Category: Sunday

  • Generation next

    Yesterday, the inaugural edition of the Innovative Young Journalist Award organized by Journalists for Christ International Outreach, a fellowship of Christian journalists was held in Lagos.

    The award is meant to promote innovative excellent media practice among young journalists utilizing multimedia platforms. Despite the various challenges faced by media professionals in the country, the three nominees for the award by their entries left no one in doubt that they belong to a new generation of journalists.

    Not only are they able to publish their reports through the traditional print and electronic media, they have moved to the new level of being global journalists in a global village which the world has become through their active presence on multi-media platforms.

    In a profession where many senior colleagues will swear there is no future, Alade Abiodun of National Mirror, Hannah Ojo, The Nation and Jennifer Ehidiamen, a freelance journalist proved that so much could be accomplished within a short time of being in the profession.

    The nominees belong to the growing number of Nigerian youths who are proving that theirs is not a wasted generation like some observers claim. Across the countries, many youths are excelling in many endeavours and deserve to be acknowledged and encouraged to do more.

    To confirm this good development, the Nigerian youth has been declared Person of the Year 2013 by The Nation editors.

    “The youth has upturned by acts of sports, soldiery, grassroots defiance, entertainment and personal example, the familiar narrative of drift. The young men and women have pointed the right way out of a gangway” the editors stated in the prologue to announcement.

    There is no doubt that many youths have not lived up to expectations but we need to celebrate those who have chosen the path of honour to distinguish themselves and give us cause to be hopeful that the future of the country will be entrusted to capable hands.

    Conscious efforts should be made to create an enabling environment for the Nigerian youth to thrive like their contemporaries in other climes if we really want them to be good leaders of tomorrow. Unlike the good old days many talk about, many youths have to cope with many challenges to excel.

    Not only are many parents unable to educate their children due to the poor economic situation in the country, many school leavers find it difficult to secure admission into higher institutions and even when they manage to graduate have to remain unemployed for years.

    There is no doubt that more Nigerian youths can do a lot better if the government stops paying lip service to youth development in the country. The recent strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, is an indication of the damage that has been done to the education of youths in the country with consequent implication for the quality of graduates.

    I congratulate Ehidiamen who won the young journalist award and the other youths who were name as Persons of the Year by The Nation.

    My charge to them is that they should continue to be shining examples to others and always give us cause to celebrate their exploits.

  • The President’s pets

    The President’s pets

    If we say N34m is too much for two animals, we should pray they don’t die because we will spend more to bury them

    Poverty has always been and will indeed always be a disease. This was the impression I had on December 24 when I saw the lead headline in one of the national dailies titled “Villa zoo: Jonathan budgets millions of naira for animals”. According to the report, the Presidency is to spend N34million on two wild animals in the State House Zoo, and car trackers for presidential ground fleet and utility vehicles, next year. What a mouthful! Of the sum, N14.5million is the cost of the two animals. The paper even wanted to know the names of the two animals. Can you imagine!

    I know the question on the lips of many is: how many workers that amount of money will cover at a minimum pay of N18,000 per month? Managers that are poorly remunerated too will, instead of fighting for enhanced salaries, begin to query the sense in spending such stupendous amount on animals. But that is where the problem is. How on earth can anyone make such comparison? Compare minimum wage earners with animals that are privileged to be in the State House? Or managers who are poorly paid? Come off it!

    There is nothing unusual in what the President has done. In my primary school days, we were taught something about prevention of cruelty to animals. That was when the country still had its soul intact, though. We have since forgotten the agency charged with that responsibility. I do not blame people who feel we should not spend much on animals because of what is happening around us, even among human beings. With Boko Haram, we cannot be talking about cruelty to animals because Boko Haram is probably the height of man’s cruelty to man. As is usual with my people in Yoruba land, we have a saying or proverb for virtually anything under the sun. In this instance, they will tell you something translated to mean that a dog cannot be snoring when a human being is yet to find a place to sleep. I beg to disagree.

    Moreover, critics who may want to take on the president for splashing so much on beasts must have forgotten that he is a zoologist. He has a Bachelor of Science (B.Sc.) degree in Zoology. He also holds an M.Sc. in Hydrobiology/Fisheries biology, and a Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in Zoology from the University of Port Harcourt. So, it is natural that he must feel for pets. As a matter of fact, we should not be surprised if the president sends a supplementary budget to the National Assembly for money to give some fishes a similar treat. The legislators should not hesitate to approve such supplementary budget proposal when it comes. After all, good life is not an exclusive preserve of the beasts of England, or beasts of Ireland, but for beasts of every land and clime; not forgetting those in Nigeria’s seat of power.

    A few months back when I wrote on one of the greatest table tennis stars of our era, Lekan Fenuyi, I mentioned how he was pampered by the authorities of Ijebu-Ode Grammar School, Ijebu-Ode, where he was at the time. I talked about how the principal called him out for special recognition in the assembly hall after one of his exploits and pronounced him ‘the king’s goat’. Thereafter, his life in the school was no longer the same. I cannot remember the details of the privileges he enjoyed after that proclamation (as it were), but they were not the usual privileges. If a man far from the seat of power could be so privileged, and only on account of a proclamation by a school principal, why should animals that have the rare opportunity of living in a place like the Aso Rock Villa not be more than pampered? Many Nigerians will never be privileged to visit Aso rock in their lifetime; yet, some animals have the rare opportunity of being raised there. And some of us are complaining, instead of thanking God for the lives of the lucky pets and pray that God should also take us there someday.

    Mind you, these are not the kind of animals anyone can harass, and they are conscious of this fact themselves. Take the case of what we call agric fowls, for instance. They are different from the fowls raised in the village. When an agric fowl sees you, it ignores you, but not the fowl raised in the village which has known even before it was hatched that there can be nothing like true love between man and fowl; that when a man keeps feeding a fowl well, it is in anticipation of the day he would kill it for food. The fowls raised in the village know that the hearts of man towards fowls are full of evil. So, even if you pretend as if you want to give the village fowl food, it keeps a reasonable distance from you. You run and sweat before you can catch it. But not the agric fowl, which literally throws itself at you and offers a little resistance even when being led to the slaughter slab.

    The President’s pets enjoy better privileges, or should I say rights! President Jonathan’s fascination for the animals might also be due to the non-appreciative nature of man. This is a President that has done so much for Nigeria and Nigerians; yet, all he gets are abuses and criticisms, with people writing all kinds of unnecessary letters warning him before it is too late. Perhaps if the President showers a little of the affection he has been wasting on human beings on animals, the animals will be much more grateful. As a zoologist, he understands the language of the pets which not even the dreaded Boko Haram can have access to. Indeed, it is a privilege to get to them. They are like the agric fowl that I talked about. The difference between them and ordinary agric fowls is that you mess up with them at your own risk. Even dignitaries who visit where they are kept in Aso Rock must smile or laugh heartily if the President is the one taking them round the zoo. Those complaining about how costly it is to maintain the animals had better pray that none of them should die anytime soon. It is then they will know that their burial expenses are far more than the cost to keep them alive. Flags may be ordered hoisted at half-mast, with the President declaring some days of national mourning . Some of the country’s ‘who’s who’ may turn professional criers, weeping not necessarily for the dead pet/s but because they want to be identified with the President in such moments. As for the paper that is asking for the pets’ names, it would be shocked if they are the baptismal names of some of their editors.

    For these pets, like most other privileged pets, that ‘golden future time’ that George Orwell talked about in Animal Farm is here today. We should bless God for their lives rather than be envious of them; that is if our own time must come.

     

    Happy New Year in advance

    n this note, I have to say a wonderful thank you to people who have stayed with this column over the years, especially this outgoing year. Above all, however, I give glory to the almighty God for the inspiration He has been giving me in the course of writing my articles.

    By the time you are reading this column next week, we would have been five days into the supposed New Year (2014); which tells us that the year will no longer be that brand new by then. This also means that time waits for no one. If this year has been interesting, the next promises to be much more interesting, given the political and other alignments and realignments (going on) in the country. These, no doubt, are good. But the gladiators must bear one thing in mind: they are not the end in themselves. The alignments and realignments are only the means to an end.

    Be more expectant in the New Year. Stay blessed. It is well.

  • Scheherazade runs out of plots

    Today is the sixth night after Christmas. In keeping with the tradition of merriment and revelry which lasts a whopping twelve nights before the curtains are finally brought down, snooper this morning brings you a superb tale of magical fantasy in which political sadism flows from adultery and betrayal of love.

    It is the story of a Persian king who kills a thousand lovers in revenge for an earlier unfaithfulness until he was himself conquered by superior guile and cunning. After that, we bring you a warmed up story of political developments in the animal kingdom called Nigeria. First published in April last year, Elephant and Castle is a weird and accurate preview of the presidential succession duel that has now hit Nigeria full blast.

    Now, will 2013 move over so that 2014 can be ushered in? No, not yet. The old witch is still not for turning. Nigerians should thank their stars that this was not a leap year, or things would have leapt out of hand indeed. The outgoing year would be remembered for its unhurried pace; its absolutely lethargic splendor. The year would not be shooed off the stage. The sting was in the tail. It was towards the end that events assume a furious and frenetic pace. “There are decades when nothing happens and there are weeks when decades happen”, according to Lenin. This is the year that the post-military elite pact known as the Obasanjo Settlement finally unraveled and Nigeria’s powerbrokers lost the plot.

    In retrospect, it should now be clear why the year at first unfolded with such plodding reluctance. Despite their epic transgressions against the nation and its people, the dominant political class was being offered a final chance. But it was too late in the day. Letters soon began exploding all over the place like historic firecrackers heralding the end of an era. You leta (later) me and I leta (letter) you, shikena.

    There is a touching irony about all this. Not being literary-minded or even particularly literate, the Nigerian political cabal has forgotten that to be considered properly epistolary, even letters must have a plot. The greatest political letters are not hurried invectives and caustic diatribes hurled at opponents like political grenades, but finely crafted and finely considered gems combining gravitas with elegance.

    Despite all the letters, our problem is that we are saddled with an unlettered political class. Otherwise, it ought to be obvious to them that when you lose the literary plot, you also lose out in the political conspiracy and the consequences can be chilling. This was the whole point of Scheherazade in her political duel with the mighty king of Persia. As the Shakespearean clown in Twelfth Night says, better a witty fool than a foolish wit. But who is Scheherazade?

  • 2014: What hope for a  corruption-free Nigeria?

    2014: What hope for a corruption-free Nigeria?

    Corruption is, therefore, with considerable justification, the bane of Nigeria even as insecurity has become a major concern

    The reasons for erstwhile President Obasanjo’s 18-page letter were weighty indeed, but there are many ways of communicating a message, however important. I think he chose a wrong one. As was suggested in this column last Sunday, Obasanjo’s vitriols were driven more by the obvious failure of his plan to install a third successive president than by love of country. Incidentally, his preferred candidate, Sule Lamido, is currently hedging his moves, in the hope that Jonathan would be harried off his 2015 ambition and a northern candidate, he in fact, emerge the PDP presidential candidate. That essentially is why only five of the G.7 governors finally made it to the APC. That hope, unfortunately, looks, every passing day, more like a forlorn one.

    However acerbic that letter was, and whatever the selfishness that underpinned it, we must endeavour to separate the message from the messenger as most of the reasons adduced by Obasanjo are well known to Nigerians. If any one single word uncannily mirrors Nigeria today, that word must be corruption and unless the president rolls up his sleeves, and frontally confronts that canker-worm, it will most define his administration for history. In the words of Transparency International, Nigeria, under Jonathan, remains rooted to the bottom of the global corruption ranking. Corruption is, therefore, with considerable justification, the bane of Nigeria even as insecurity has become a major concern. Only this past week, a former Primate of the Anglican Communion was kidnapped in broad day light.

    Not even the most irascible Jonathan hater would suggest that any of these originated under his watch. Obasanjo looked askance when Sharia over ran Northern Nigeria and ended up siring Boko Haram with all its attendant consequences. And, without a doubt, corruption predates insecurity by decades though, like Obasanjo said in his letter, it has since found a permanent abode in Nigeria. The reality of corruption in the country today is so shattering and its consequences so enervating, so destructive of our national vitality that we need not dwell on its history: whether of the political, bureaucratic or electoral corruption which reached its apogee during the Obasanjo years when election rigging in the country upstaged anything known anywhere else in the world, if former U.S President Jimmy Carter is to be believed.

    So alarming has corruption become in our country today that only this past week, an alarmed Financial Times of London advised President Jonathan to order a forensic audit of oil and gas earnings in the country. This, the FT said, would either show the government as plugging the holes in the system or portray it as nothing but a patron and harbinger of monumental mismanagement. On a visit to Nigeria as U.S Secretary of State, Hillary Rodham Clinton had no qualms in saying that ‘Nigeria’s “lack of transparency and accountability has eroded even the legitimacy of the government and contributed to the rise of groups that embrace violence and reject the authority of the state.” In support, she cited a World Bank report which claimed Nigeria lost more than $300 billion to corruption over the past three decades, concluding that reform can only come by “fixing Nigeria’s flawed election system” ,which, unfortunately, has now gone worse under the Jonathan administration as we saw in Anambra.

    When President Jonathan then sits, unperturbed, atop alarming cases of corruption, as in the case of Princess Oduah’s bullet-proof toys , is it that he just does not care a hoot what the world says of us or is being president the only thing that matters to him?

    President Jonathan’s anti-corruption record is nothing but pathetic. It was, for instance, absolutely disingenuous of him to have responded to Obasanjo’s charges on corruption by claiming that most of the cases hanging on him started before his administration. Does he, by any means, see the Nigerian presidency as a sinecure, only to be enjoyed?

    In this season of all-round goodwill to others, the intention here is certainly not contemplated in the Obasanjo mould. Rather, it is advisory, not adversarial. How then can President Jonathan seriously fight corruption, for once?

    The starting point should be a complete disavowal of his aides’ high-sounding emptiness scoring his performance 60-65 per cent when ordinary Nigerians do not see him getting anything more above 30 percent overall. That done, he should, post haste, reconsider his loyalty to people around him, many of who, unfortunately, have serially been accused of being neck deep in corruption. Once he allows the anti-corruption agencies to deal with these individuals, his work would have been half done. He must start with those seemingly untouchable female members of his cabinet about whom Nigerians have heard so much, and who constitute not less than 70 percent of his headache.

    Accusations hanging around these individuals have ranged from irregular oil deals to unconscionable hiring of airplanes for both local and international travels to un accounted oil revenues, even if we are talking here of 1billion dollars. The National Assembly is also currently raising issues on duty waivers and Nigerians no longer wish to be lectured on these and other financial irregularities at a centre which controls 52 percent of their national resources. It has been suggested that the president’s loyalty is, however, a quid pro quo since these persons were mostly responsible for raising those humongous 2011 presidential campaign funds and are expected to do no less, come 2015.

    Since, I am not one of those asking the president not to exercise his constitutional right of contesting the next presidential election, in which case I would have merely suggested he does not contest, he should demonstrate seriousness in fighting corruption by unconditionally sacking Princess Oduah, the Aviation Minister, today. Her corruption case is too well known to delay us here and they revolve around her illegal approval of purchases far above her limit in contravention of extant laws. Unfortunately, she has been going all over the place trying to twist the National Assembly’s recommendation that her appointment be reviewed. She could not understand that to mean her appointment should be terminated. Mr. President has harboured her enough; it is time to let go or he risks losing it all.

    Mr. President should then proceed to give orders for a thorough prosecution of accused persons in the Siemens, Halliburton and other cases in which those who bribed these individuals have, in fact, been since convicted and fined heavily abroad. There could hardly be any better evidence of romancing and shielding corruption than the state protection President Jonathan has offered them.

    The president must bring into the open the reports of committees on corruption currently gathering cobwebs in the presidency so that Nigerians can be convinced that their president is not at home with corruption. This will obviously cost a few votes here and there, but he would have given himself a new breath of life. Winning the next election should not be all he cares about. After all, he is already a president, and by 2015, he would have been on that seat for six whole years.

    But the greatest of all these will be for Mr. President to promise his God that under his watch, from the year of our Lord 2014, and henceforth, there will no longer be any election rigging. This promise he must make on the pain of eternal damnation if un-kept. With all these done, President Jonathan could see Nigerians, like members of the Janlokpal Movement in India, troop out on the streets, and, in their millions, to fight this indescribable evil in our country today.

    Here‘s wishing us all, a happier, corruption-free 2014.

  • Beyond our epistolary season

    Beyond our epistolary season

    The PDP as the party that has assured Nigerians that it is the party destined to rule the country for sixty years needs to face the issues raised by two leaders of the ‘largest party in Africa’

    In the early phase of colonialism in our country, there was a small-medium business known as letter writing that threw up a small group of entrepreneurs called public letter writers. At that time, public letter writers used to know the contents of letters meant to be private pieces of communication between the owner (in this case, not the writer) of the letter and the receiver of the letter, who also often had to hire letter readers. The public letter writer and readers in those days were human agents that served as paid mediators between owners and receivers of letters. In this capacity, the public letter writer and reader were expected to keep the secret of the owner and receiver of the letter secret.

    This is no longer the practice in our postcolonial moment that is now characterised by a measure of literacy that has thrown public letter writers and readers out of business. In our time, private letters are made public, not necessarily by the originator of the letter but by others who hope to gain from making public what is designed to be private. Nigeria has been awash with discussions of letters in the last two weeks. Many citizens have even been using the letters in circulation as a means of enjoying moments of catharsis or psychological or emotional release, which allows them to partake vicariously in the embarrassment of their enemies. But the real issues raised in the letters from the perspective of the average citizen appear to be waiting for serious discussion, as our culture of Karounwi dominates when what is needed is sober reflection on the part of friends or enemies of Nigerian letter-writers of the year.

    One letter that came to be part of public intellectual property is one purportedly written by Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello. The release of this letter throws more light on the decline of decency in our society. It does not matter whether the letter in question was written by Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello. Every daughter or son has a right to write any kind of letter to her or his father, just as every father and mother have a right to write critical letters to their children. More dramatic things happen in other societies. Parents or children go to court to seek “divorce” from each other and use the court process to reveal a lot of unwholesome information about each other. What does not happen in decent societies is for private letters between two individuals to become public materials, for reasons of whatever gain—monetary or political—that the release of supposed private communication brings to the agent that distributes such pieces of communication. But today’s piece is not on a letter that should have been strictly private between a daughter and her father, if indeed there was such a letter. To make a strictly private family matter a topic of discussion for the public is to take undue advantage of one’s access to the power of signification in modern societies.

    The two letters that should have been made public are those from former President Obasanjo to President Jonathan. This is not because the two are not entitled to sending themselves private letters on private matters, but because the two public figures are expected, when they discuss issues of pertinence to the nation and its citizens, to share their views with the public. The tendency in our country to privatise what is public and publicise what is private has been evident in the ways sycophants or friends and enemies or opponents of each of these two men of Nigeria’s contemporary history have used the epistolary mode to engage each other and the public, which in the final analysis gave both of them the importance that makes whatever they say to each other about Nigeria worthy of public attention.

    Former President Obasanjo and current President Jonathan are now both messengers in their capacity as letter writers. The popular view that Obasanjo has no moral authority to send the message he sent to Jonathan because he too was culpable of several of the charges levelled at Jonathan’s presidency is as irrelevant as the claim by the PDP that the issues raised in Obasanjo’s letters are not issues for the party to worry about. Although many of the issues in Obasanjo’s letter are about Jonathan’s style of governance, there are many issues that capture the agony of the masses of Nigerians. Such issues as corruption, neglect of the youths of the country, direct or indirect discouragement of foreign investors who could add value to the country’s economy and thus help to create jobs, and citizens being put on watch-list for being opponents of the president are certainly matters that should worry the PDP as the ruling party.

    Thus, the claim by the publicity secretary of the PDP: “The exchange of letters is not a party affair; it is not what we can intervene in any way. The leaders were writing on what they believe in. They have different perspectives to governance. They did not write about party matters. The letter writing is different interpretations of their own style of governance; it has nothing to do with PDP” can only worsen the situation of the sitting president elected to office on the platform of the PDP. This view represents a bizarre understanding of the presidential system as it raises several posers: Is the party disowning or abandoning the president? Has President Jonathan been governing without the consent of the PDP? Is the ideology of the PDP starkly different from what has been driving President Jonathan’s governance style?

    Citizens are already too enlightened on the average to be taken in by the facile and puerile distancing of the ruling party at the centre from President Jonathan’s performance in office. This should be the moment of collective responsibility for the president and the PDP. It is politically dangerous for the president and his party not to speak with one voice on the important issues raised in the letter of a former chairman of the board of trustees of the PDP. Otherwise, citizens are going to wonder (and justifiably so) why the party that won the 2011 presidential election on the platform of transformation of the country would opt to remain aloof when the principal agent of transformation is being pilloried by one of the senior members of the ruling party.

    In addition, citizens are going to continue to wonder what is likely to happen after the furore about the letters dies down or is eclipsed by another news event. Millions of Nigerians, who spend the Christmas period in darkness, indeed in greater darkness than in the days preceding the famous privatisation of electricity generation and distribution, are going to wonder about the governance of the country, more especially at a time the tariffs on electricity consumption are going north while supply of electricity is going south faster than ever before. Citizens are going to be bothered that corruption in high places is eating away funds that could have been used to improve infrastructure and the quality of life of the average citizen, particularly when citizens travel home to celebrate the festive season with their loved ones on bad roads from Lagos to the west and east of the country. Millions of citizens with children or wards who are unemployed are not likely to forget that money that could have gone to the country to create jobs had been chased away by insecurity or corruption in the country. The PDP as the party that has assured Nigerians that it is the party destined to rule the country for sixty years needs to face the issues raised by two leaders of the ‘largest party in Africa.’ Citizens are going to ask, as some of their vocal ones have already been doing, where the heart of the PDP is on President Jonathan’s proposed national conference.

  • In pursuit of true happiness

    Remember, it is not what you don’t have that kills you; it’s what you have

    Today, reader, we are going to wax philosophical because the year is now at an end and as they say, we are not going to pass this way again. This means that we must take stock of what has gone before in order to make what is going to come richer. You will agree that this year has presented very interesting events to the pleasure of some and the consternation of most. After looking through these events, I have been saddened to note that the significant thread that runs through them is this problem of money. Just name any scandal in the year and you will find that at the heart of it is money, running into billions of Naira at year’s beginning and dollars at the year’s close. Clearly, as Hamlet needlessly observed to no one in particular, ‘something is rotten in the state of Nigeria’. More worrisome still, the malodorous content always seemed to stink around or even over the central government.

    Now, one of the hallmarks of this material age we live in is the fact that we tend to fill our lives with dross. You know what those are, don’t you? They are perishable items like vegetables, electronics, people, ambitions or even values. Someone once complained that in the mad rush for success now, people have completely lost sight of the real thing. This means that real people like you and me now regularly sacrifice other people literally to obtain our goals. The story is told of how groups of mountain climbers on their ways to mountain summits regularly climbed over the bodies of other climbers too weak or fatigued to continue their climbs. Heaven forbid that they should think of the alternative: stopping to help, which was often considered too costly as it would mean delaying or cancelling their own ambitions. In your typical Nigerian ambition, therefore, human life has been devalued, ritualised or even wasted to reach the goal: get money.

    Now, things are so bad it makes you wonder if anyone knows the real meaning of life anymore. Most have imbibed and internalised the dictum, ‘get abundance that you may have more abundance’. Whenever your average Nigerian can, he/she aims for abundance and more abundance. This is why it is possible for an individual to construct compartmentalised, ceiling-high shelves where different currencies and denominations sit day in, day out, worshipped by the stealer. That’s right; that individual (and others like him) is your fellow Nigerian. Pity your poor workman who finds he has to work in houses where such altars have been constructed for money. Just ask one around you. He will tell you stories of how the obsessed money gatherers daily run their eyes and hands and feet over and through them in ecstasies of worship.

    Yet, when it has come right down to it, money illicitly and indecently gathered has never been of help to the gatherer. Think about it. Most of such monies are useful for purchasing a lifestyle that is not particularly useful – partying, procuring under-aged minors of both sexes for sexual gratification, purchasing Items of Self Destruction (ISD) such as private jets or Items to be Wasted (ITBW) such as houses and islands because those may not even be remembered again after purchase. It is incredible the number of people who have silently gone down into the grave just after piling up under them such monumental heaps of money meant for the general populace. Even as you read this, dear reader, I believe you can think of one or two examples.

    Whenever I have wanted to teach myself a lesson, I have always remembered the story told of M.K.O. Abiola who was said to have pleaded with the doctors to do everything in their power to save his ailing first wife, ‘no matter what it would cost’. When the doctors tried and could not, he was said to have hissed and exclaimed, ‘SHAME ON MONEY!’ You see, he had the money and the power, but that money had no purchasing power. Listen, if you want to know the purchasing power of your money, get stranded on the road in the night with no fuel in your car and with you miles away from anywhere. All you will be holding is an empty gallon and a lot of money in your purse. Then instruct that money to get you some fuel. Alternatively, you might find yourself running around the town at night, going from one pharmacy to another, in search of a rare drug for a relative who is sick in the hospital. Someone who had that experience related that he kept pleading with each pharmacy in turn, ‘I have plenty of money here and I’m ready to pay any amount; please just sell me the drug’, but they did not have it.

    It is therefore very perplexing that Nigerians appear to make owning money an end. Some people explain this off as a cultural problem but I disagree. There is no Nigerian culture that licences the owning of money or properties which cannot be accounted for. Indeed, every known Nigerian culture not only frowns at, but even punishes, any illegitimate acquisition of properties. Rather, I think that the faulty physical strapping together of three disparate groups and the absence of a tested, well-formulated foundation (economic, political, moral, etc.) by the founding fathers of Nigeria are responsible for the dissociative life style we are witnessing. Add to that the fact that people have no credible reference points in terms of, say, leadership: for example, China has Mao Tse Tung; Britain has Churchill, France has de Gaulle, etc. In this way, you could say Nigeria constitutes a rudderless ship.

    All hope is not lost. Rather than pursue money, Nigeria must join the rest of the world in pursuing things that have more eternal values. As the old year ends and another begins, each one of us must travel right back inside him or her and find those things which make for greater personal and altruistic happiness and pursue them. There are three things we can thus work on emphasising.

    First, we can work on emphasising the miracles that happen each day. Miracles still happen and for you and me, they often come at no cost; for no amount of money can be put on the air that you and I draw every moment; our ability to leave home every morning and return at the end of the day; or a helping hand from a neighbour at a right time. More importantly, let us emphasise being miracle workers for someone: rescue a stranded one, bring hope to a depressed and hopeless person, share what little you have with someone else – you will be surprised what you get in return. The second is to work on emphasising moderation in everything. Eat in moderation; live in moderation; own things in moderation. I always say that no one can own the whole world – God already does, so why compete with him? Remember, if you want a slim waist, share your food.

    Thirdly, work for the interconnectedness of people. Believe it or not, the world is woven around people. We all exist to meet each other’s needs. Hoarding all the resources of everyone else therefore is futile. Sooner or later, nature will balance itself out, with or without you, by forcefully taking what you will not release and giving it out to others. The story is told of an old man who called his children together and showed them the multiple houses and plots of land he owned. Horrified, the children berated him for his selfishness. ‘Don’t you have poor relatives you can give them to?’ they asked. Remember, it is not what you don’t have that kills you; it’s what you have. True happiness is sharing what you have with others.

  • Are Jonathan and PDP now liabilities for tolerable impunities of elite misrule? (1)

    Are Jonathan and PDP now liabilities for tolerable impunities of elite misrule? (1)

    At the end of this column last week, I suggested the possibility that Obasanjo’s much discussed letter to Goodluck Jonathan was, in its unspoken undercurrents, driven by OBJ’s worry that what increasingly appears to be a terminal crisis in the ruling party, the PDP, might also be a terminal crisis for the country itself. In other words, OBJ, I pondered, was concerned that Jonathan and the PDP was approaching or had indeed crossed the line that separates – or should separate – the survival of the ruling party from the survival of Nigeria. This is the idea that I wish to explore more closely and expansively in a two-part series that begins with this piece.

    In perhaps the single most astonishing of the many charges against GEJ in OBJ’s letter, he compared Jonathan to the late Sani Abacha. And in order not to make this comparison seem merely speculative, Obasanjo stated categorically that Jonathan had already put into plan the training of snipers who would, at the appropriate time and one by one, eliminate persons on a watch list of 1000 Nigerians. Even more pointedly, Obasanjo asserted that El Mustafa, Abacha’s notorious Chief Security Officer who supervised the late dictator’s torture, intimidation and assassination machine, has more or less become Jonathan’s point man in the project or plan to eliminate those on the alleged watch list. If we may reasonably assume that Obasanjo did not make these particular assertions comparing Jonathan to Abacha in a fit of absent-minded and mischievous gratuitousness, the question arises as to what exactly is the point of the comparison. This, I suggest, is where the question of tolerable and intolerable impunities of military or civilian elite misrule in Nigeria comes into the equation. Let me explain.

    As the whole world now knows, the most dreaded political trademark of Sani Abacha was the intimidation, imprisonment, torture and, ultimately, killing of elite or ruling class opponents who could not be bought off. The obvious intention behind this was to signal to all opponents that there was no line at all that he, Sani Abacha, could not cross. In one of the most egregious expressions of this particular propensity to completely blur the lines between what is permissible and impermissible, decent and indecent, and judicious and injudicious, Abacha was particularly indifferent to, or perhaps even contemptuous of what world opinion, with special reference to the Western press, thought of anything he did. After he hanged Ken Saro-Wiwa in 1995 in total defiance of world opinion, Abacha boasted to his close associates that his ambition was to become the first Head of State in history to hang a Nobel Laureate, meaning by this none other than WS. And he set in motion an international manhunt squad designed to achieve this ambition. [Parenthetically, we might note here that his Foreign Minister, Tom Ikimi, one of the chieftains of the APC, played out this script of Abacha’s disregard for world opinion with great aplomb and reckless bravado. For Ikimi it was who, when Mandela bitterly and scathingly condemned the killing of Saro-Wiwa, insulted Mandela by saying that he was the black president of a white country whose prison experience under apartheid had turned into a doddering old fool!]

    It is very important to emphasize here both the distinction between, on the one hand, tolerable and intolerable impunities of elite political misrule and, on the other hand, how in the Nigerian context Abacha marked the first and so far the ultimate expression of the deliberate and systemic crossing of the line that separates tolerable from intolerable impunities of misrule. On this account, since the end of the Nigerian-Biafran civil war and the consequent institutionalization of a rentier state based on oil wealth, impunity of elite misrule has been the norm in our country: one scandal, one outrage in the looting of state funds and the squandering of our oil wealth comes on the heels of another and nothing, absolutely nothing, can ever embarrass or shame our rulers into reducing the impunity, talk less of actually becoming responsible and accountable. Of course, as in all things, there are the few exceptions that both establish and depart from this norm of impunity and blatancy. But the norm is the all-pervasive reality.

    However, tolerable impunity necessarily enters the profile because even impunity and brazenness must, like everything in nature and life, ultimately confront their limits. Item: You must not loot the national treasury completely empty. Item: In order to keep intra-class and inter-elite antagonisms, particularly those based on ethnicity and religion, to a minimum, you must widely distribute the loot; you must not and cannot keep too much of it to yourself and your cronies. Item: Periodically, you must throw crumbs from the loot, from the national treasury to the masses, even if this occupies the space of a distant second place to distributing patronage to allies and competitors among the elite. The essence of Obasanjo’s comparison of Jonathan with Abacha is that both men considerably exceeded the limits of tolerable impunities of elite misrule. Let us explore this suggestion carefully.

    Both in the manner in which he came to office as military Head of State and in the ways in which he sought to consolidate his hold on power, Abacha departed deliberately from “tolerable” impunity. In this, there was a marked difference between him and Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Babangida believed that every “normal” Nigerian had a price; what he had to do as a ruler was to find the right price for each difficult or recalcitrant opponent. And if in the end he found a Nigerian who could not be bought, a Nigerian who did not have a “price”, he concluded that the man or woman was not a “normal” Nigerian and therefore had to be closely watched. By contrast, even though he set out from the same premise as IBB that every Nigerian had a price, however unlike IBB, Abacha regarded any Nigerian without a price as not a true Nigerian at all and therefore worthy of being either imprisoned, or killed, or both. He spent humongous sums in buying off those who could be bought off; and conversely, those who could not be bought off and therefore constituted a threat to his rule he imprisoned, killed or pursued to the ends of the earth. In the vast majority of cases, these were all members of the political, economic and intellectual elite. And indeed, this is the fundamental flaw or hubris of any administration that crosses over from the tolerable to the intolerable in impunity of elite misrule: it becomes a liability as much to the ruling class itself as to the whole country.

    Jonathan is of course not Abacha; and the ruling party, the PDP, is unlike the army that in the crisis of June 1993 brought Abacha to power and through whose instrumentality he sought to perpetuate himself in office indefinitely. But this should not blind us to a few things that are remarkably similar in the institutional and political circumstances of that army and the current ruling party, the PDP. In the first place, the army under Abacha became, just as the ruling party under Jonathan has become, dubious or even entirely useless as an institutional instrument for keeping elite misrule within those limits beyond which ethnic antagonisms and political and ideological differences among the country’s elite would spin out of control. By the time he mysteriously died, no military officer of any rank, serving or retired, was immune from Abacha’s megalomaniacal suspicion and probable humiliation. Consequently, he could no longer count on the loyalty of any but a few in the innermost circles of his regime. Similarly, Jonathan’s PDP has become a dysfunctional political machine that has increasingly and self-destructively turned toxins of political paranoia and psychological insecurity inwards on its own members; as a result of this, scores of the heavyweights and scions of the party are jumping ship as from a sinking ship and defecting to other parties, especially the APC. Secondly, just as Abacha had to reach deeper and deeper into the national treasury to buy off real and potential threats to his rule without however being ever sure of the loyalty of those so “bought”, Jonathan has beaten all previous records in post-independence Nigerian federal administrations in the totally unrestrained manner in which he has emptied the national treasury presumably and partly in order to buy loyalty and support for his present and aspiring future stay in office. Two particular instances of this pattern stand out. One: the sum of 2.58 trillion naira that was paid out in the oil subsidy mega-scam of 2011 is the single greatest act of official looting of our national treasury in the entire postcolonial period. Two: in the same vein, nothing is comparable in scale of squandermania to the fact that the 21 billion dollars in the nation’s savings account, the Excess Crude Account (ECA), which was the balance in the account when Jonathan became Acting President in 2010, has been drawn down to less that 2 billion dollars now, close to the end of 2013.

    Where did all this money go? And why, in spite of it – or precisely because of it – is the PDP fast breaking up and disappearing as the ruling party that was destined, as the boast went, to rule Nigeria for the foreseeable future in this 21st century? And what connection does all this have with the erosion of tolerable forms of impunities of elite political misrule as the APC positions itself to become the new post-PDP ruling political party? These and other questions will start us off in next week’s closing piece in the series.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Season of venomous letters

    Season of venomous letters

    His previous letters were not always a model of grammatical rectitude, nor even of moral and philosophical correctness, but his latest to President Goodluck Jonathan, dated December 2, but leaked to the media weeks after, offends every rule known to man, whether of common sense or of morality, of grammar or logic, of religion or politics. A more temperate man would be capable of arranging his thoughts with more finesse and better control of emotions than former President Olusegun Obasanjo did in his angry and caustic 18-page letter. Indeed, only Chief Obasanjo, judging from his antecedents and misshapen worldview, could have presented salient and weighty issues in such an offensive manner that commentators are left in a quandary whether to separate the message from the messenger or to consider the two in their obvious inextricable interconnectedness.

    Commentators have urged the separation of the message from the messenger. They hope that that would create a fair and unfettered understanding of the issues raised by Chief Obasanjo, and help promote the cause of peace, stability and good governance as the former president pretended to aim after in his letter. Already, Dr Jonathan is being pressured to respond to the issues raised in the controversial letter, and to discountenance the moral qualification of the letter writer. It makes a lot of sense to ask everyone to de-emphasise the moral qualification of the writer, for of all the living and dead presidents Nigeria has had in its chequered history, Chief Obasanjo appears to be the least qualified morally, politically or even philosophically to admonish, let alone censure, anyone. If no separation between the message and messenger is done, it is feared, the weight of Chief Obasanjo’s moral turpitude could considerably overshadow or attenuate some of the poignant points he raised in his letter.

    In short, the country is being asked to do a fractional distillation of the letter: separate the message from the messenger and isolate all the issues, while at the same time distilling the points one after the other in such a way that none of those points, no matter how seemingly contradictory, is diminished by the other or by the letter writer himself. The problem, however, is that the former president stands imposingly and almost inextricably between every point he raised. No useful consideration of any point could be done without being choked by the inconveniencing obtrusion of the follies and foibles of the letter writer. The scheming of Chief Obasanjo is too evident in every point he raised to be ignored. He was disingenuous, as indeed he likes to pride himself, but there was absolutely no altruism in him; and even his disingenuousness, in the light of his previous letters to Dr Jonathan and other presidents, is questionable.

    While it may seem more sensible to de-emphasise the failings of the letter writer, and instead focus more critically on the message he tried so futilely to convey, a much better approach would be to sift through the letter to identify areas for leadership improvement. For in the end, it is as important to curb Chief Obasanjo’s sanctimoniousness and end his unguarded and continuing meddlesomeness in national affairs as it is to extirpate the leadership mediocrity he has repeatedly helped to enthrone and which his letter has helped to draw attention to once again. Chief Obasanjo warned that he had a thick skin, and would simply disregard the criticisms, insults and sabre-rattling certain to follow the letter. By inference, he was also saying that anyone who seemed to have sympathy for the Jonathan camp or focused on the writer rather than his message would be engaging in a sterile exercise. We should not gratify him.

    He is doubtless famous for his inurement to insults and criticisms, no matter how accurate, well-meaning or wounding. And having got away with murder, as it were, in his previous letters to past presidents and heads of state, some of whom came to grief soon after, he seems accustomed to having his way and getting commentators to draw a line between the message and the messenger. Nigerians apparently do not understand that the problems Chief Obasanjo complained of were caused by his own distorted theology, monstrous politics, appalling worldview and extreme narcissism. It is, however, time he was told he would not be allowed to toy with the country; that he could not impose bad leaders only to turn round to assail and condemn his hapless stooges; that he could not foment evil and bring disaster upon the country and turn round to present himself a knight in shining armour; that he could not lay mines in the country’s politics only to turn round to either amputate shattered limbs as a benevolent doctor or administer euthanasia as a mercy killer.

    It is now more urgent than ever that the messenger must be demystified, disrobed and castrated if the country is to make progress. For he is not just integral to the country’s problems, as evidenced by his more than 30 years of anarchic intervention in national affairs, he is also in fact the architect of many of Nigeria’s recent woes. But while the demystification is going on, it is also urgent that as the architect is being led figuratively to the gallows, the social and bureaucratic monstrosities he has sired, his misbegotten political sons, and his eternal cocksureness must share his fate. So, commentators must dexterously weigh in balanced cadence the messenger and his message, the architect and his building, the creator and his creature, the hobgoblin and its spinoffs. Chief Obasanjo has wreaked so much havoc on the country by imposing mediocre leaders upon it, a point he casually gloated over again in his letter, that he should be denounced together with his creatures. If we spare him as he expects, perhaps for fear of diluting the intensity and gravity of his message, he will once again be left free to foment more trouble.

    It is clear that most of the weighty statements and allegations in his letter, whether against individuals, Dr Jonathan’s government, or his political opponents, are geared towards only one thing – creating a new and wider political space for Chief Obasanjo to practise more chicanery, not for the country to be renewed or to help it foster a political system that is self-correcting and self-healing. Chief Obasanjo’s main objective is his determination to ensure that Dr Jonathan does not present himself for re-election, as if that would make the ambitious and intransigent president less undemocratic than he has become. Everything Chief Obasanjo said in his rancorous letter was aimed at forging a consensus against Dr Jonathan. No one is fooled. Was Chief Obasanjo himself not denied third term? And did he not out of spite saddle the country with misfits? Would a spurned Jonathan not be capable of worse mischief, especially seeing how quite desperate and tyrannical he has become under the pressures of the past few months?

    Dr Jonathan is under pressure to respond. He apparently will. But it would be strange if the country were to be satisfied with his explanations, for whatever he has to say would be undermined by his constant vainglorious assertions and also be as misleading as the original letter from Chief Obasanjo. It is expected that pressure will be brought to bear upon the National Assembly to probe critical parts of the former president’s letter, such as the nefarious oil deals and alleged training and arming of death squads. The legislature may succumb to the pressure; but even then, given the impotence they have displayed over key national issues in the past few years, it is hard to see any probe from them amounting to anything. Nothing, of course, will be said on all the other futile and thoroughly acerbic parts of the letter. Apart from underscoring a strange and warped theology, arrogating ecclesiastical immunity to himself, and creating an unsustainable air of self-importance, those futile parts were meant to burnish the credentials of the former president.

    Nigeria must be clear what to make of Obasanjo’s letter. Its value appears to be no more than having the truculent old warhorse on the side of the anti-Jonathan forces. His support, however, must be taken very gingerly, especially by the All Progressives Congress (APC) rainbow coalition, for every time he rallied to a cause, such as when he opposed former President Shehu Shagari or even General Sani Abacha, the outcome had never been salutary. His opposition to Jonathan will not be different, for his cause is not always the same as the country’s, nor should we entertain the presumption that our capacity for intrigues and malevolence matches Chief Obasanjo’s. The letter is futile; Dr Jonathan’s response will also be futile. Chief Obasanjo was and remains a cankerworm to Nigeria’s body politic; Dr Jonathan is tarred with the same brush. Even if the president’s nose is put out of joint, he will struggle in a two-horse race with Chief Obasanjo to impose another mediocre on the country, if we let them.

    Nigeria must, therefore, look beyond Chief Obasanjo’s pompous letter. Given the Independent National Electoral Commission’s suggestion that elections might be difficult to organise in the Northeast in 2015, a region that has become a bastion of the opposition, the hurdles confronting those who wish to unhorse Dr Jonathan could become gargantuan. Neither Obasanjo nor Jonathan should be spared, notwithstanding the puerile threats by uninformed aides of the president to equate the call for Dr Jonathan’s impeachment with treason. Chief Obasanjo was not just an incompetent president with a very poor grasp of issues, as his latest letter shows to everyone’s dismay, his godson is even much worse. The message and the messenger do not deserve a decent hearing and should be thrown out, lest Chief Obasanjo should imagine he had scored a point with us. The country, if its enlightened citizens have any sense about them, should insist on taking on Dr Jonathan on their own, not at the behest of anyone, nor on the prompting of schemers. If we don’t, a much crueller fate than the lassitude our cowardice and misconceptions have brought upon us in the past one decade and more will befall us again in 2015.

  • Christmas without the false trimmings

    Christmas without the false trimmings

    The poverty of the rich is their wont to ignore the poor

    We come to the end of the year. Given their ritualistic bent, world leaders shall proclaim peace on earth and goodwill toward all men. Then, they will turn their backs on the words just uttered to continue the short-sighted governance that has caused the global political economy to plummet into the cavern of inequality.

    The holiday season has become one of plastic-wrapped, disposable virtue used once yearly then discarded in the effluvia of our consumptive and egregious times. The tree of modern Christmas is ornate and outwardly resplendent; for all of its finery, the thing is barren. It bears no fruit and is taken down too quickly to do any good other than serve as lovely but transient flash before the eye.

    We approach Christmas day but don’t approximate its spirit. The passage of days is inexorable; there are no plaudits earned for merely surviving from one season to the next. There is a choice in how we live and by what spirit and values society operates. Here we have failed ourselves for we have fallen face first, then to our knees, to worship before the temple of the minted god. In the indiscriminate quest for economic wealth and power, much has been gained but also something worthy has been lost. Christmas is a good time to ask what and why.

    Control of money is to hold power over things and people because money is convertible to almost everything else. Thus, it has a force beyond that of any merely physical object. Once money is used to buy a thing, the owner’s power is limited by the physical attributes and constraints of the thing purchased. Once one purchases a car, he must use that car according to the car’s physical properties. He can drive it ad infinitum but he dare not try to sail it or carve it and serve it to the family for dinner.

    As long as one has money, he can purchase anything amenable to purchase. He may buy the car, an airplane, a vast herd of goats or a lifetime supply of toothpicks. If possessed of enough money, one can purchase even things considered outside the realm of general and permissible commerce: He can purchase people and the power that control of people brings.

    Each dollar owned represents a possible acquisition or transaction. Each dollar thus constitutes another opportunity to bring some valuable part of the world into the ambit of the owner. The world becomes a bonded warehouse of opportunity for the heavily affluent. To have money is to own the measurement of economic value. To own the measure of value is to have the capacity to redefine value itself. To redefine value is to have true power. To have power is to be able to shape the world in ways that deflect adversity and uncertainty away from you by channeling them toward others. As such, the status of money is high above that of all other things man has or does.

    Because money has been the force to move all things and most people into the flow of commerce, it acquired a universality that makes it appear omnipotent and omnipresent. Consequently, those possessing great mounts of it are tempted to believe themselves to be the same.

    A god has been established to rival God himself. Money is unlike those lifeless deities carved of wood or graven of gold. Those deities can do nothing but dumbly sit there. However, money lubricates the processes of life and commerce. It is visible yet intangible. Most of all, it is man’s most infallible invention. Money never ceases to work. Individual currencies may fail and lose value, but the inherent utility of and our desire for money never abate. As man exists, does money also.

    Because of these properties, man has been tempted throughout the ages to treat money as his everyday god and to relegate God to the status of guest at special occasions.

    The biblical injunction that love of money is the root of evil was not the expression of an overabundance of caution. It warns of the deep pit into which men and nations may fall should the pursuit of lucre cause them to betray their finer senses and to cheat their souls. Over the centuries, man has periodically strayed from this wise counsel. Each time, the misconduct ended in molten calamity. Nations and societies have been destroyed or impair by the simple error of mistaking money, the presentation of value, for genuine value itself. After the deluge, man regroups to walk a more correct path for a time. Forgetting the lessons of the past, he slowly returns to the secular worship of money and the social wreckage it brings.

    Over the past several decades, the love of money has become the primary commandment of the global economy. An entire economic ideology has been constructed to legitimize the misbehavior. Rules and laws have been instituted to make what once was illegal or unethical business practices into the accepted conduct of our times. In most nations, usury laws prohibited moneylenders from sending unfortunate borrowers into debt peonage. Today, imposing usurious interest rates on the common and poor is considered sound business practice; it is an accepted way of high profit for major financial houses. Government no longer shields the poor from the avarice of the affluent. Government now stands as the eager accomplice in the fleecing of the meager and humble.

    As a consequence, the economy has shifted from one where the premium is on the production of things to one where the grand prize goes to those who make money to make more money.

    This leads to another problem. Unlike most tangible objects such as a car or a chicken, money has unlimited utility. No matter how acquisitive one is, at some point, a person has his fill of material things. There is a ceiling on how many things he will buy. He will not purchase another car, house, coat, shoe or pig until he depletes his existing inventory. However, the threshold for enough money is so high as to be nonexistent. Few people, even the exceedingly rich, ever say they have enough money. Fewer people will excuse themselves from the opportunity to reap a windfall, even at the unjust expense of another. Nations go to war off the hint of treasure. Brother slays brother over it. Those who have much exploit their advantaged position to hoard more. Those who have little must spend and depart with the scant morsel they have. They can neither save nor invest. As each day passes, the rich become more themselves as do the poor.

    Consequently, we reach the current situation where income and wealth inequality in many nations are more skewed now than in almost a century. The global news media tells you that euro zone economic activity is on the uptick. In terms of sheer economic statistics, this might be accurate technically. But whoever said facts don’t lie is wrong. In a complex world, facts are what the powerful shape them to be. Thus, the aggregate figures of positive growth mask a grim tale. Economic growth may be present, but it is of the variety that its benefits evade the majority of the people.

    Most of the growth falls into the soft, welcoming palms of established wealth. A great expanse of youth are jobless and without direction. Greece remains a dungeon of poverty. As the fortunes of the common person declines, suicides and sickness climb. Major cities in Spain and Italy are places of frequent mass demonstrations. These events don’t make the news because the rich and powerful don’t want you to see turmoil. There is an effective news embargo on the desperate protests of the sinking poor in these nations. Spain has gone a dangerous step further in conceal the rancor. The government is engineering laws that will make demonstrations and harsh public critique of government policy illegal, susceptible to steep fines and imprisonment. Welcome to the dictatorship of the wealthy.

    The same observation applies to the trajectory many African political economies. These nations tout high growth rates, but the reality behind these figures is dismal. The bulk of the populace remains mired in age-old poverty while a small elite zooms away in imported cars. This is not economic development. It is economic and social estrangement of the leadership from the people. It can’t but result in a foul end.

    It seems dear Karl Marx had a backward gaze into the crystal ball. The processes of capitalism have not led to his dictatorship of the proletariat. Instead, capitalism has yielded to a virulent species of itself, financialism. This financialization of the economy is producing a dictatorship of money that threatens democracy where it has been established. In African nations, where democracy is yet to give fruit, this distortion threatens to nip that happy process in the bud.

    To his partial credit, American President Obama gave a stirring speech earlier this month proclaiming economic inequality as the primary moral and political challenge of this generation. The man has come to the party rather late. That it took him five years in office to attain this basic understanding is baffling. Had he realized this before perhaps his now dwindling presidency would have been different.

    For too long, he has fraternized and made cozy with those who would bleed the life from democratic society by wrecking its economic underpinnings. He is now chained to these people. The best he can do is become a modern-day Samson who, upon recovering his senses, used the remnants of his strength to bring down the pillars upon himself and those who had enticed, then captured, him. Yet, he appears not to have the special courage to do such a selfless thing.

    His speech endorsed several measures to help the poor and narrow America’s inequality gap. One measure was to continue unemployment benefits for the jobless. Within ten days, he backtracked. Before people had time to forget his speech, he signaled approval of a budget proposal terminating jobless benefits for 1.3 million households this month. Such was his Christmas gift to the nation’s most needy. Sadly, his speech against inequality seems to be one of his notorious feigns. Whenever he says he will do something “for” the poor, be prepared that the real intent is to do something “to” the poor. His fine talk is to sugarcoat the bitter pill so people do not take to the streets of America as they now do in Spain, Italy and Greece.

    In a way, I feel sad for President Obama. Here is a man who has allowed an ounce of greatness to slip through his hands that he might hold fast to a pound of mediocrity. By tethering himself to the rich and powerful, he has written a place for himself that the collective memory will not remember as a fine one.

    God is generous but Fate is stingy. The numerous chances God provides, Fate tries to steal away. Fate always seeks to narrow our chances of greatness to one fleeting moment that once missed is forever gone. This is why we must always be cognizant of Fate’s devices and avoid abetting its attempt to defeat our better purpose.

    Since this is Christmas season, there is no better figure than Jesus to demonstrate how to treat this matter of economic inequality. The establishment tells us the entire profile of Jesus is encapsulated in how he silently took his punishment like a sheep led to the slaughter. Thus, the poor should stoically eat of their poverty for that is their fate.

    In reality, this was but a single episode in an extraordinary life of multiple dimensions. Christians believe his sacrifice was a divine mission to render humankind spiritual salvation. Since there was no alternative except to allow mankind to perish, the Prince of Peace decided he might as well shut up and get on with the heavenly but excruciating mission.

    Before the time for silent sacrifice came, Jesus did much that needs remembrance in the here and now. This man was born of a humble, uneducated family. Yet, he challenged the teachings of the establishment of his time. He so baffled and perplexed the learned ones that they conspired under cloak of darkness to kill him; he had exposed them for the ugly thing they had become.

    They decreed that man must do nothing on the Sabbath. To confound them, Jesus performed many miraculous healings on that day. He did this to demonstrate that the Scribes and Pharisees knew the form of propriety but lacked the substance and spirit of it. They were ghosts parading as living beings, followers of mean doctrine masquerading as moral leaders of the people.

    Jesus chastised them for turning the temple of God into a money-making machine, an olden-day ATM where the priests conspired with moneychangers to separate the poor from their hard-earned money. He did not countenance the disgrace or attempt to sidle up to those in power to partner with them in the gain and profit. He fought the powers of the day to ease the burden on the people. He chased malefactors and their malpractice from the temple that it might return to what is was erected to be.

    Jesus was the consummate radical reformer who cared little for the doctrine and ritual of the establishment. He dealt with the spirit of things and of people. This is the spirit we must now hold. To better the welfare of the poor and struggling, we must do more than sing carols, strain to purchase gifts and act happy during the Christmas season. We must ask fundamental questions such as what is the real purpose of society, governance and our economic patterns. Today, we are told to cheer as long as there is economic growth. This growth has been further distilled to one numerical measurement, GDP.

    We forget that the concept of GDP was devised as an indicator or measurement of economic health. It is but a map, a rough reflection. Today, the map has become more important than the real thing. If GDP is growing, we are told that all is well even when our lives say all is not.

    This deception is the work of modern-day secular Scribes and Pharisees who would place form over substance because it profits them. Their way produces vast riches and power for them but it is destitute of morality and meaning for the people.

    Today, let’s begin to give Jesus honor – not by making merriment – but by dedicating ourselves to the reforming spirit in which he lived. We need to redefine our economic processes away from this adoration of growth figures. Reliance on aggregate growth figures means you accede to the structure of things as they are. It means the bulk of the people will continue to increase in poverty and suffering while the smallest minority enjoys greater bounty. It is an unfairness that caters to evil.

    Let us begin the process of redefining how we gauge the economy so that we begin to talk about concepts such as economic health and fairness. Let us construct new measurements that balance and combine aggregate growth with a fairer distribution of wealth. The poor work too hard for the little they get and the wealthy work too little for the windfall they take. Let this mission be our special Christmas gift to ourselves. If we do this, the history we make will be a benign one, the lives we save will be many and, for those of us who believe in these things, we may just give the Primary Resident in heaven reason to smile and say, “Well done, my children! Well done!”

     

    08060340825 (sms only)

     

  • Medical dystopia in Nigeria

    Medical dystopia in Nigeria

    ( The Ghost of Olikoye Ransome-Kuti)

    It is just as well that the association of medical doctors in Nigeria has downed tools again, this time in what they call a warning strike. They will not be particularly missed. At this point of acute national misery and distress, it is important to recall the memory and legacy of one of our past heroes. While his memorable stint as Federal Minister of Health lasted, Olikoye Ransome-Kuti laboured like a yeoman to redeem and sanitize the nation’s public health sector. He was as humane and conscientious as he was squeakily clean and overflowing with personal integrity. He made it clear, just like his illustrious forebears and siblings, that another country was possible.

    All that has now gone to the dogs. No one in living memory can possibly remember when last the public health system in Nigeria functioned hitch free without some threats of an impending industrial action with its range of ominous possibilities. When this is not the case, fake drugs, under-strength medication in all its Oriental menace and sheer professional perfidy combine to put finishing touches to the hapless victims.

    There are millions of suffering and ailing Nigerians who have already commended their souls to the almighty. They are just going through the motion, waiting for the inevitable end and secretly hoping that somebody might actually fast track the whole procedure of terminal disappearance. It says something about the quality of life in a nation when many of its people secretly long for death.

    The current industrial action by the doctors, coming on the heels of the recently suspended ASUU strike which lasted a whopping six months, says a lot about the dire state of tertiary education and the public health sector in Nigeria. Every year, our public universities continue to churn out half-baked graduates, particularly medical doctors, who seem to be armed with a professional license to kill. And boy, how these chaps have been at it. It is the time of Hippocratic homicide.

    But we must not confuse the symptom with the disease. In as much as it is correct to say that many doctors contribute to the massive wickedness of the system, they are also victims of its fundamental cruelty and injustice. There is often a neat and exacting symmetry to a nation’s fate that may elude many. The rains did not start beating us yesterday.

    Next weekend, it will be thirty years since the then Brigadier Sani Abacha’s famous dawn broadcast consigning the inept civilian government of Shehu Shagari to the trashcan of history. As part of the justification for the coup, Abacha famously dismissed our hospitals as having become mere consulting clinics. Ten years after by December 1993, Sani Abacha had transformed into a four star general and was about to unleash a kleptocracy on the nation that has only been surpassed by the thieving incompetence of the current government.

    Thirty years into this cruel charade, our hospitals have moved from being mere consulting clinics to alternative mortuaries. The whole nation itself resembles a vast crematorium bristling and bursting with the dying and the dead. There is the unmistakable odour and the putrid fragrance of death and chrysanthemum everywhere you turn. Nigerians are falling in their thousands everyday often needlessly and most time heedlessly. A people who allow this to happen to them have forfeited the rights to be called citizens. For tyranny to endure, there must be compliant and craven subjects.

    This morning in a personal dimension to this consuming national tragedy, we bring you a moving tribute from a father to a beloved thirty four year old daughter who died a few weeks back in October after a botched fibroid surgery. According to the late Bola Ige, nothing can be more cruel and poignantly punitive than living to bury your own adult child. We mourn with our good friend, Dr Ezenwa F. Chizea and we wish him and his wife the fortitude and grace to bear this huge loss of a promising daughter.