Category: Sunday

  • Mr President know-nothing of Nigeria

    Mr President know-nothing of Nigeria

    ‘Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me. Fool me twenty times and I keep believing you, call me a Nigerian’-Rotimi

    “You need foolproof ways to lead your people to achieve outstanding results, especially in challenging times’ -Brian Tracy, in HOW THE BEST LEADERS LEAD. Breaking this down further, the celebrated author lists the following as the minimum desiderata for success in any organisation: setting and achieving goals, fostering innovation, problem-solving and decision-making, setting priorities, setting high standards and leading by example; inspiring and motivating others and, finally, performing and achieving results.

    Were President Jonathan’s spokespersons remotely aware of these ingredients for achieving success in any given leadership position they would not be ever so eager to declaim his knowledge of things happening in a country where he is the undisputed numero uno. Had they known how clueless they make the President look with their jejune disclaimers on behalf of the president, they should have become fully aware what damage they do to his image as Nigerians now regularly ask what exactly their president knows. No wonder cluelessness has become about the most used word in describing the Jonathan presidency just as he had, in fact, been likened to the snake.

    We need not delay ourselves enumerating the countless instances supposedly highly educated presidential spokespersons have titillated Nigerians with stories to the effect that the president heard of events like you or I, or even via newspapers, that you begin to wonder if what we have at the helm of affairs in the country is not actually a sleeping president. Unfortunately for them, they deceive only themselves as Nigerians know only too well that the president is either the sole beneficiary or has the most to gain from these events they attempt to shield him from by resorting to their spurious spins.

    They succeed in deceiving nobody else because Nigerians are already acutely aware that their president is not exactly on top of too many things even if he claims to the contrary. When, for instance, he claims to be on top of the citizens’ security concerns and that his government is on top of the situation, a statement Nigerians now know by heart, it is obvious what the people believe. When his government promises improved electricity at some target date that now gets routinely changed, Nigerians know they had better go acquire new generators. It can only be most uncharitable then, if from these extant circumstances, the president’s own men would still continue to cast him in the mold of a know-nothing president who is, like forever, ignorant of events which ordinary Nigerians, without the luxury of an access to intelligence reports, know only too well. For the sake of our president’s image, local and international, I think Nigerians must advise these obstreperous media aides to desist from their obsequiousness.

    The latest of these disclaimers concerns how innocent Mr President is about the goings-on in Rivers State, especially the attempt by five pro- Wike, and, ipso facto, President Jonathan-leaning legislators, to forcefully, and illegally, take over the House of Assembly even though two thirds of the 32-member House is required to successfully impeach the Speaker. Of course, since we are talking here of the PDP, this should be no news as it has become commonplace since the impunity-driven days of former President Obasanjo to forcefully remove even state governors as happened in Bayelsa, Plateau and Oyo states.

    But how uncanny can history get? On the very day that Senator (Dr) Chris Nwabueze Ngige, OON, was being joined by millions of Anambrarians to celebrate the 10th anniversary of what is now popularly known as the Anambra Liberation Day, July 10, 2003, PDP legislators, thugs etal, vainly attempted a repeat performance in Rivers State albeit, starting this time around, from the House of Assembly. Ten years earlier, similar knaves and all manner of mendicants, led by a detachment of heavily armed police mobile force stormed the Government House, Awka, disarmed security operatives and made their way to the office of the then governor whose phones they promptly seized before locking him up in the toilet. The rest is history.

    But in Port Harcourt on Tuesday, 9 July, 2013, Nigerians saw, via the UTube and on sundry television networks, at least one policeman beating up a legislator. And that was in the course of the five anti-Amaechi members and their accompanying thugs had turned the chambers into a theatre of war. It took the hurried appearance of the state governor to save the day. Meanwhile, pro and anti-Amaechi protesters have hit the streets of Port Harcourt.

    A complete dumb in Nigeria today knows that nothing will interest President Jonathan more than seeing the back of Governor Rotimi Amaechi and the evidence for that is all over the place. It had started with the whispering allegation that the governor was preparing to pair up with a northern governor to contest the 2015 presidential election; the same election for which everything is already being done by the PDP to present none other than the sitting president. For the Jonathan group, Amaechi’s alleged audacity deserves nothing but a fatwa, and at every point, Amaechi is daily made to feel the presidential heat especially as he is in no position to as much as discuss state security matters with the state Police Commissioner who, to all intent and purposes, answers only to his Abuja minders.

    Abuja first showed its hands when a case against the PDP Chairman in Rivers State was filed, not in Port Harcourt, where the congress in dispute held, but at an Abuja High Court. It was there in Abuja -where else – a judgment was delivered removing the Amaechi-leaning chairman for a man, we are told, who did not even contest the election. The new chairman quickly showed his hands, dissolving the party’s state executive , a point that was neither canvassed nor granted by the court. He soon came up with a series of diktats he expected governor Amaechi to live or die by; the type even their swashbuckling National Chairman, Alhaji Tukur, have not had the temerity to replicate in his Abuja imperium.

    If the Presidency could not be accused of procuring that change in the River’s State chapter of the party, certainly not so the election to the Chairmanship of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum which, in spite of governor Amaechi’s drubbing of his opponent, governor Jang of Plateau State, the president still clings to the totally ridiculous position that the man who scored 16 votes is his NGF Chairman over the one with 19 votes. A more invidious situation will be extremely difficult to find. And if any further evidence of presidential collusion, indeed instigation, was needed, President Jonathan’s hosting of governor Jang at the Villa as the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum more than provided that.

    The Jang defeat so rattled and unsettled the presidency that our ‘unknowing presidency’ promptly saw to it that Amaechi was suspended from the party by alleging some other spurious reasons. All manner of PDP elders from the state have since visited the Villa to rave and rant at Amaechi and for once, former governor Peter Odili resurrected. Since a court literally declared he was no longer on terra firma, stopping the EFCC from prosecuting him till the second coming of Christ, mum has been the word from the otherwise charismatic politician who, but for Obasanjo’s convoluted and serpentine politics, might today have been much more visible in our political history and who you would therefore have expected to be talking peace. However, knowing how desperate the president is about the Amaechi project, he has chosen to become an equal opportunity protagonist on the side of the president. A battle against a single individual does not get more pitiful.

    It has equally been suggested that the First Lady’s four-day sojourn in Port Harcourt during which everything, governance inclusive, was reported to have shut down, was to attend the wedding of the man now claiming to be the speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly. It doesn’t get more scary.

    It will be extremely grotesque, however, if the president’s wife was in Port Harcourt in furtherance of this macabre plot. But the height of presidential collusion in the crisis would come later during the week when on Friday, 5 July, 2013, the trio of President Jonathan, Dr Odili and Nyesom Wike asked Amaechi to quit the PDP. It can now be safely assumed that because he did not quit as quickly as they wanted, thugs were sent after the House of Assembly where he obviously has his strongest supporters in order to teach him a lesson.

    May God forgive those presidential spokespersons who are keen on taking Nigerians on a merry go round of lies, claiming Mr President knows nothing when the truth really, is that our president is the all-knowing hand behind most, if not all, of our travails as a nation.

  • Another season of anomie?

    Another season of anomie?

    Why should anyone be annoyed when outsiders say that Nigerians are not capable of sustaining democratic culture?

    At 52 years of age, Nigeria is experiencing another troubling season of anomie. The first season came at the hands of a civilian government; the second and third at the instance of military autocrats, and the current one under the watch of a civilian president whose mission or motto is transformation.

    The title of this essay is a partial borrowing from the title of Wole Soyinka’s book on the politics of evil that led to the Nigerian civil war. Granted that the events described in Soyinka’s book are more gory and scary than what Nigerians are expecting currently, there is no doubt that the state of normlessness that prevailed in Soyinka’s book, A Season of Anomy, is rearing its head again in our own time.

    During Nigeria’s first season of anomie in 1962, some individuals in the federal government and their cronies in the government of Western Nigeria were bent on removing politicians who they thought were not ready to play ball with them by joining the ruling party. In pursuance of this goal, some lawmakers in the Western House of Assembly in Ibadan were induced to play thugs inside the hallowed chamber. They broke the mace, threw chairs at other legislators to draw blood from their heads, etc. Alhaji Tafawa Balewa’s government quickly declared a state of emergency in Western Nigeria. Balewa’s reason was that he needed to prevent Nigeria from sliding into anarchy as a result of mounting political differences between Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief Ladoke Akintola. Balewa chose his friend, Dr. Moses Majekodunmi, to function in the place of the premier of the region. What started as a regional or state problem then festered until it became a nation-wide problem, which culminated in a political experiment that later brought Nigeria to decades of military autocracies, and the rest is history.

    The second season of anarchy came in 1966 after the first coup d’etat that removed the elected government of Alhaji Tafawa Balewa. During the first six months, Gen. Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi introduced the second unitary government in the country, after the one introduced by Lord Frederick Lugard. In July1966, another coup d’etat came to undo the rule of Ironsi, leaving in its wake a major crisis principally in the Northern Region. Igbo men, women, and children were killed in large numbers by angry northerners, to the extent that Lt-Col. Emeka Ojukwu called the killings genocide or pogrom. This led to the civil war, and the rest is history.

    In 1993, General Ibrahim Babangida fomented another crisis that was bound to lead to anomie, by annulling the freest and fairest election in Nigeria. General Sani Abacha came to flush out the interim head of state installed by Babangida to calm the Yoruba or Egba area that made it possible for Abiola to be a Nigerian citizen. The struggle for restoration of Abiola’s mandate by NADECO, NALICON, and other pro-democracy organisations in Nigeria and abroad created a situation of instability in the country. Abacha ruled with brutality and prepared to become a civilian president at the end of his tenure as military dictator. The tension pushed the country close to the edge, and the rest is history, part of which explained how the country came to having elected president, governors, and legislators in the saddle today.

    Nigeria is now at the entrance of another door to anomie. Five lawmakers were reported a few days ago to have imported thugs to the House of Assembly of Rivers State to collaborate with them on a thuggish project: terrorise and replace the duly elected speaker of the State’s House of Assembly. In the process, the five lawmakers (out of a total of 32) sacked the speaker of the assembly and replaced him with one of them. The newly selected speaker had started functioning before the arrival of majority of members of the assembly. A brawl ensued between lawmakers on the side of respect for the constitution and five legislators on the side of abuse of the constitution. The act of terrorism thrived in the state assembly in Port Harcourt, as if law and order had broken down in the city or in the country. There were no security officers to prevent the disorder that brought embarrassment to the state in particular and to the country in general.

    It is not clear at the time of writing this piece what the motives for the action of the five lawmakers who attempted to violate the constitution of the land were. As expected, the Inspector-General of Police had promised to investigate, in order to find out who broke the law and recommend what to do to such persons. It is not clear how long the investigation is to take, but the result of the probe promised by the IGP is worth waiting for, given the enormity of the violation that took place in the Garden City three days ago and given the disruption and instability that similar acts in the past had caused the country.

    Most patriotic citizens would not have expected that the country would come again to its present low in relation to the rule of law. Not after what it took many citizens to bring democracy back to the country. Not after the death of so many people in the process of wresting the country from military dictators and restoring democracy. Not after the gloomy prediction that Nigeria could disintegrate by 2015. Not after the life of the country had been endangered for about two years by Boko Haram. To be repeating what happened in Ibadan 50 years ago is tantamount to remaining on the same spot since 1962 in terms of political morality and progress. With such evidence of stagnation, why should anyone be surprised if foreigners predict doom for our country? Why should anyone be annoyed when outsiders say that Nigerians are not capable of sustaining democratic culture?

    There is a saying among the Yoruba: When one’s neighbour chooses to eat vermin, one must warn him or her about the bad consequences, not only for the sake of the eater of vermin, but also for the peace of the neighbour, as the coughing and sneezing would not allow the neighbour to sleep at night. Some of the lawmakers in the Rivers State House of Assembly are metaphorically eating a vermin and the consequences, if the act is not properly and quickly addressed in a legal and constitutional manner, be too serious for the entire country to deal with.

    Given the current state of Egypt just two years after the coming of civil rule and democracy in that country, Nigerians need to call their rulers to order. In particular, the President and the National Assembly need to act fast and right, to prevent the country from descending into another political abyss. Such intervention should be in addition to the investigation promised by the IGP. Such intervention is needed urgently, in order to prevent the rascality or banditry in the Rivers House of Assembly last Tuesday from ballooning into a national crisis, such as similar misbehaviour in Ibadan in 1962 did.

  • Here’s what I think about our educational system

    The social space is experiencing such frenetic energy now everyone is gone mad in it: spending, acquiring, competing, calling, surfing, partying, killing … oh shucks, who cares anymore!

    Today, dear reader, let’s get a little serious and talk about something that concerns nearly, if not all, homes in this country: the education of our children. I’m sure you and I agree we do need to talk about it; what we may disagree on is what you and I would have to say about it. The problem is that we have different points of view: I am, for instance, short-sighted, and you are, for a fact, always wrong. There, I’m glad we’ve had that talk.

    Seriously, if there was any justice in this world at all, all our milito-politicians should be swinging on trees by now because many of them did not go through the old school system which emphasised the rigours of sweat, merit and quality. Since many of them are pampered children of the ol’ time milito-political class (as in, their mothers used pampers to collect their poops), they did not get the old school education. This is why they neither know the value of nor necessity for building a strong, virile society. They were born in financially contentious circumstances (their parents embezzled), reared in disorderly comfort (they were hidden abroad), and now they spew jeopardy all over us all (they now misrule us). That’s why I say that if there was any justice in this world, I should be sitting over the national treasury because I went through the old school education (as one of my readers observed), while milito-politicians and their children should be swinging on trees.

    The problem confronting the educational sector in this country, from the primary to the tertiary levels, is precisely that confronting our national life: it is the paradox of More Wealth = Less Gain. Now, that is a mathematical formula you cannot beat. Certainly, there is more wealth in the country now than say the nineteen-seventies, eighties or nineties, even with inflation factored in. I don’t know anything about net or per capita income and all that, but I know that state, national and personal budgets now have potential and promissory capabilities to do a lot more than before if there is political will. So, when people ask me what is wrong with our educational system now, I say there is nothing that fixing the government, teachers, students and society won’t cure. All of them are rolled into three core problem areas: devaluation of merit, the frenetic increase in the amount of social space and the gradual loss of community.

    Pardon me, but I think the moment this country began to go down was when it yielded to the strange argument that merit was not worth a thing. That thinking worked like a wave, beginning slowly but assuredly permeating the national system until it overtook the entire country. Every child now knows that old time cliché: it’s not what you really know that matters; it’s who you know. When I went to school, things were fairly normal. The sun rose in the east and set in the west (not like now when people can command it anyhow) and people had just one head. And when that head sinned, it generally died, or almost did on account of the punishment meted out to it. Now, children of the big and unjust get into scrapes, and their daddies and mummies pull all kinds of plugs to get their heads out of the net – a matter of knowing the right person. Children now know that to razzle-dazzle the family with intelligence in the hearth may not necessarily get them more provisions to take to school, but knowing the most powerful person in the house can help. Throughout the country, teachers, students and policy makers are not chosen on merit. Children know this. They also know that access to very good jobs sort of depends on a lot more than just good degrees.

    For instance, good positions in many firms, banks, T-com industries have often been filled by weak degrees accompanied by svelte figures or sharp tongues; national public life is peopled with last class brains who expectedly bring out last class behaviour, or first class brains who compromise and bring out last class behaviour. They also see their parents staking out government houses to become minister, commissioner or special assistant rather than staying at home to give their children some quality attention, since it is generally agreed that society should only reward crooks. No? Oh dear, I really thought so. Anyway, Nigeria seems to have brought up its children to believe that there is no equitable access to privileges. If the country generates twenty units of electricity for instance, a good chunk should first go to the leaders, and others can share what is left. Some animals are indeed more equal than others. Naturally, it pays children to study less and become leaders than to study more and become nothing, which is the current formula: More Work = Less Pay; take it or leave it. Meekly, most of us take it.

    Nigerians make up for this deficit in other spheres: the social space. There is now so much energy in the national social space, it is astounding. Listen, every event concerning the child is now a social event. A child is leaving nursery school? Cook and invite everybody. A child is leaving primary school? Dress and invite everybody. There is no end to the litany of ‘cook, dress and invites’ that distract the child at different stages of his/her education. This is why children are more taken with dressing than anything else. Worse, nearly every school-going child can be reached on their mobile phones (students and teachers alike take calls in class); and the more expensive, the more they attempt to put the parents in the peerage class. Does it work? Naaaaah! Then, look, nearly every child is more concerned about his/her Facebook status than about his/her average score in class. And this Facebook thing has a way of making king and peasant equal, unlike the old school times when the teacher exerted so much power his boot reverberated throughout the community. I have a sneaky feeling those good old times are yet to come really. Altogether, the social space is experiencing such frenetic energy now everyone is gone mad in it: spending, acquiring, competing, calling, surfing, partying … oh shucks, who cares anymore!

    Oh yes, the community should care, but sadly, it too has lost its wisdom – both teeth and soul. As someone would say, where is the community now anyway? It used to be that the community made sure all children went to school, all teachers did their work and all men and women went to farms. It made sure no one became a thief, murderer or cheat because it hung beads of shame and repentance on such erring necks. And they were usually heavy. Now, the only necks the community wants to hang anything on are the rich and powerful ones; you know, those thick-set necks oozing oils that scream to anyone looking at them from behind: look at me, I am from the government. Those necks now receive chieftaincy beads. The community is tired and does not want much to do with anyone who cannot command wealth anymore.

    That leaves us the government in this sad story of our educational system. Actually, the government carries a good chunk of the problems: bad funding, weak political will and inconsistent actions. Just look at what it is doing with ASUU and ASUP. Governments come and go, but their tactics never seem to change: ignore, ignore, ignore. All told, what is wrong with our educational system can be fixed. However, it requires our collective wills: Government’s Action + Parental Attention + Community Wisdom = Affirmative Education. Lots of maths today, no? Phew!

  • Freedom of information Act and dictatorship of corruption and mediocrity

    Freedom of information Act and dictatorship of corruption and mediocrity

    It gives me great pleasure to at last be able to give this lecture. I say this because, first, I was to have given the lecture last year but could not do so for all sorts of reasons and, second, because this year once again, other pressing engagements and commitments almost made it impossible for me to give the lecture.

    There is another reason why I am very delighted to be giving the lecture and this is simply the fact that the sponsors of the lecture, the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism, is an organisation whose work and vision I both greatly admire and endorse. Journalism, specifically activist journalism, was crucial in the struggle for our country’s freedom from colonial rule, just as we are finding out more and more that in the long and unfolding struggles to consolidate that independence from continued foreign domination and internal misrule, anarchy and suffering for the vast majority of our peoples, that tradition of journalism will prove indispensable. The Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism is a leading, perhaps pioneering organisation for the consummation and perpetuation of this vital tradition of the press at this particular conjunctural moment in our history. May its work live up to the great expectations that its mission bestows on its founding in the years and decades ahead!

    All modern democratic nations and societies need a free press at the centre of which stands the kind of activist, professionally mature investigative journalism that the WSCIJ seeks to nurture and expand in our country. Beyond this, the developing nations of Africa and other parts of the global South have an even much greater need for a free press, for an activist, independent-minded journalism than the affluent liberal democracies of the global North. The theme of my lecture this morning – the Freedom of Information Act of 2011 (FoI) as it confronts the immense challenge of what I call the dictatorship of corruption and mediocrity – is a small part of this larger global issue of the centrality of a free press and an independent-minded activist journalism for all modern democratic societies. But this should not blind us to the immensity of its ramifications for the survival of our country and the future prospects of the majority of our peoples. Since the term “dictatorship of corruption and mediocrity” in the title of my talk goes to the heart of this assertion, let me now dispel any puzzlement concerning the term by directly addressing the range of issues and significations I have in mind in my use of it.

    Before going directly to this theme, a word of clarification is perhaps necessary. As I move into discussion of the theme, I ask you, my audience, to bear in mind that the question that drives all my observations, analyses and projections is this: What need do we have for a Freedom of Information Act when what I am calling the dictatorship of corruption and mediocrity in our country is so open about all the corrupt misdeeds, all the inept illegalities and all the official inanities that attach to “democratic” governance in our country?

    Well, my answer to this question is that we still need that landmark legislation that is known as the Freedom of Information Act that was passed in the year 2011, even if corruption and the mediocrity which it creates on a gargantuan scale in our country are normatively not hidden, not shrouded in secrecy in Nigeria. As a matter of fact, I shall in the course of my lecture be arguing that there is a crisis of under-utilisation of the FoI by our press, by our media houses in spite of the fact that they were at the forefront of the struggle for the passing of the Act. Indeed, my central argument in the lecture will be that though the nature and scale of corruption in Nigeria poses a challenge to the FoI, this is a challenge that is not insurmountable. However, before I come to this argument, it is perhaps helpful to highlight three particular cases that are exemplary in their graphic illustration of the climate of corruption that the FoI must contend with in our country that is almost without comparison with the moral and political climates that the FoI in other countries of the world have to deal with. [Parenthetically, let me note here that the FoI exists in many countries of the world; it has indeed become an almost indispensable part of human and civil rights legislation in many parts of the world]

    The first case concerns perhaps the biggest and most brazen act of state or official corruption ever perpetrated in Nigeria. This sublime brigandage is known as the oil subsidy scam of 2011. It involved vast sums of monies paid out of our national coffers to a cabal of oil marketers that hold the lifeline to the distribution of petroleum products in our country. I am sure that every woman and man in this hall has heard or read of this case before but all the same, a critical look at the details is necessary in the context of this lecture.

    For the avoidance of doubt or confusion, let us remember that in the Nigerian context oil subsidy implies an annual budgetary allocation to defray the costs of refined oil imported into the country to augment the shortfall between what our oil refineries produce and the volume of petroleum products that the nation consumes annually. There is a longstanding controversy concerning the reality and the scale of this subsidy, but in the present context, we need not concern ourselves with that controversy. The important thing to note here is that in the year 2011, and depending on which set of posted and announced figures you use for your computation, what was actually paid out to marketers as oil subsidy was six to nine times bigger than what was budgeted, even though there was no rise at all in the volume of petroleum products sold and consumed in the country. Indeed, for 2011, the posted, budgeted sum was N245 billion for the whole year. But within the first eight months of the year, an alleged sum of N1.3 trillion had been paid out to the marketers. I say “alleged” here because N1.3 trillion was only one of the figures thrown around. On this particular crucial issue, let me quote from the Report of an Ad-Hoc Committee of the House of Representatives on that oil subsidy scam:

    Contrary to the earlier official figure of subsidy payment of N1.3 trillion, the Accountant General of the Federation put forward a figure of N1.6 trillion; the Central Bank N1.7 trillion, while our Committee established subsidy payment of N2.58 trillion as at December 2011, amounting to more than 900% over the appropriated sum of N245 billion.

    Please note that the sum of N2.58 trillion actually paid out was 900% greater than the N245 billion budgeted. Indeed, for the year 2011, the budget approved for the whole country was N4.97 trillion, which means that what was paid out to the cabal of oil marketers was more than half of the national budget itself for that year. And to place this within the framework of some of the convertible currencies of the world, N2.58 trillion is approximately $16 billion US dollars; 12.46 billion Euros; and 10.73 billion British pound sterling, all paid out to marketers most of whom were phantom dealers in petroleum products who supplied nothing.

    One more quotation from that same House of Rep Ad-Hoc Committee Report and we will move on to my second example of what I am calling the dictatorship of corruption and mediocrity. This is the quotation:

    Contrary to statutory requirements and other guidelines under the Petroleum Support Fund (PSF) scheme mandating agencies in the industry to keep reliable information data bases, there seemed to be a deliberate understanding among agencies not to do so. This lack of record keeping contributed in no small measure to the decadence and rot that the Committee found in the administration of the PSF… We found out that the subsidy regime, as operated in the period under review (2009 and 2011), was fraught with endemic corruption and entrenched inefficiency. Much of the amount claimed to have been paid as subsidy was actually not for consumed PMS (i.e. petroleum products). Government officials made nonsense of PSF Guidelines due mainly to sleaze and in some cases, incompetence. [The emphases are mine]

    “Decadence”; “rot”; “entrenched inefficiency”; “incompetence”: these are the Committee’s own terms, not mine. Mine is only to draw conclusions from these terms and from the combined effect of their concatenation in the Report’s searing indictment of the sublime kind of corruption that reigns in our country. This is my conclusion, my extrapolation: Corruption is not only dishonesty, fraud, or sleaze; it is also aided by, and in turn generates mediocrity, rottenness, putrefaction. We shall come back to this issue later in the lecture.

    For now, let us turn our attention to the second of the three exemplary cases that I wish to highlight in these observations and reflections on the challenges that the dictatorship of corruption and mediocrity poses to the FoI Act. This happened in the year 2006 and entailed a very public feud between no less august and authoritative political personages than the President and Vice President of the Republic at the time, Olusegun Obasanjo and Atiku Abubakar. The feuding in essence entailed accusations and counter-accusations by Obasanjo and Atiku of massive looting of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) of hundreds of millions of dollars. It was precipitated when the President sent a report to the National Assembly alleging that Atiku had conspired with some Americans to divert vast sums from the PTDF to the benefit of himself and his foreign co-conspirators. Please note that the word “loot” was in the report that Obasanjo sent to the National Assembly with a demand that impeachment proceedings be launched against the Vice President.

    Of course, as could be expected, Atiku promptly responded to Obasanjo’s charges. But what no one expected, what in fact nearly took everyone’s breath away in Atiku’s response was that he did not deny the charges at all; rather than a denial, he alleged that Obasanjo and some of his cronies and girlfriends had benefitted from the funds he had diverted from the PTDF. And to back up this claim, Atiku made photocopies of the cheques he had written in favour of these cronies and paramours of Obasanjo. He took out full-page advertorial spreads in major newspapers in which documents in support of this extraordinary counter-accusation were published.

    Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, it is tempting to say that this account, this story speaks for itself. But that is not exactly true. To the story itself and for our purposes in this lecture, we must ad that no action based on the FoI could ever have brought out the surfeit of information on the looting, the corruption that Obasanjo and Atiku, together with their supporters, voluntarily revealed about themselves. And let us also note that nothing happened to Obasanjo, Atiku and their cronies, girlfriends and sycophants that benefitted from that vast looting of the funds of the PTDF by way of well deserved punitive action. Ironically, the only person who did go to jail was the American congressman, William J. Jefferson who, at one time, was Atiku’s point man in the United States theatre of operations in financial wheeling and dealing before he and the Vice President quarreled and went their separate ways. But Jefferson served prison time in the United States, not in Nigeria.

    To be continued

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Race on trial in america

    Race on trial in america

    To be a black man is to eat the daily bread of injustice

    To some, the epigram above would seem from a bygone era. After all, the White House is occupied by a Black man twice voted into office. His election surely was no accident. Racial progress has been made on some levels. However, the mean past dies hard because the ills of the future always try to rescue it.

    What we thought was a monumental breakthrough has cheapened into a poor lithograph of what could have been; President Obama’s ascendance has been reduced to an image of an image, a compound mirage. At best, it serves as a weak foretaste of something more substantial to come. At worst and more likely, it herald the advent of a cold, calculating and compromised black leadership class: A leadership that devotes itself more to its own position and maintenance than the welfare of those upon whose backs it climbed to get into the leadership position. We are witnessing the birth of a new Black American leadership – one from the people but not of or for them.

    After President Obama there shall come a long procession of black-skinned Wall Street proxies and hirelings like photogenic, articulate Newark Mayor Cory Booker who is preparing to contest for Governor of the New Jersey in the near term and has trained his farther sights on national office. Unlike the progressive Black politicians of yesterday, this man has been and will be bankrolled by the biggest financial houses and the deepest pockets America has to offer. He will receive this tainted largesse because the policies he advocates are a smooth elixir to the well-heeled but a mean tonic to the poor and broken. Yet, he will tell the people that he is doing all that can be done. Any other alternative would be too radical and unreasonable to consider. It will be a lie but Black people will believe him because he looks like them and because they figure he must be great because he has managed to get big money on his side. In their analysis, they will be partial correct and only in a superficial manner. He looks like them. However, it is not that he is great enough to have convinced Wall Street to be at his side. The truth is that he has been cunning enough to go the side of Wall Street.

    With the future looming as dank as the past, Black people are trapped between the tide and backwash of a national history that refuses them respite. Forget the relatively small corps of entertainment and sports figures who have attained affluence. In the antebellum period, a few blacks were slaveholders, some of them viciously so. They were the nadir of social derangement, the perverse quiddity of a racism that ultimately makes a man make a slave of himself. There are few evils greater than this.

    A subtler yet dangerous evil tracks modern Black America. Four decades of minute accumulation of average Black household wealth has totally dissipated since 2008. The drainage has yet to cease. Black children in parts of the rural South are so ravaged and impoverished that European humanitarian nongovernmental organizations have been plying these straitened communities with the same type of assistance normally reserved for Africa or Haiti.

    Joblessness and underemployment touch close to one in three Black men. More likely a Black man will see the inside of a jail or prison than that of a university classroom, unless he is fortunate enough to be employed to provide janitorial or other menial services to the learned institution. Black America suffers higher rates of almost every disease with its causality primarily linked to a person’s living environment or diet. Violence has become one of the ghettoes leading forms of recreation. Our people kill each other at a higher rate because we place little value on our own lives, as only a degraded people do. The rich and powerful despise the sight of the poor and the wretched, but they rarely hate themselves. It is only the poor and degraded who compound their misery by despising themselves in the same way that others despise them.

    To add injury to prior insult and injury, instances of racial violence and discrimination seem to be waxing.

    A bright light in the Black community has been the Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU’s). These schools have been outlets for higher education for a Black community starved of learning and immersed in the ignorance that accompanies political and economic powerlessness. Without these schools, the malaise in Black education would have flared into utter catastrophe. If these largely government-funded institutions are shuttered, the number of Black youth attaining tertiary education will dwindle significantly.

    As a candidate, then Senator Barack Obama spoke to audiences at HBCUs extolling their work and vital service to a struggling community. He positioned himself as a staunch champion of their cause, promising their endangered status would change under his presidency. For years, there has been a slow erosion of government funding for these institutions. Some smaller, financially weaker schools have already receded into the pages of history. Many others are on the chopping block, and with them the hopes and aspirations of thousand of Black students for higher education and a better life. Given the disheveled condition of the Black community, if there were a time to give the HBCUs a vitamin boost, it is now. Instead, the leeches have been liberally applied and bloodletting has proceeded apace.

    Under President Bush and Republican-controlled state governments, HBCUs had been a favorite target for budget cuts. It was hoped President Obama would change this. He did: he made things worse. A slow draining under the Bush Administration has become a geyser under President Obama. While talking sweetly to HBCU officials in their private meetings, the Obama Administration has presided over HBCU budget cuts and other measures clipping 300 million dollars in funding in the past two years.

    This stands as perhaps the most severe diminution HBCUs have experienced within any comparable timeframe. While trying to maintain their composure because they still believe it is out of school to publicly criticize the first Black President, the leaders of HBCUs privately scream betrayal. Like the community at large, they have found out the good fellow in the White House is a man who is Black but is not really a Black man. Thus, he sides with the Republican conservatives in choking this important asset to the Black community. For conservative racists, this is a symbolic but relatively small victory that will not ingratiate the President to them. For the Black community, it is strangling defeat that will render cinereous the educational aspirations of many Black youths.

    The teenage Trayvon Martin might have been fortunate enough to have been included in that shrinking number of Black male university students. Unfortunately, he was killed by George Zimmerman in February 2012. Charged with second-degree murder, Zimmerman recently stood trial in Florida. Zimmerman pled he shot the lanky teenager in self-defense, allegedly fearing the boy would beat him to death with his bare hands.

    The trial has ended; a jury now deliberates the matter. Zimmerman will likely receive a lesser sentence of manslaughter in the end. In some ways, this might be considered justice. A few decades ago, Zimmerman would not have been tried and, if tried, would have likely have been acquitted. As with most things American, race factors into this case. At first, the police did not arrest or charge Zimmerman with a crime although he had killed an unarmed teenager. They let him go quietly home and would have left him there. Only after the public outcry of the Black community, did the justice system move to provide a semblance of justice by charging the man with a crime. Had a Black man shot an unarmed White teenager in similar circumstances, that man would have instantly been arrested and charged with heinous murder.

    We shall never know all that transpired on that evening sidewalk in Sanford, Florida. Only two people know what occurred. One of them is died and the other has a vested interest in a rendition of events that depict him as the victim. Zimmerman’s version is what the mainstream wants people to believe. In America, an unarmed Black male can be fatally shot yet the common perception is that he was at fault. In killing a Black male, a White shooter is presumed the victim and presumed to have been under threat by reason of decedent’s color.

    What we know about the case is Martin was walking home after going to a local store to purchase snacks. Carrying a bag of candy in one hand and soft drink in the other, he strolled home. An unofficial neighborhood crime watch volunteer, Zimmerman somehow considered Martin suspicious but never could articulate why he assumed the teenager was a threat. Against the instructions of a police department operator with whom he had communicated, the armed Zimmerman left his car to follow Martin on foot.

    A confrontation ensued. When it ended, Martin was on the ground, dead from a fatal gunshot at close quarters. The stocky Zimmerman had a few superficial lacerations on the back of his head and a swollen perhaps broken nose. Zimmerman’s excuse was that he shot Martin because he feared the boy might beat him to death.

    Under the Florida law of self defense, a person does not have to attempt to flee before using lethal force it that person was under a reasonable apprehension of fear of death or grievous bodily harm from an assailant. Thus, Zimmerman claimed he had killed in justifiable self defense.

    The claim is ludicrous in two parts. First, Martin was traipsing homeward with snacks in both hands and talking on the phone to a friend. This hardly fits the aspect of a criminal on the make, let alone someone intent on attacking a burly man like Zimmerman for no reason. Moreover, Zimmerman had pursued Martin. Without Zimmerman stalking the boy, the fatal exchange would have happened. If anything Zimmerman was the aggressor, not Martin. If Zimmerman aggressed then self defense should be unavailing and Zimmerman should face prison.

    Second, Martin had no special martial arts skills that would have turned his hands into lethal weapons. He was a lanky teenager that is all. Rarely do we hear of a teenager bare-handedly beating someone to death because such a thing rarely happens. For Zimmerman to claim he was in fear of his life because he received a few punches from a teenager does not jibe with normal human experience. If Zimmerman’s position becomes the standard, then every schoolyard skirmish is now a life and death situation where a teenager is legally within his write to shoot dead his rival classmate. Of course, this would be tragic and silly. However, it would be the inevitable fallout of a verdict confirming Zimmerman’s theory of defense.

    Additionally, Zimmerman claimed Martin severely bashed his head multiple times against the sidewalk. However, the medical testimony showed the head wounds to be superficial at worst. The wounds were inconsistent with Zimmerman’s testimony of severe bashing. None of the wounds rose to the level where one should fear for his life or be in apprehension of severe injury.

    In a pretrial statement, Zimmerman disclaimed knowledge of Florida’s self-defense law. However, it was uncovered that the man pined to be a police officer to the extent of taking criminal justice courses at a local community college. The course instructor testified self defense was a major component of the course and that Zimmerman was one of his best students. Zimmerman lied when he feigned ignorance of the law, perhaps for good reason: to save his hide. Knowing he had killed the only other witness, Zimmerman could well have fashioned a tale he knew would accord with the provisions of the state’s self defense law.

    There were other lapses in Zimmerman’s account. In pre-trial statements, he said Martin grabbed Zimmerman’s gun. However, there were no fingerprints or DNA attributed to Martin on the weapon. Also it seems unlikely that Martin was straddling Zimmerman and pounding Zimmerman as claimed yet still allowed the man to reach to his waist, extract then gun and then get off a clean, deadly shot at such a close range that the heated muzzle of the fired weapon singed Martin’s clothes. If Martin had established such physical dominance over Zimmerman when matters were at the level of fisticuffs why would Martin suddenly become lax and give Zimmerman wide quarter when the man had a gun in hand?

    The trial will send a powerfully wrong signal should Zimmerman walk free. The trial will become a standard for the crafty and the criminal genius. The plea of self defense will be a strong, available cloak whenever a person is sufficiently cunning to lure their victim to an isolated placed occupied solely by the two of them. Once the victim is done in, the killer may contrive any tale that suits him so long as it fits within the contours of the self-defense law. This controversial law will become a legal invitation for premeditated murder. Be assured, a disproportionately large percentage of Black males will be the victims.

    Fearing possible race riots in some Florida cities once the verdict is reached, local authorities have their police forces on high alert. The more time changes the more it goes backward. In 1980, parts of Miami Florida went aflame as the Black community combusted after several policemen were acquitted in the homicide of a Black motorcyclist. The motorcyclist had led the police on a chase through the city before surrendering. The man died of multiple skull fractures after the apprehending white police officers pummeled him multiple times with nightsticks and flashlights through he offered no resistance.

    2013 is still 1980 in some ways. A racially-charged court case is in hand. Again, the dead Black male appears to have been dealt a punishment much more terrible than anything he might have done. Unlike the fearful local authorities, I doubt the Black community will erupt if Zimmerman is exonerated. The Black community has lost its spirit and drive in many ways. There is little fight left in the community except for its people to fight among themselves.

    In the end, this case is a human and social tragedy. Zimmerman thought the boy suspicious for one reason only. Martin was Black. Thus, Martin died because of his skin color. For many Whites in America, this is enough of a defense to set Zimmerman free, no real questions asked. Thus, they feel Zimmerman is being persecuted. The case serves to remind Blacks that in America, the self proclaimed land of the free and home of the brave, they are not as free as their white counterparts but that they must act braver because the legal system and society deems them culpable even when the wrongdoing is perpetrated against them. The current paucity in Black leadership means injustice will grow. In America, to be Black is still to be blamed.

     

    08060340825 sms only

     

     

     

     

     

  • Stop the mob

    Imagine a 12-year-old boy held by a mob over allegations that he wanted to kidnap a child.

    Much as he tries to deny the accusation, recounting how he found himself begging on the streets, the mob couldn’t be persuaded.

    The moment the woman he claimed was his mother denied him before the fierce mob that seemed set to dish out instant justice to mother and child, the lad had a tyre put on him, sprayed with petrol and was burnt alive.

    The above instance is unfortunately a real situation that played out in Lagos some years ago.  A professional film maker, Abimbola Ogunsanya, who stumbled on the incident managed to record the harrowing  video of Samuel’s lynching which is the basis of a new online campaign tagged “Don’t Walk Away”, launched in Lagos recently.

    Samuel’s story as the campaigners rightly noted is a vivid example of the gross injustice and horrific cruelty of mob killing which is becoming prevalent at the slightest excuse in some parts of the country.

    It is not certain how many innocent persons have been killed in situations similar to Samuel’s case where allegations could not be substantiated.

    The killing of the ‘Aluu 4’ in Rivers State last October is a good instance of why mob justice should be discouraged. From all indications, there was no conclusive evidence that the late students committed any offence to warrant the dastardly way they were killed.

    I found it hard to understand how members of the community watched the whole drama unfold as the students were marched naked through the streets, beaten and eventually burnt alive.

    Considering the high rate of crime in the country, it is understandable why many would not hesitate to support instant justice for especially criminals caught ‘in the act’. When people recall their harrowing experiences with robbers and other criminals, they cannot be easily persuaded to spare anyone caught to be handed over to the police for prosecution.

    Instead of being prosecuted to prevent them from indulging in crimes or serve as a deterrent to others, many criminals have gotten away for various reasons including lack of diligent prosecution by the police. Some simply bribe their way out and it is not unusual to find some criminals back on the streets days after they were arrested in full glare of the public.

    Notwithstanding the situation, I still find it difficult to support mob justice.  There have been cases of miscarriage of justice when the mobs take the law into their hands. There have been false alarms that have led to the killing of innocent persons for offences they did not commit.

    It is hoped that “Don’t Walk Away” campaign will convince Nigerians about the need to shun mob violence or jungle justice and motivate them to intervene to prevent future lynching.

    I wish to lend my voice to the campaign that “mob justice needs to be stopped before it starts”.

    It could be risky though, sometimes, to try to stop the mob but we must try.

    “When the finger is raised, and before the thugs move in and take over, we need to raise a hand and say no to ‘justice’ on the streets. The solution to mob justice starts with all of us.”

    www.dontwalkaway.co.ng is a platform where people can post their views and experiences of mob justice.

    Twitter: @lotufodunrin

  • Re: The second coming of Western Nigeria

    Re: The second coming of Western Nigeria

    Good day, brother Alamu. It has been a long time from sight. Your comfort with the concept of post-colonial Nigeria where Western Region political leaders/ elites can now dig her out of Nigeria’s hellhole through the instrument of electoral revolution is, indeed, a bewildering puzzle. If the official end of external colonialism could not deliver us from internal neo-colonialism, and if successive electoral heists hosted by the fraudulent constitution have not been able to effect needed redemption, why then focus our hopes on electoral revolution when no one is yet offering that platform? Cheers ooO. This, AKINGBA, again.

     

    Am sorry, Snooper to bother you with my reactions to your column. Just can’t help it. Yes, wasn’t it Jakande’s trail-blazing metroline project that was spitefully cancelled by military fiat, just to retard Lagos’ development and, by extension, that of the old west? To hell with federal presence and deluded ‘mainstreamers’ who only care for their pockets! I agree with you that “ a solid holistic vision of regional development” is what we need, which would stand the test of time, like Awo’s legacy. Whatever happened to the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) launched with fanfare sometime ago. Happy Sunday. God be with you.

    Rev. Feyisola Famutimi

     

    The second coming of western region is a master piece. It is highly recommended to our elites especially ministers, economic team members, advisers etc. it is useful primer on the theories of development current practice and approaches. There are many routes to development and the task is for each nation to chart the best fruitful path. This the Nigeria elites had failed to do for so long now. The situation of economic growth without meaningful development and positive impact on citizens is not new. It is the trade mark of classical economics which we have painfully embraced especially since the 1980s. the challenge is for our elites to change our current course of development to a people focused one. Well done.

    Dr John Abhuere Former Director NYSC, CCYD Uromi.

     

    Richywright

    June 30, 2013 at 7:20 am

    Baba Tatalo, i thought u understand Nigeria government more than this article. And as a special person, and as a special columnist in this country, the influence of ownership should not be visible in ur write-up. Bcos, if u are talkin about architect of modernization in the west, governor MIMIKO sud b first or second on list.

     

    Peniela

    June 30, 2013 at 9:01 am

    Waoh, this is a fantastic analysis with accurate and excellent use of word. Excellent display of the mastery of English and political language. I salute the writer. I agree with you. Good roads and flyovers, street beutifications and ‘opon imo’ is useless if it is not building people. Though these are laudable programs, it is only what is built inside people that lasts for many years. The road constructed will soon worn-out; a useless government may take-over and neglect the urban revolution. The major reason why Awo is still celebrated till today is because he invested more resources into building the young people through his revolutionary educational policies and his aggressive ideological indoctrinations. The emerging western leaders should therefore take a clue from their acclaimed mentor and role-model.

     

    Olu Ayekooto

    June 30, 2013 at 9:02 am

    I drove from Molete to Iwo road through Idi Arere and Gate; I did not use the route in over 10 years due to congestion but was so surprised how free the road was. Took us less than 15 minutes to reach Gate from Molete.

    God bless the governor and the people of Oyo State.

     

    Jide

    June 30, 2013 at 10:51 am

    Human development is key to any national development. Our leaders should develope the youth positively so that we can compete with the rest of the world. The educational system is in shambles and as it is leaves Nigeria hopeless for at least the next ten years. What we need are serious and commited leadership. And every other thing will follow naturally. God bless nigeria.

     

    John Yemi

    June 30, 2013 at 11:30 am

    I always says, it is not all the times resident of natural resources that brings economy growth and infrastructural development but the present of capable human resources. Japan is a typical example. Iam not praying for Nigeria to break up but if it happens, South West will be on top in term of economy and infrastructural development at a fast rate. This is because the zone has good thinkers and capable human resources.

     

    Iska Countryman

    June 30, 2013 at 1:07 pm

    Why the national conference option when you can sell this idea of restructuring on the platform of the apc?…or is that also a joke…i mean the apc…?

     

    rich

    June 30, 2013 at 1:21 pm

    the west is cheating the rest of the country bcos of the war with the east. all the major companies in nigeria have their head office in the west. major seaport and airport in the west. we thought that the west and the north were coming to liberate the niger/delter during the war with the east, not knowing that they where coming for the oil. open up the seaport and airport in niger delter and see what the west will become even the north is not happy with the west bcos the west also cheated the north.

     

    Nnana

    June 30, 2013 at 10:19 pm

    But they would never have the courage to open up the ports in the Nigerdelta. PH wharf before the civil war bubbled as Lagos ports. Real International airports in the old southeast remain a mirage. Most Nigerians have to travel through the West. But to what degree has President Jonathan set out to remedy the lost glory of the Nigerdelta and the surrounding areas?

     

    rich

    June 30, 2013 at 11:24 pm

    I have personally written to the president and soon very soon the seaport in calaber,warri and port harcourt will be opened.

     

    kenjo

    June 30, 2013 at 3:54 pm

    If they move capital of Nigeria to Niger Delta the zone will still remain backward bcos of their self center leader who does not care about their future, in what way the west cheated you people of the North/ East? please find something to say

     

    Femi Ajetunmobi USA

    June 30, 2013 at 4:36 pm

    i totally agree with the write up but i must also add that the present developments are on going of the pa awo doctrine. he emphasided the human development (capital). if you can read this, thank your teacher. in another phrase that do not feed me fish but teach me how to fish. this is best investment in any nation or personal lives. we should continue to leave hamoniously (tolerance) with our brothers and sisters from different part of the nation. the present leaders are product of pa awo and many are two dimensional people who have seen how things are been done in other places. as they say in business circle that location!location!! sells. the south west axis is blessed with many infrastructures from colonial eras and independent. the area is self sufficient to be on its own as an entity or nation. it will continue to be driving machine for the nation in terms of developments. people from this neck of the woods do not request services from their leaders but they demand it and most of the times, the best are not good enough. it will countinue to dictate tempo for the rest of the country. currently, opposition to the ruling party helps in creating competitiviness between the two. a market or brand differention to the voters. it is imperative to keep peace and safe guard properties in the area.

     

    Osundina, O

    June 30, 2013 at 5:17 pm

    Thank you my dear Tatalo. You have brilliantly knocked the nail down well without doing any damage to the hammer, the wood and the nail. I was home recently and had reasons to travel to Oyo, Osun, Ekiti and Ogun states. the physical transformation is phenomenal to put it mildly. I commend the governors. What is happening in edo is amazing. Two questions bother me a great deal. What have the previous governments in the southwest done with the resources of the past when they governed? when will human development take its proper place so that REAL DEVELOPMENT. You have raised this point at the end of your analysis but in a quite manner. I hope that the governors of the southwest are hearing this. I commend adams, Isiaka, Rauf, Kayode, ibikunle, babatunde and olusegun for their exemplary dreams. Because man is the only agent of development man must be properly developed. to focus man in the development process is to breed a living development for all ages. and that development must be home grown to endure.

     

    Adrian

    June 30, 2013 at 5:28 pm

    I am glad with what is happening in the SW. It is encouraging and exciting. But try visiting other states especially in the east like Enugu and Anambra before running to comparative conclusions that the west is leaving the rest of Nigeria behind. You may also want to visit Akwa Ibom and Rivers. Otherwise, you may start believing your own side of your analysis.

     

    Obinnna75

    June 30, 2013 at 7:16 pm

    Snooper takes a stand. Hurrah. Now do question Awo’s successor as to the basis of his flirtation with General Buhari.

     

    Mike

    June 30, 2013 at 9:26 pm

    ALL THIS IS ENGLISH

     

    Nna why?

    June 30, 2013 at 11:25 pm

    Where is your logic?

     

    Olorinla

    July 1, 2013 at 8:22 pm

    Snooper, you wittingly left Mimiko out of the showers of encomia. An egg head like you should see not only the political SW, but also the extent of its geography.

     

    Ebelegi Kponam Newton

    July 5, 2013 at 6:03 pm

    Good to read about encouraging stories in the country after all. But typical to academics from this region,Tatalo cannot see, it is happening elsewhere too. In the South South,Cross Rivers set the pace for the country. In Rivers State,human capacity development effort is unequaled anywhere in the country too.The wonder of Akwa Ibom is one of the success stories of this republic. Even in Bayelsa state, there is an impatient awakening under governor Dickson. It is happening elsewhere too in Owerri and Enugu. As the president once put it,there is a quiet competition among these states for development. And don’t Tatalo think the current president deserves even an unusual credit for guarantying the rare electoral and political peace needed in the South West to witness this development? Since 1960, all civilian federal governments have tormented the region. Even under Obasanjo,it was a political pillage. This is important because there could have been enough temptation (even provocations) that could have invited the usual federal tampering in the region.

     

    Adetule

    july 8, 2013 at 4:14 am

    give yoruba people industrial estates across the breth and length of yoruba nation the way chief awolowo established ikeja, ilupeju, apapa, oluyole industrial estates. they are the bedrock of western nigeria industrial evolution and factories, the base of industrial advancement that will ultimately absorb our unemploy youths.

  • Here’s to all fathers

    Many unsuccessful fathers are today ruling the world, and only one deduction can come from that: it’s no wonder the world is in this sorry state

    My salute to all fathers today is a little belated, considering that Fathers’ Day was celebrated the third week of last month, but as I always say, better late than never. Besides, you know the kind of present that I value most? It’s the kind that comes unexpectedly, is late, and is very expensive. Ah! great is the quality of the surprise that one brings. Now, onto our story.

    To many children, fathers are the breadwinners of the family. He just seems to represent that part of the family tree where money seems to spring from. This is why it is difficult for children to believe that money does not grow on trees. It does; it grows on the father’s side of the family tree. Oh, I’ve said that, haven’t I? it is because when children need to buy a loaf of bread, ‘go ask daddy’; when they need to buy school uniforms, ‘go ask daddy’; when the family needs a car, ‘we’ll ask daddy’; when the family needs a jet, who else can we ask? Happily, the story is changing these days. Now, it is possible to ask mummy for money for bread too but we’ll talk about this some other day.

    Fathers also represent safety. Oh, there is no measuring the great amount of comfort a child gets when he/she knows daddy is near, particularly in a thunderstorm, or in the face of external threats, or in the face of internal threats such as mummy. You would not believe just how much children rely on those muscles. A father said he had to take his son to the hospital for one ailment or the other. When the doctors took the son over and started pricking and jabbing him, the son felt very let down that the father did not rescue him from the wicked doctors with those strong muscles of his.

    Sometimes, those muscles are used to instil discipline via the cane, and that is when things take unnatural turns and confusions set in. A father recounted how his child looked at him with horror when he had to apply corporal punishment. He said he might as well have brought out the knife.

    If we were to ask young children what their fathers represent to them, many of them would surprise us. They would talk about the words associated with their fathers, mannerisms they best remember about them, the names they call them, but more importantly, the image they represent in the house. I read in one book that a child said they called their father ‘Moses’ in their house because every morning, he called the family together and gave them the ten commandments for the day. So, when they saw him coming, they would go ‘Here comes Moses with the tablet of stone’, and he would go, ‘If I ever see you playing with my comb again …’ Another child said they called their father ‘General X, Supreme Commander’. He was fond of barking his commands at them: GET OUT OF THAT CHAIR! GET OUT OF MY ROOM! GO AND BUY ME AN ENVELOPE! All too often, the children quaked and shook uncontrollably at the sound of his voice. Another child said their father was God. He was too fond of saying, ‘Listen, I made you and I can unmake you. You came from inside my body and you can pretty well go back in there.’ Such sweet daddies, these, no?

    Truth is, fathers stand for many frightening things to their children, all too often because those fathers inherited the genes of fright from their own fathers who got them from their fathers who got them from their own fathers, ad infinitum. At the sound of a father’s voice, the child goes into throes of terror and the father goes away thinking ‘Yeah, that’s how to stay in control of the ship: tolerate no dissension from the ranks’. Want to know the truth? Most children tend to see their fathers as being capable of eating them up if they do not do as they are told. That voice is just too scaaaaaary!

    I best remember my father for many things: provisions, a bank account that just never seemed to flow too well in my direction, and THE LOOK. My father rarely applied the cane on us children but he generously applied THE LOOK. THE LOOK was the eye of steel which spelt only one thing: disapproval. Most times, that was all it took for us to want to sink beneath ground level and just disappear from the face of the earth. You took what did not belong to you, you got THE LOOK; you said what you were not supposed to say, you got THE LOOK; you did what you were not supposed to do such as failing your exams, you got that soul, spirit and body crushing LOOK that wordlessly said, ‘Consider yourself slapped and maimed for that thoughtless action’. That look, I must confess, has saved me from many a scrape and has kept me well towed and reigned in. True, I have got into other scrapes in spite of it, but who knows, there might have been more without it. Even now that he is dead and gone, THE LOOK lives on in my husband. Viva la LOOK!

    So, where would we be without our big, bad wolves, particularly since they rule the world?! Oh yes, your world, nations and states’ rulers are all fathers, I think. Let’s face it, some among them are not very successful fathers at home, since sometimes, children sort of develop immunity against the voices, muscles and looks, and just go their own merry ways. Sometimes, though, it’s the fathers who fail to apply the voice, muscle and look and choose to go their own merry way, preferring to give their talents to the nation or the world or drink or partying while the mother rules the home. When one woman and her daughter heard that the head of their home had been appointed into a government post, they both laughed. He had no clout to command at home. Many unsuccessful fathers are today ruling the world, and only one deduction can come from that: no wonder the world is in this sorry state.

    There are many homes which have no fathers for one reason or the other: death, divorce or desertion and it is clear in such instances that their places and shoes are empty. This is because nature has designed that they should be there. Where mothers are absent, their places and shoes would also be empty because nature has so designed that they also should be there. Natural creation of complementarities has stipulated roles for each divide. Fathers are the last bastion of discipline: ‘Junior, if you don’t drop that knife, your father will visit you this evening with the belt’ produces instant compliance. In the same way, mothers are the last bastion of love: ‘Junior, try and understand your daddy, he means well; now come and take a slice of bread’.

    No doubt, fathers mean well for us, in spite of their ways. That is the way nature designed them to be: furious, angry, whirlwinds; we would like to take them just as they are if they remember that homes are supposed to be havens not hotspots; wives are to be loved, not flung across the room like balls and children are to be assisted to grow up to be what they want to be, not forced into prepared jackets that fit the father’s ambition. All the world cannot be my red shoes. So, here’s a toast to all fathers: may your days be long, your cups be full, your voices stay strong and your LOOKS remain compelling. VIVA THATA LOOKA!

  • People’s revolution or military coup?

    People’s revolution or military coup?

    Time will tell in Egypt

    As at last Monday when the Egyptian military gave a 48-hour ultimatum to ousted President Mohammed Morsi to end that country’s political crisis or the military would intervene to do just that, it was almost certain that the former president’s days in office were numbered. There were no indications that he could do any magic to end the political crisis within that period because that was a thing he had not been able to do in months past. So, it was mere formality when finally the military abruptly ended Morsi’s presidency on Wednesday, at the expiration of the 48-hour ultimatum.

    Of course to Egyptians, it was both good and bad news, depending on which side of the divide the people are. While the opposition saw the fall of Morsi presidency as good riddance to bad rubbish, his supporters cried foul, insisting that what the military did amounted to a coup, even if disguised as a call to national service that the soldiers said it was. This is to be expected: one man’s food is another man’s poison. So, the debate will be on for some time as to whether the military acted right or it should have allowed the democratic process to run its full course.

    What cannot be denied however is that President Morsi was no longer able to hold the country together. That was not all, he also (as the army chief, Gen Abdul Fattah al-Sisi who announced the sacking of the government noted), had “failed to meet the demands of the Egyptian people”. The good thing though is that the military did not replace Morsi, Egypt’s first freely elected president with one of its own, but rather gave the chief justice of the Supreme Constitutional Court, Adli Mansour, the task of “running the country’s affairs during the transitional period until the election of a new president”. Of course Egypt is now too sophisticated for a soldier to take over in the circumstance. Gen al-Sisi also spoke of a new roadmap for the future; needless to say that the military suspended the constitution even as it pledged new elections following about four days of mass protests called by the Tamarod (Rebel) movement, in response to worsening social and economic conditions.

    For a president that came into power on June 30, 2012, after winning an election considered free and fair, following the 2011 revolution that toppled Hosni Mubarak, it is too early to expect miracles on the economic plain. But Morsi could have done better, at least on the political front. Unfortunately, his tenure was marred by constant political unrest and a further sinking economy. Morsi compounded his woes when last November he issued a controversial constitutional declaration granting him extensive powers. Power, as we all know, corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. This naturally led to a growing discontent which was exacerbated by his moves to entrench Islamic laws and concentrate power in the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood, a thing that irked and eventually alienated liberals and secularists. It would appear that the deposed president forgot that he was Egypt’s president and not president of just one segment of the country.

    Whilst not necessarily romanticising Morsi’s removal by the military, there are immediate lessons for Nigeria and other countries to learn from the development. The most usual lesson is that good governance has no substitute. It was lack of it that led to the unceremonious exit of Hosni Mubarak in 2011. Unfortunately, Morsi who succeeded him did not seem to realise the need to build bridges across the socio-political divides. We are seeing signs of such ethnic jingoism in our politics, with ethnic champions taking over presidential battles as if it was only votes from their ethnic regions that brought the president to office. Morsi who had just about 51 percent of votes cast in the election that brought him to power last year ought to have known that his presidency was not standing on any particularly solid rock and that he needed to extend a hand of fellowship across political and other divides..

    For sure, Nigerian leaders have a lot to learn from the developments in Egypt. This is not necessarily about the military intervention but more about how the deposed president handled the crisis. Reports already say that Mr Morsi might be tried for the violent manner in which he handled the protests, especially in the front of the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters. As a matter of fact, some crimes allegedly committed by the deposed leader are now being raked up, which is not unusual when a man has fallen from grace to grass the way Morsi has. But then, the soldiers and the country’s new leadership have to be careful. As things stand, it is unlikely that Mr Morsi’s supporters will simply fold their arms and allow matters to lie low. Already, there have been violent reactions and these may continue for some time. The implication is that today’s leaders in Egypt too might be tempted to use force to quell the protests and this may open their flanks to accusations of high-handedness that they are accusing Morsi of.

    Although the last may not have been heard about the removal of Morsi, the point is, the military remains a force to reckon with in Egypt’s political calculations. This is evident in the cheap manner in which Mr Morsi was deposed. The soldiers not only gave notice that they would sack the government; they moved at the expiration of that notice and got the government out. Apart from Morsi’s supporters in the Muslim Brotherhood that have been crying foul and alleging that its leaders and supporters were being harassed by the opposition, perhaps in cahoots with the military, other people have been jubilating. So, in the final analysis, what did the extensive powers that Mr Morsi gave himself in November amount to if they could not rescue him when the soldiers finally struck? He was removed like a chicken and left to fight back only on Facebook, where he was asking the same people that he polarised to ignore the soldiers. That must have been a rhetorical statement, given the reactions on the streets of Cairo immediately after his deposition and even from the critical segments of the international community.

    All said, for a country reputed by some historians to have ‘tasted the fruits of civilisation while Europe was still groping in darkness’, there is still need for more political consciousness in Egypt that will deepen democracy by allowing the institutions to work and make it possible for incompetent leaders to be removed through the democratic process. How sweet would it have been if Morsi had been removed through the democratic process? Now, it is the word of the Egyptian military versus that of the Muslim Brotherhood and others who might be sympathisers of the Morsi administration. While the latter claim that what happened was a coup, the former (military) saw their action as a patriotic duty to Fatherland to prevent the country from slipping into an avoidable civil war. Yet, both may be right. For, as far as the Muslim Brotherhood is concerned, democracy is good for everyone else but them. Yet, if the crisis in the country degenerates into a civil war, it is like when heaven falls; it won’t discriminate. The soldiers have promised that the matter won’t get out of hands. How they handle the situation in the coming weeks, perhaps months, will go a long way to determine whether the country will ever be itself again.

  • Wimbledon 2013: reflections on an ‘open era’ that is only conditionally ‘open’

    Wimbledon 2013: reflections on an ‘open era’ that is only conditionally ‘open’

    [For Yusuf Oyeniran, in remembrance of things past; and for Lawrence Awopegba]

    Thursday, July 4, 2013. It is only three days now to Sunday, July 7, the day on which the men’s finals will be played to mark the completion of Wimbledon 2013. That day also happens to be the day on which this article will appear in print.

    I confess it: my passion for watching tennis on television, especially the so-called “grand slams” (Wimbledon; the French Open; the US Open; and the Australian Open) is nearly all-consuming, so much so that my friend, Femi Osofisan, teases me all the time about it. A few years ago, a younger colleague, Professor Wumi Raji of the University of Benin, called me by phone while I was watching one of these “grand slams” and upon my telling him that we had to conclude our conversation quickly as I was watching a tennis “grand slam” on TV, he immediately sent me an email message after he hung up on the phone to tell me how greatly “relieved” he was to discover that I actually had something to do for relaxation other than reading and writing all the time! The next time that I spoke with him by phone I told him that apparently, there is a lot about me of which he knows little or nothing, the passion for watching tennis ‘slams” being only one of them.

    With regard to watching tennis, there are only three other things that I watch with equal interest or attention on TV: world news; football; and independent, experimental films from around the world. Since watching world news is fairly routine and is more or less an everyday affair of no more than two hours on any given day, it stands apart from the others on its own. Watching football needs little explanation, for where and who is the Nigerian, the African, the denizen of planet earth who is not hooked by this game that is, by a long shot, the preferred viewership sport for most of the nations and peoples of the world? Apart from this, a talent for soccer runs in my family and three of my siblings actually went on to become professional football players after the years of boyhood and teenage when talent either fades away or blossoms into a professional occupation. I did play football beyond my teens, but my interest in it as a potential occupational candidate for what I would do with my life ended with my membership of the winning soccer team of Kuti Hall, U.I. of 1968. As for watching independent, experimental films from around the world, I picked up the habit when, as a first-year doctoral candidate at New York University, I took courses in Cinema Studies and discovered that commercial Hollywood and Bollywood, “Indian” films did not have the last word in filmmaking. This account leaves the passion for watching tennis that is the subject of this piece as the one interest, the one consuming viewership-recreational habit of mine whose comprehension is anything but simple and uncomplicated. Let me explain.

    The life experience that serves as the origin of this passion is nothing if not filled with enigma. It can be stated succinctly before going into an attempt at interpreting what it means, what it portends. For in all my life so far, I played tennis actively for only three years, 1962, 1963 and 1964; that is all. I neither played it before those particular years nor I have I played it since then. But in those three years, I gloried endlessly in playing it. To be precise, 1963 and 1964 were the true vintage years, for it was only in those years when I moved from what was called a “day student” to a “boarder” that I found the time, the opportunity to play tennis to my heart’s content. And I became very good at it. Now, two things stand out in this experience that, to this day, still astonishes me. First, I was completely self-taught: from the moment when, at my school, Ibadan Boys High School, I watched senior boys playing the sport, I was hooked and it was only a matter of time before I picked up a tennis racket and more or less taught myself not only how to play the game but how to play it gracefully and masterfully. Secondly, there were no regular “lawn tennis” competitions in our secondary schools in Ibadan at the time. Athletics, yes; football, yes; hockey, yes; even cricket, yes, but only exclusively among the elite schools. But tennis, no; a big no.

    I have not made any systematic research into the matter and so I do admit that there might have been competitions in the sport in the schools in the past. But in my time in secondary school in the early 1960s, there certainly were no competitions in the schools of the Western Region in “lawn tennis”. And this lent an “anonymity”, a selectivity to those of us among the student population who played the game. Since there were no intra-school and inter-school competitions, we could never achieve fame playing the game and for that reason, not too many pupils gravitated to the sport. I apparently did not know it at the time, but I must have liked this “anonymity”, this self-selectivity about tennis as I knew it, played it and grew passionate about it then. One of the two men to whom this piece is dedicated, Yusuf Oyeniran, was among this select company of students at my school who, above all others, stands out in my memory as the person with whom I played some of my toughest and most exhilarating matches. [Yusuf Oyeniran, you and I live in this same Ibadan, but how strange that we have not set eyes on each other since 1964, how strange!]

    The thing that intrigues me the most is the fact that as I much as I loved the sport and was very good at it, I never played it again after 1964, my last year in secondary school. This is all the more intriguing since in all the universities in which I have taught over the decades – Ibadan, Ife, Cornell, Harvard – there were excellent courts and facilities for indulging myself to my heart’s desire if I wanted to play tennis. Sometimes I wonder if the circumstance of being expelled from school in my very last term just before I took my West African School Certificate Examination (WASCE) had something to do with this enigma. This expulsion occurred because, allegedly, I led a revolt of the students against the school authorities, a revolt that was unprecedented in the school’s history up to that time. One consequence of this expulsion was that I “grew up” rather precipitously and left all “childish” things behind, tennis being in my mind at the time one of these things.

    I confess that, ultimately, I do not know. All I know is that although I left tennis more or less for good in 1964, tennis never left me. And this is where my reflections in this piece connects that enigmatic past with what I have been thinking this week as I have been deeply absorbed by watching Wimbledon 2013. Perhaps it was the relatively early dispatch of Serena Williams from the competition, for this year in watching Wimbledon I have been forcefully struck by the fact that tennis is the only world sport that I like in which, with the exception of Africans of the Diaspora, Africans from the continent itself are inversely notable only by their total absence. Kevin Anderson and a few other white male and female players are there but that’s about it. The matter would have been of little or no consequence to me if, like Rugby, the sport is hardly played in the cities and towns of African countries. But tennis is played in Africa. It is played in universities and polytechnics. It is played by “officers and gentlemen” of the armed services in some barracks. There are even Tennis Clubs in major cities of the continent, even if we must admit that most, if not all the players are amateurs, not professionals. And let us not forget that this country has produced a Lawrence Awopegba, the other man to whom this piece is dedicated, who shone brightly at regional and international competitions, as did others like David Imonite, Nduka Odizor and Sadiq Abdulahi. But tennis in our country and our continent has never found an institutional home in which competitive professionalism could grow. And this is where the question of the so-called ‘open era’ of world tennis comes into these reflections.

    According to the historians of world tennis, the ‘open era’ that began in 1968 sets off the present decisively from the past, pre-open era when amateur players were the only ones allowed to participate in competitive tennis, the “grand slams” included. In other words, prior to 1968 when the ‘open era’ began, money was not a big factor in world tennis as only amateurs competed in the “slams”. With the coming of the ‘open era’ the organization of the sport entered into an entirely new epoch, though this happened not all at once but gradually. Many things stand out and cry for attention in this historic transformation from one era to another: a phenomenal increase in prize money; the industry responsible for manufacturing equipment and gear for the sport became more and more monopolistic, casting a long shadow over virtually every aspect of the sport; rights to radio and television broadcasts became more and more lucrative; advertizing brands penetrated the on-court and off-court identities of the most gifted players; the players themselves self-organized into rich and powerful associations. Roger Federer or Maria Sharapova are not simply Roger Federer and Maria Sharapova; they are franchises, brands whose off-court marketability are as important as the dazzling and powerful talent that these iconic players display on the courts.

    I hope that it would not have escaped the notice of the reader that 1964, the last year in which I actively and passionately played tennis, is not far from 1968, the year in which the ‘open era’ in world tennis began. I look around me in Nigeria and I find that the organization of tennis as a competitive sport has hardly changed from 1964. For the most part, there are still hardly any truly professional tennis players of note in our continent, always excepting the special case of South Africa. More pertinently, the organization of the sport in our continent has not yet acceded to the level of a cottage industry, let alone talk of a small or medium scale enterprise. The ‘open era’ does not mean that amateurs are excluded from world tennis, but they don’t stand even the ghost of a chance in the prevailing context of the dominance of combined finance, industrial and service capital in the organization of the sport, especially in the “grand slams”. Increasingly, East European and Asian professional players are holding their own against the previously dominant players of Western Europe and the United States. Of all the regions of the world, our continent is the only one that is yet to record a noticeable presence in world tennis. The fact that diasporic Africans like the Williams sisters, Jo-Wilfred Tsonga, Giles Monfils, James Blake, Sloane Stephens and so many others are there with the very best players means that there is nothing “racial” about our non-presence in world tennis.

    For me, this is one of the most compelling proofs that Nigeria is not yet a middle-income economy, for only in the true middle-income economies of the world do professional tennis players have all the material and organisational support systems they need to thrive. But let us keep hope alive. As the ubiquitous, streetwise saying puts it, no condition is permanent, compatriot.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu