused on actions and policies most of which are perfectly legal; indeed, most of them possess tremendous institutional authority. The two examples with which I ended last week’s piece in the series come to mind here. These are state creation and the rapid creation of federal and state universities by the dozens within the space of slightly over two decades. I do not doubt that to some of my readers, my using these as examples of corruption as atrocious means of wealth redistribution among our elites might very well constitute a great provocation. To such readers, I have a simple observation or proposition to make: the day that any state government in our country drastically cuts down the number and size of the cabinet and the state bureaucracy, I will eat my words; the day that any of our political parties makes it a fundamental part of its electoral platform and administrative policies that capital expenditure will be three to five times the size of recurrent expenditure, I will swallow my words. Don’t let us kid ourselves: ilabe and miliki constitute the composite ethos through which state creation and the creation of public funded universities in the last three decades were made commanding phenomena of institutionally legal but endlessly corrupt income redistribution of oil wealth among our elites.

    For the umpteenth time in this series, let me repeat that I address myself primarily to young compatriots, those who do not know that at one stage of our political and administrative maladjusted development in this country, with both the federal government and the regional incumbencies, capital expenditure did in fact far outstrip recurrent expenditure. Up to the time of the outbreak of the Nigeria-Biafra civil war, every single government in the country spent far more on capital expenditure for growth and development than on recurrent expenditures for payment of salaries and bonuses for public officeholders and the upkeep and maintenance of elaborate bureaucracies. As I have said repeatedly in this series, I am not advocating a nostalgic return to that past, even if that were possible – which it is not. Nigerian politicians and rulers were not angels or saints then; there simply was a limit to how much they could loot and waste because the social surplus came primarily from taxes and the appropriation of the labour of farmers and workers. My main point in referencing that past is to let those of our compatriots to whom the future belongs know that things have not always been the way they are now and that things are the way they are now largely because our elites do not have to directly oppress workers and farmers for oil wealth and this has erroneously wiped their consciousness clean of the need for responsible and sustainable governance. Thus, the central challenge that we face is how to compel our elites to realize, perhaps through a baptism of fire, that even if the social surplus they are looting and wasting do not come primarily or predominantly from the labour of farmers and workers, that wealth belongs to all of us and must be used to the benefit of all Nigerians of the present, living generations and those that will come long after we are gone.

    If the reason why I have in this series not focused on those other better known and more widely discussed practices of corruption in Nigeria is not yet clear or apparent to the reader, let me now make it more explicit. In the first place, corruption among our political and economic elites is so pervaded by impunity that you do not have to look far to find it in brazen and spectacular forms. Where else in the world but in Nigeria would the two leading political officeholders in the land – the President and the Vice President – engage in a bitter feud before the entire nation in which they exposed their wanton and gargantuan acts of looting of public funds, as Obasanjo and Atiku did in 2006? Where else but in our dear country would the staggering sum of 2.58 trillion naira be stolen by people who do not go into hiding but are actually seen in the inner circles of the favoured of the President of the Republic himself, as happened in the so-called oil subsidy mega-scam of 2011? And among the populace, the masses of the dispossessed themselves, where else in the world but in our country do we regularly see mirror reflections of elite corruption, looting and brigandage of public funds as we find almost as a universal phenomenon in the buying and selling of goods and services that are severely adulterated, often with dire consequences for the safety and health of the people themselves? What of the very widespread incidence of exam malpractices and fraud in our schools, and of the organized trafficking in certificates that are not worth their weight in paper? What of community leaders and prominent burghers throughout the length and breadth of the land who, on behalf of their communities, demand their share of the whopping jumbo salaries and allowances that are lawmakers pay themselves? Is that not in fact what our parliamentarians use to justify the unconscionably vast sums of money they are corruptly paid?

    I do not by any means wish to suggest that we should take these many practices and expressions of corruption among the elites and the masses for granted. Definitely, I wish to join my voice to the voices of our anti-corruption crusaders, those who argue, compellingly, that corruption should never go unpunished in our country, that indeed, the more it goes unpunished, the more brazen and uncontrollable it gets. The main point, the central idea of this series is the proposition that corruption has become the means of redistribution of oil wealth in Nigeria in the last three decades. That is the root of the problem of corruption in our country: a poisonous, life-destroying root whose toxins have spread through the main trunks of the tree of our national collective existence to the branches and the flowering shoots in all the nooks and crannies of the land. Pushing the deployment of these botanical metaphors further, I would argue that what we need is a transplantation that cures that root of its toxins and transplants the tree of national collective existence on new soil.

    We must completely destroy the underlying idea behind this noxious, toxic root of corruption as the means of redistribution of wealth in our country. This idea has it that because oil wealth does not come primarily from the extraction of surplus value from the labour of farmers and workers, our elites are free to do anything they like with the oil wealth as long as some of it percolates to the rest of the society outside the circles of the elite. Wealth, oil wealth included, becomes true wealth only when it is put to work to produce more wealth, more value. This proposition can be put in very concrete terms. For instance, it can and perhaps should become the law of the land that every Nigerian is entitled to earned income from bankable shares floated by investing fixed percentages of savings from our oil revenues in high-yield local and foreign ventures. This would give that hackneyed phrase, “stakeholder” real meaning: every Nigerian actually gets dividends from stock options bought from our oil revenues. This is the classical capitalist solution to wealth that comes to nations in the form of jackpots or lotteries that seem to come from providential grace: unsuspected and unlimited deposits of mineral resources precipitately discovered; extractive industries springing up in the heart of barren deserts; offshore oilfields with reserves to last several generations. This is in fact the “solution” of some of the Gulf oil producing states: make every single citizen a beneficiary of national stocks held in trust for the whole country both in its present incarnation and its posterity.

    But Nigeria has a population far larger than all the Gulf oil producing states combined and that solution may be impracticable in our own case. And so my own preferred solution is that at the earliest possible date, we must do three separate, distinct but nevertheless closely connected things, if possible in a coordinated fashion. First, we must completely dismantle the huge, monstrously bloated federal and state bureaucracies; they are not only filled with redundancies, they also greatly contribute to the prevailing ethos in which work has been devalued and value itself has been massively distorted. Secondly, by law and by constitutional provisions, we must reverse the ratio of capital expenditure to recurrent expenditure; capital expenditure must be at least ten times bigger than recurrent expenditure. This seems unthinkable now only because no ruling class politician and no political party in the country has the slightest inclination to carry out this sort of radical restructuring of our priorities. But if the Nigerian peoples can be educated and mobilized in support of it, within half a decade, we would have gotten our priorities right. Thirdly and finally, we must make the looting and squandering of our national coffers above 10 million naira a capital offence. For petty larcenies and frauds involving theft of public funds less than 10 million, long prison terms are appropriate forms of punishment; any sums above 10 million naira should fetch capital punishment.

    As I am philosophically against capital punishment, I find myself in the strange and terribly discomfiting situation of being an advocate for it. I confess that this is a great dilemma for me. In mitigation of my discomfiture, I state that this particular application of capital punishment would be temporary and provisional; and hopefully, within the space of one decade, it would become a rare thing. This is because if and when it is put into practice in our judicial process, it will very rapidly wipe out this terrible and unending plunder of our national coffers that is like a nightmare from which we will never wake. When I think of corruption as the glue that holds everything together in contemporary Nigeria and as the savage and atrocious means of redistribution of our oil revenues, two grotesque images come to my mind. One: an unflushed toilet bowl already filled to overflowing on top of which defecations and excrements continue to be piled unceasingly. Two: a massive traffic crawl in downtown Lagos that has come to a complete stop while a torrential rainfall of epic proportions becomes a deluge carrying the thousands of cars caught in the traffic jam and their occupants into God knows where. Let the nightmare end, especially for the sake of those that will come after us.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Sham honours and centenary

    Sham honours and centenary

    In a lengthy but uninspiring speech last Wednesday to mark Nigeria’s centenary celebrations, President Goodluck Jonathan indulged one of his curious and often contradictory theological explanations for the country’s nationhood. According to him, “I have often expressed the conviction that our amalgamation was not a mistake. While our union may have been inspired by considerations external to our people; I have no doubt that we are destined by God Almighty to live together as one big nation, united in diversity.” It is an incredible claim to make, an unfounded and annoying political theology and falsehood. Historians will be aghast that in this modern era, when time and space no longer circumscribe knowledge, any leader could still make spurious and anti-intellectual claims about the dynamics of history.

    Had Dr Jonathan been president of the Soviet Union before its breakup in 1991, he would have sworn to the country’s destiny, attributed it to God, and threatened campaigners of separatism with death and destruction. Whoever wrote the speech for Dr Jonathan must suffer from an acute lack of rigour and understanding in the distasteful attempt to imbue Nigeria with an implacable and false messianic destiny. If God destined the existence of Czechoslovakia in 1918, who then destined its breakup in 1993? And when the country was a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, who destined the existence of that empire in 1867, the excision of Czechoslovakia from the empire in 1918, and the split of the Central European country into Czech and Slovakia?

    As far as theology goes, the Book of Daniel in Chapter 2 discusses the fearsome dynamics of world history through Nebuchadnezzar’s dream of the statue of four metals representing the morphing of major powers from one kingdom to another over centuries. Babylon fell, Medes and Persia also fell; so did Greece and Rome. Nigeria, which comprised many kingdoms and empires, was put together in 1914. Any historian of modest understanding knows it will not remain so forever. Borders will change, powers will change, indeed everything will change. Dr Jonathan quotes God casually without understanding Him or the forces of nature and history, as if God Himself is opposed to change.

    But beyond Dr Jonathan’s poor understanding of history and his sometimes superficial analysis of theological doctrines, there is also the matter of his poor grasp of general issues. When the idea of celebrating Nigeria’s centenary was first mooted, this column took the government to task, denouncing the effort as a poor misreading of Nigerian history and a lack of political consciousness. We may not be able to rewrite history, Palladium argued, but neither the selfish motive behind the amalgamation, which Dr Jonathan cursorily glossed over in his Wednesday address, nor the even crueller story of colonialism that led to appalling mistreatment of our peoples and distortion of our values and society deserved celebration.

    However, to demonstrate the irredeemable vacuity of the Jonathan presidency, its frivolity and waste, and its appalling lack of a sense of proportion, it produced a list of 100 people, living or dead, saint or sinner, tyrant and murderers on whom to confer centenary honours. And horror of all horrors, leading the list are our former overlords, the Queen of England, Lord Lugard and Lady Lugard; the first a representative of the thieving and conniving metropole; the second a highly contemptuous and quite cynical colonial master whose deplorable objectives ignored our pride and feelings; and the third, the idle consort of the field-based colonial master. On the occasion of Nigeria’s centenary, the largest black nation on earth deemed it appropriate to honour those who raped it. Such lack of a sense of history is nowhere to seek. Imagine the United States in 1876 honouring the British monarch of the day and, say, General Thomas Gage who commanded the colonial army in the American War of Independence.

    It is depressing to live in these times, especially under the Jonathan presidency. The world laughs at us, ridicules us, and shakes their heads. I wonder what will be going on in the mind of the Queen of England herself, an intelligent woman who should naturally expect us to painfully endure the mocking vestiges of colonialism, such as the Commonwealth, rather than celebrate them, not to talk of conferring honours on their perpetrators. When did we decay intellectually to the point of producing a list of honorees that included our tormentors?

    Contained in the list are our own homegrown tyrants and tormentors, including the hedonistic Gen Sani Abachja, and a host of other truce breakers and constitution destroyers, people who ordinarily should be completely ostracised from civilised society and polite circles. Knowing that Nigerians will stare at them in disbelief, the government has offered the incredulous argument that Gen Abacha merited top honours because he did wonders with the economy at a time of great scarcity. The statistics of general economic improvements cannot be controverted, I admit. But the general also murdered, stole, schemed madly, needlessly and ferociously to feed his paranoia, and also destroyed values on a scale that beggars belief. Whatever good he did with the economy is more than counterbalanced and vitiated by the huge scale of his enduring malfeasances.

    Like all other honours Nigeria dishes out periodically, many of which have now become completely meaningless, the Jonathan presidency perfunctorily included in the list all past heads of state, three-quarters of whom undermined the constitution to seize power, and nearly all of whom recorded no meaningful industrial and political advancement for us to remember them by. Yet, Dr Jonathan last Friday even moaned that he found it arduous to pick the 100 honorees from a list of 500 candidates thrust under his nose. The 100 is disputed, let alone the 500. Much worse, the idea of a centenary itself could only have been conceived by usurpers with house negro mentality.

    Dr Jonathan’s pathetic list of course included eminent sons and daughters of Nigeria. Unfortunately for him, however, were they to be alive, they would have violently declined to be listed among so many villains, not to talk of being honoured by a government that is unenlightened, misdirected, autocratic and clearly unpatriotic. Would a Chinua Achebe who all his life spurned their honour, and a Fela Anikulapo Kuti who rebelled against the suffocating madness that afflicted and still afflicts the country have welcomed the wasteful and inappropriate centenary honours? Would a Gani Fawehinmi in his grave not curse any family member purporting to represent him in collecting the honours? And what of the paradox of this needless mafficking at a time of great national mourning and angst represented by the mass murder embarked upon by Boko Haram and aggravated by religious, ethnic and political bigots of all shapes and sizes?

    It is not lost on this columnist that scions of some famous families gladly and heedlessly accepted the honours. They are entitled to their imprudence. The sensible among us must, however, understand that those scions accepted the honours more as a consolation to themselves than to their illustrious forebears, and perhaps because they needed to nurture their political and economic interests at a time when ideological lines have become dangerously blurred. Their behaviour is in fact a reflection of how precariously those scions have stopped representing the values and principles their famous fathers and mothers stood for, and how far they have veered away from the struggles those patriarchs and matriarchs waged for a better society.

    I note, of course, that the Soyinkas and Achebes simply ignored the charlatans, and the Fawehinmis and Kutis viciously lampooned the freak show artists and political contortionists. Alive, they proved it was not worth dignifying the nonsensical celebration with even a rejection of the honours. And dead, they proved that their legatees not only inherited the genes of their departed patriarchs, but that they have also imbibed the values that shaped and ennobled their struggles over the decades. Nigerians must thank this defiant set for giving us hope that all is not lost, and that whether by gentle deliberateness or by brutal accident, perhaps even a mutation, this country will someday fall under the hypnosis and influence of sensible leaders and people.

    The Jonathan presidency is stubborn and imperious. Once their impressionable minds were set on that needless centenary distraction, there was nothing anyone could do to persuade them they were embarking on a foolish adventure. They have had their way, after voting taxpayers’ money to indulge themselves. They have refused to tell us how much they spent, and the National Assembly couldn’t be bothered. However, were our image as a people and our race as blacks not involved in that atrocious display of wealth and folly by this government, why, of course, it would not have mattered one bit whether they celebrated the transatlantic slave trade and conferred honours on the leading slave-holding and slave-torturing families of that era. For no matter how much you proved to this insensitive government that slave trade presaged the colonialism they now celebrate 100 years after and that colonialism in turn helped foster a racist ideology from which the continent still suffers, they are too hard of hearing to care.

  • Local government and its discontents

    Local government and its discontents

    Chairman of the occasion, keynote speaker and honorable Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Distinguished Chairmen of Local Government Councils and their vices, Secretaries, Council Managers, Supervisors, honourable councilors, Body of Permanent Secretaries present and of course members of the Gubernatorial Advisory Committee, it is with great pleasure and a sense of occasion that I welcome you all to this workshop for our local government personnel taking place in this iconic building.

    The Lagos City Hall tells its own story as a symbol of the struggle to deliver service to the people at the grassroots level. This hall is a tribute and monument to the power of the people to forge ahead, and to grab their own destiny in their hands. In the heydays of colonial municipalities, the Lagos City Council was one of the best run municipalities in the world, approximating to the western standards of efficiency and integrity. As a state, Lagos is easily and unarguably the revelation of the Fourth Republic.

    So, whether as a protectorate, colony or later state, Lagos has always taken the lead for the rest to follow when it comes to service delivery. This is probably due to the cosmopolitan nature of the state, the high level of political consciousness and the above average level of education of its citizenry. From Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola through his illustrious predecessor, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu and stretching all the way back to Alhaji Lateef Jakande and Brigadier Mobolaji Johnson, it can also be said that this state has been particularly blessed with a steady succession of visionary and outstanding leadership. Needless to add that the local council in various parts of the nation has also served as incubator and nursery for some of our most famous politicians.

    For this glorious legacy to be sustained, it is important that we take another look at the issue of local government and adequate service delivery to the people. As it has been famously observed, all politics is local. Local government may be the third tier of governance but it is the first realm of the people. The local government is the first line of assault whenever there is a breakdown of the sacred covenant between the governed and the governing. It is the first port of call for an enraged citizenry.

    In certain societies, city councilors are often deemed to be more important than parliamentarians. The election of the Mayor of London often generates more excitement and political tension than the national elections. To the average New Yorker, the mayor is more important than the state governor or even the president. But for Rudy Giuliani’s energetic and hands-on approach things could have turned out much worse in New York on September 11th, 2001.

    Let me quickly state that this is not a fault-finding workshop. It is a fact-finding mission meant to rub mind among those who have been in the field with a view to probing the problem from source and finding the way forward. The workshop itself is coming up against the backdrop of the proposed National Conference. That conference itself presupposes that something is structurally amiss with the country. The structure of local government in Nigeria is a crucial link in the chain of structural disorder that has hobbled Nigeria and stalled its march to authentic nationhood. Once again, this frontline state and home to the first real megalopolis in Africa has taken the lead and liberty to begin the dialogue ahead of the gathering of the nation.

    It has been argued by many that the crisis of local government and service delivery to the grassroots is itself merely a symptom of a more fundamental crisis: the structural crisis of the nation itself and the absence of genuine political and fiscal federalism. In the misbegotten unitarist logjam, the federal government even bypasses state governments to reach the local governments which are their sub-autonomous structures thus insinuating a subtle rivalry and unhealthy tension into what is supposed to be complementary structures of the state. This is an anti-federalist absurdity writ large by lack of organic vision and conceptual rigour about the true nature of federating units.

    In this same state, it has taken the daring and ingenuity of a Bola Tinubu to create the technical equivalent of local Government Councils in order to bring service faster and closer to the people. The ensuing battle with the federal authorities has already entered the folklore of a nation and its maladaptive institutions. Although everybody seems to have acquiesced with the status quo and the Lagos model is being copied in some other states, the judgment of the Supreme Court dismissing the nascent local councils as “inchoate” subsists.

    Yet all of this would not even have been necessary had everybody understood the fundamental tenets of federalism as a bottom -up process rather than a top-down state injunction. Rather than being chosen for them by government, people choose their own local governments in functioning federations. In the United States, once people agree to tax themselves and are willing to provide themselves with a specified list of deliverable services, they can legitimately be regarded as local governments. At a point, the number of such local governments in the United States stood at over forty thousands. By 1974, Britain with half of Nigeria’s population had over 14,000 of such councils.

    Perhaps the key to unlocking the crisis of local government and federalism in Nigeria lies in the issue of taxation. Once people truly pay for certain services, they are more willing to see them delivered and on time. But once it is not really being funded by them, they can afford to relax and be indifferent. Taxing heightens civic consciousness and awareness. It is a natural law of nature for people to take a dim and dark view of the imprudent management of the proceeds of their sweat and toil.

    The fear of popular reprisal and jungle justice breeds a sense of responsibility and decorum in officials. The present system of providing local governments with largesse from some bogus Federation Account without any inbuilt mechanism for accountability and transparency in the management of funds breeds corruption and incompetence. The quietude of the civic populace and of civil society in Nigeria can be directly linked to the fact and awareness that it is oil revenues that provide the feeding bottle for all. Nobody is outraged anymore when outlandish sums are said to have disappeared from the treasury.

    We can see the logic of hardy self-reliance play itself out in the old community structure and draw appropriate and strategic lessons for the present. When they established community grammar schools through arduous self-taxation, the old communities always saw to it that they set the rules and procedures through which the institutions operate and usually mount a round the clock surveillance to see that laid down rules and regulations were being adhered to. Any infringement was swiftly and expeditiously punished either physically or through a resort to metaphysical hell-raising.

    It worked. By 1904, the old Egba city-state had been able to solve the problem of official corruption and sanitation. This was because it combined the efficacy of old communal ties with the harsh formality of modern state structure. The later allowed it to impose and raise tax with the efficiency of a modern bureaucracy while the former allowed it to tap into the old primordial consciousness of the populace for punitive deterrent.

    Although there has always been a measure of corruption even in our traditional societies, the advent of oil and massive revenues accruing from this has led to the swift collapse of values and unprecedented corruption in Nigeria. The problem with oil production in Nigeria is that it is merely extractive, with not much labour invested and no value added whatsoever. Its revenues can then be seen as mere manna from heavens.

    The result is the complete pollution of the moral reservoir of the nation. Since oil revenues do not arise directly from taxation and indirectly from the sweat and tears of the citizenry, it can be frittered away at will. Since the retention of the proceeds are not tied to any test of performance or ability to internally generate revenues at local, state or even federal levels, it leads to the most egregious forms of embezzlement and fiscal recklessness.

    This fiscal recklessness and monumental corruption have their multiplier effects which then become mutually reinforcing. Since they feel that nobody has actually paid for them, urban denizens do not feel any pang of conscience when they steal the street lamps meant to illuminate their movements when it is dark. Neither do they bat an eyelid when they cut off railings or dig up concrete slabs meant to safeguard their very lives in traffic chaos. Since oil is available, they evade taxes and rates as conscientious objectors. And since the revenues they misappropriate are not traceable to the labour or direct exertions of the people, government officials at all levels can get away with murder. The result is the anarchy and social anomie that stare us in the face.

    Just as Inca gold brought ruinous inflation and eventual destruction to old metropolitan Spain, oil has become the modern curse of Nigeria. It has brought about the complete negation of political and fiscal federalism. It will be too much of a shock therapy to ask for the imposition of a moratorium on oil extraction in Nigeria. The patient may die from the radical surgery. But unless we find a way back to the fundament of effective taxation compelling a more effective service delivery, we will continue to joggle in the jungle of mismanagement and ineffective service delivery. I thank you all.

    Opening remarks at the workshop on reforming Local Government for effective service delivery on Tuesday, 25th February.

  • Black history month: Can the spirit triumph?

    Black history month: Can the spirit triumph?

    A biased eye incites a mean heart but a compassionate hand repairs the broken

    This will be my last article on the Black History Month. We exit the month as we entered – a people with small answers to large questions. This bewildered inadequacy is not confined to Black America. It applies to the entirety of our race. A small number of black people have reached their individual promise lands. They bask in fortune, fame and even power. Yet, for the vast number of us, being black means being in retreat. For most, yesterday looks better than tomorrow. It is a sad thing when the future appears leaner than the past. Sadness is compounded by the knowledge that the past has been a wholly inferior one. Yet, the danger lurks that we shall go further adrift. This need not happen. To prevent our continuing decrease, we need better understand forces arrayed against our betterment, especially diathesis of a collective psychology that directs us to think less of ourselves than while placing others on a pedestal that needn’t exist.

    Let’s return to the Jordan Davis trial for it offers striking lessons applicable on a wider scale. Since my last column, the verdict has been rendered. It is a case study in logic contorted by the ill advices of racism. The jury convicted the middle-aged white shooter, Michael Dunn, of attempted murder of the three black youths his ten bullets missed. Three of those ten shots entered Jordan Davis that life might leave him. The jury did not convict Dunn of murdering the lone person he shot.

    For shooting the unarmed Davis, the jury could not make its mind that Dunn committed illegal homicide. What a grotesque message this conveys for it carries an implicit invitation to kill. Better for a white man to quickly kill a perceived black assailant than miss the dark target. The black man might flee and later present conclusive evidence of never posing a threat to his erstwhile shooter. Such a threat would exist only in the mind of the gunman because hatred had conditioned him to see a black man as a violent felony in progress. Centuries ago, slave-holding whites slept in fear of an insurrection among the bondsmen. That a dark-skinned human being might fight for his freedom after being involuntarily thrust into servitude was something more than a curious notion. It was unalloyed evil. Slavery is gone but the racial fear, that was both born of it and that gave birth to it, remains. The old hatred permeates the modern air. It walks the streets, nigh ubiquitous for it enters almost every chance encounter between white and black men. It stokes fearful anger in whites and suspicious apprehension in those blacks aware of the crimson history between the two races. Blacks ignorant of that history fall bewildered, unable to comprehend while they always are on the wrong side of the unemployment line, a judge’s gavel, or a vigilante’s gun.

    Dunn said his life was threatened by Davis. He claimed the boy held an object that resembled a firearm or a stick. Nothing corroborates this assertion. The lone confirmed evidence was that the two engaged in a shouting match. Yet the jury gave Dunn a pass on the murder charge because they wanted to believe Davis, by virtue of his blackness, got what he deserved and Dunn, by virtue of his race, had ample reason to shoot as he did.

    We are left with the travesty of a man being convicted for missing the other youths but not for killing the one he shot. The jury did not want to believe this middle class, middle-aged white man could be guilty of murdering a black youth out of sheer annoyance simply because this lesser human being had the effrontery to argue with him. Racial stereotypes do not permit this conclusion. Social and political myths abound regarding the violent nature of black men. By social convention, Davis was guilty of assaulting Dunn. Forgetting or being ignorant of this social myth, Davis would pay with his life. This was too high a price simply for not recognizing the evil barriers society had imposed against his humanity.

    Had Davis and his companions been white youths, Dunn never would have reached for let alone discharged his weapon. Had Dunn been a black man who killed a white youth in the same circumstance, the jury deliberation would have been swift and sure. The shooter would have been convicted of the worst type of murder. This jury simply could not grasp the fundamental truth that a white man might lethally and illegally aggress a black youth. They dared not admit a white man could harbor illegal ill will to a black man. That would upset the cart. According to common perception, illegality and violence always flows the opposite way. For a black man to be attacked by a white man, the former must have provoked the latter. Consequently, the shooter could take the witness stand, bemoaning he was “the victim” and acting in hurt amazement that he would be compelled to stand trial to defend his lethal deed.

    The facts of the case did not fit this tidy construct. Thus, the jury decided to keep faith with racist convention and ignore the truth.

    A deeper truth is that historic reality aligns with this case more so than with the stereotype. Historically, blacks have been targeted and killed by people like Dunn more so than people like Dunn had to worry about being killed by the likes of Davis. Whites have killed more blacks in racist outrage than blacks have killed whites. In the history of America, white men have been the most deadly of racist predators. Based on actual fact and history, that Dunn would murder the black Davis was always the more likely outcome, if only for the hue of the victim’s skin. Yet, this historical reality is not the image that first jumps into the collective consciousness. Imagine a street criminal in America. Imagine a murderer. Imagine a drug dealer. The likely first image to surface is that of a black man. The truth is different. Blacks are no more likely to murder or traffic drugs than whites.

    This inaccurate image is not by chance. It has been carefully engineered so that whites subconsciously abhor blacks and disassociate themselves from them. It has been created also that blacks find manifold ways to degrade themselves and to believe that things white are things superior.

    The power of images is devastating. CNN interviewed one of two black people on the Davis jury. The young female juror asserted that Dunn, the shooter, was a good guy and that race played no part in the case. The poor woman denied almost the entirety of American social history in the space of that brief interview. Ignorance can be more deadly than any bullet. Her statements reveal a fundamental flaw common in the race. A diminishing number of us want to be black in terms of political, cultural and social orientation. These people want to blend in to larger society; they want to homogenize into a great and bland nothingness. They seek not the pride of diversity. They grope for the comfort of submission. They want to be accepted as human beings whose skin happens to be black. They seek to turn sinister tragedy into a love story simply by calling it a different name. Thus, they seek to jettison our historical legacy and duty before the legacy has been completed and before our collective duties have been fulfilled. The quest for equality is not over for it has not been won. However, too many of us find it too uncomfortable and difficult to talk about. It is too stubborn a problem, thus better to ignore the thing and move along as best one can.

    As such, blackness is in retreat. We no longer press for greater justice. Our leaders seek not to inspire us to eradicate this obstacle or demand those on the other side of the barrier to seek greater humanity by dismantling the trap rather than making it more subtly powerful. We now are taught to manage racism. We are to live under its shadow. That is our plight. The best we can do is to position ourselves under the thinnest aspect of the menacing cloud. Since that space is keenly limited, we compete against each other in a winless war to minimize the racism we feel individually instead of gathering our collective strength to combat the injustice so that none will have to endure its sting. We have resigned ourselves to defeat because we have given up the fight. We have accepted the broken image of ourselves to the extent that we no longer believe anything can be fixed or that things need fixing.

    Thus, the pitiable black female juror mostly excused Dunn and saw nothing in him but respectability and good while Dunn despises the very essence of the woman. Dunn is a racist. Before the incident, he had penned letters to friends, asserting the more he came into contact with blacks, the more he hated them. From his lips streamed a flow of invectives against our race when he talked freely. Given his racist disposition, this case should have been prosecuted as a civil rights matter, a hate crime under Florida law because this case was about race. Instead those charged with prosecuting the matter, decided to whitewash race from the trial. They purposely avoided bringing it up. In doing so, they tried a case that did not exist. They turned the search for justice and some modicum of truth into a lie. To distill race from an instance where an obvious racist shot an unarmed black youth is like building a house of wind and air. Nothing of weight and substance can live in the air perpetually, even an eagle has a nest which it inhabits. Those in charge of the case discarded the very essence of the thing they purportedly sought. They feigned toward justice but their objective was to preserve the racist covenant. Maintaining the racist social constellation was more important to them than justice. Preserving the social constellation profited them. Justice would not have done so.

    The Davis case is a microcosm of race in America and much of the world. Most whites deny their racism. They are comfortable and do not want to make the adjustments justice and right require to correct the evil imbalance. When asked to alter their ways, too many now claim to be victimized. They are like the errant driver who, after striking a hapless pedestrian on the roadside, stridently complains how the inconvenient it was for the walker to have damaged their car by not moving out of their way.

    World over black people have lost courage. It is no longer fashionable to speak of race as an active determinant in the political economy. Those who do are labeled troublemakers or regressive. Those words are mere labels used to disguise the truth. The work for justice and equity is half-done. Left unattended for many years, even that work is becoming unraveled for many of us. Most black Americans have lost ground economically in the past decade. There are more black men in jail than in university in America. This augurs ill for the future; nothing in the offing that suggests the change needed.

    President Obama met establishment black leaders in February. The gathering was more symbolic than real and more cynical than symbolic. The policy measures announced to salvage black males from the rigors of prejudice were so pitifully small and piecemeal that one had to wonder if the gathering was to solve a problem or just to take credit that such a meeting was held at all on this subject. This was the first such meeting the president held after six years in office. Still, the session was tepid and modest. The real reason for the session was to energize established black leaders to stoke the black community to vote during the congressional elections later this year. The Democratic Party needs their votes to stave Republican gains, thus averting a repeat of the Republican onslaught that occurred during the last (nonpresidential) congressional elections in 2010. That we now have a black president dangling false carrots before our nose shows equality to be quite real. Black politicians can be as calculating and cold-hearted as their white counterparts. What they offer the black community is ersatz hope so the people exert themselves, not for the common benefit but, to safeguard the jobs and positions of this elite.

    This is a terrible bartering of the people’s welfare in exchange for the continued luxury of a cozy establishment.

    The people deserve much better. No race has suffered more in the past centuries yet received so little for its suffering. We now exist in that awful space where most of our people are so confused they can’t distinguish their self interests from what are not. Our people work hard the world over; but, they mostly labor to the greater benefit others than themselves. The harder we labor, the more we lose and fall behind. If we are to survive and, at some point, thrive, we must first return to the point we see the world and how it operates in terms of race, in terms that are often starkly black and white. Until then, we shall live in someone else’s world. We shall suffer the consequences of existing in a place not intended for us and incur the slings and bludgeons that happen to those who let others define their human worth. Until then, Black History Month is nothing to celebrate or even commemorate as if we have reached our destination. It is never prudent to stop to celebrate one’s homecoming before reaching home. We have too far to go. Until then, Black History Month and every month for that matter should be times when we open our eyes to clearly view the challenge at hand then begin to talk in bold, unashamed terms about how to complete the journey initiated by those figures and personalities of our prouder past.

    (08060340825 sms only)

  • The day of the council underdogs

    Always centralise! The key to human civilisation and development lies in this simple maxim. It arises out of the human need for order, stability and discipline to handle the chaos of existence. It led to the evolution of the state. As humans went about farming and hunting, the need arose for a strong breed that will protect them from external aggression, regulate the wilder impulses and impose laws and levies for the smooth running of nascent society. The state is the first human insurance against anarchy.

    But as it so often happens in history, every human advancement creates its own toxic side-effects. Centralization sometimes leads to over-centralization which leads to a distortion of human values, creates resentment and unhappiness and ends in the stratification of society along class lines. For every top dog, there must be many angry and sulking underdogs. This is why civil and uncivil class warfare has been the unhappy lot of all human societies since the dawn of civilization.

    At the recently concluded workshop for Lagos State Council officials, this interplay of class distinction and societal division was in full and open display. There are council officials and there are council officials. It was a teachable moment and learning curve for yours sincerely as virtually every councilor took to the floor, bewailing their fate and berating their chairmen for treating them like scum and unworthy galley slaves. If anybody had thought that these feisty councilors would be mute and complaint about their fate, it was a profound mistake. The entire hall listened with rapt attention as they spilled the unpalatable beans.

    They had come to bury the Council Caesars and not to praise them. It was not just about the perks and perquisites of office. It was also about job satisfaction and career enhancement. The professional council officials feel completely alienated and sidelined from the mainstream state civil service. A lady who is a manager in one of the councils squared up to yours sincerely and pointedly asked whether she was not qualified to end up as a permanent secretary.

    Yet the consensus even among the guest lecturers who are distinguished scholars and observers of the Local Councils in the country was that the Lagos Local Government was unarguably the best and most efficient in the country in terms of service delivery. If gold can rust, one can imagine the state of lesser metals. Something urgent needs to be done about the structure of local governance in the country. As home to a megalopolis and an urban conurbation of almost 20 million people, Lagos is unique and will have to take the lead once again. May God help Fashola’s successor.

  • Senate comes out of their reactionary closet

    Senate comes out of their reactionary closet

    Last week, I indicated in this place that the Nigerian Senate had unashamedly become a unit of the Jonathan presidency. I was led to that conclusion by the way senators spoke and behaved over the controversial removal of the CBN governor, not because any of them openly confessed to loving the unparliamentary tactics of hanging Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. But since I made what I at first feared was a sweeping conclusion, ranking senators have openly and proudly acknowledged their attachments to the Jonathan presidency, an identification they have neither bothered to conceal nor explain nor even anchor on any reasonable foundation.

    We have both Senators Enyinnaya Abaribe and Victor Ndoma-Egba to thank for opening our eyes. If anyone should say Jonathan did not act within his powers in suspending Mallam Sanusi, argued Senator Abaribe disdainfully, they are making ‘spurious and self-serving’ arguments. Quite right, deadpanned Senator Ndoma-Egba combatively and with a barely disguised hint of exasperation. “Senator Abaribe is the official spokesman of the Senate,” he summed up. He obviously offered this reiteration for effect, in case anyone thought the jaunty senator spoke only his mind and not that of the majority of the Senate. Now that we know where the Senate stands, and how self-assuredly they array themselves against common sense and the people, it is up to us in the next polls to throw them out or watch our democracy get sucked into the autocratic vortex being created by the likes of Dr Jonathan.

    The Sanusi affair is of course not the first time the Senate has acted with reactionary zeal and insouciance. They worked hand in glove with the president on the budget and confirmation controversy, and they angrily endorsed the president’s position on the Rivers State affair, even to the extent of turning a blind eye on the indignity meted out to one of their own, Senator Magnus Ibe. At first I thought there was no end to the Senate’s conservatism; now I think there is no end to its reactionary proclivity.

  • Museveni on homosexuals

    Both President Goodluck Jonathan and President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda are generally classed as homophobic. But while the former has tended to avoid being pinned down openly on the issue, which both countries’ parliaments have passed laws on, the latter has been eager to place himself dialectically on record. And, boy, was he articulate on CNN last week! It does not matter which side of the divide you are, as far as polemics go, Mr Museveni put his arguments together cogently, logically and fearlessly. I admire such people, who whether they are wrong or right always have the courage of their convictions. We already know where he stands, but could the much less intrepid and less eloquent Dr Jonathan please put himself on record verbally in the noisome controversy?