Category: Sunday

  • Is it the season of the mad hatter now?

    It’s Alice truly in Wonderland all over again, and the mad hatter is as usual scampering all over the place

    Now, I assure you this title has no bearing on the fact that our president, Dr. G. E. Jonathan, who I’m sure is a good man in himself, wears a hat. Indeed, it is a coincidence. If my memory is correct, I think Alice in Wonderland was written long before he was born. I would guess several decades in fact. Indeed, the president’s hat (we really must talk about it someday) has become such a status symbol now that it is sold nearly everywhere one turns. When I asked a buyer once why he was buying it, he said he was hoping it would put him on top of the world and remove the world from on top of him. When I asked the seller whether it really did bring luck, he said it had brought him plenty of luck; he had sold hundreds of it. But you know, I’m not sure he was not confusing his luck with the one our president said he had brought to the nation.

    Sometime in the week though, dear reader, I had a good laugh when I read about the president’s call to the nation. On yeah, he still had his hat on, joking or not. He asked us as a people to get over our egoistic tendencies, for goodness’ sakes, and put an end to ‘electoral impunity’! As they say in the movies, I did a double take: What the…! I mean here we have been all this while groaning in pain over the intractable crisis shaking the governors’ forum because of their excellences’ inability to decide which figure is higher than the other, 19 or 16. All we needed was a word from the presidency but none came. Perhaps, we should get a consultant to help us on the matter: we can get the services of a primary school pupil to help us to count pieces of stone on the ambient football pitches of his/her primary school.

    Actually, there are three things here. The first is the fact that this country believes it is running a democracy. You believe it, I believe it but our representatives do not believe it. Just witness how a good number of them got into the assemblies and state houses and even into high positions within those assemblies and state houses. Just witness the fact that it is on record that that good number neither took part in nor won any election to start with. These are the people we ‘elected’ to forge out our peace, development, and future hope. Since they have no democratic foundations, how then do we, simpletons that we are, expect them to understand or even respect our democratic yearnings?

    Following from that is the second issue. Based on the democratic foundations that this present republic is built on, a mini election was conducted and the entire process publicised, as all elections should be. The results were also quickly known, as they should be, like all transparent elections. Now what do we have? The loser is the winner and the winner is the loser. It’s Alice truly in Wonderland all over again, and the mad hatter is as usual scampering all over the place confusing everything; worse, he’s still mad.

    The third issue is even more fundamental, and it troubles me no end. Why on earth would any sane Nigerian insist on romancing and caressing a spectre that we are trying with all our might to kill, burn and bury? Here we are, not knowing what to do with the June 12 ‘mistake’ made by one individual on the behalf of us other stupid millions of Nigerians who really don’t count, and here are others, benefactors of that very ‘mistake’, doing their utmost to repeat the errors of their ancestors. Now, what do we call that?

    Seriously, I asked before and up till now, no one has given me a satisfactory answer: what is the official role of the governors’ forum either in the nation’s affairs or even in the constitution? Why have they so suddenly taken centre stage that no day passes now without one piece of news or the other on the antics of this forum being paraded before my beautiful eyes? Truth is, at this point, I don’t care; I care more that this situation is a metaphor for lessons that have gone unlearnt by us or that we are all appearing not to notice. It is a metaphor for the ‘electoral impunity’ that is so Nigerian because the government appears to have its hand deep in it!

    We are not noticing that elections are no materials to joke around with, even though we seem to be developing the habit of thinking that it is ‘just politics’. We do not seem to have sufficiently grasped the locus of right thinking: that the will of ‘the people’ translates into votes, whether the people be ten, twenty, thirty-five, ten million, or one hundred and twenty million. A vote is a vote, and it is sacred. Indeed, a vote is so sacred that it carries a spiritual essence that is supposed to translate into hope for a better, brighter future. When that essence is tampered with, it becomes a bone that sticks in the throat because the ghosts of skeletons past, present and future continue to haunt the annuller. The June 12 bone is still in Babangida’s throat, Abacha’s throat (well, he managed to dislodge his by dying), our national throat, etc. Since we cannot all take Abacha’s panacea, we just have to keep coughing and hope the sticky bone will one day come dislodged.

    As I was saying, this government appears to be tacitly, and I must say silently too, repeating the political errors of 1993, showing that we have learnt nothing, and we have forgotten nothing. I honestly do not understand how it can pay tribute to the heroes of 1993 and at the other corner of its mouth intone, ‘cancel the newest election’. I can imagine Chief M. K. O. Abiola rising up from the grave, looking gravely at this government and making only one sound: ‘Ah, Ah!’ before lying down again to continue his rest. Now, that would speak volumes – the sound that is, not the rest. The problem is that the government will not be able to hear it, only the people will.

    All this I think stems from one simple problem: the government is still working with the pre-colonial statistics. You know the problem with statistics? They lie, because anyone can manipulate them for any end. The old statistics say that Nigerians are gullible because less than fifty per cent of them are educated or literate enough to understand simple mathematics and interpret simple figures. The horrifying truth dawned on us however when the video of that little NGF election was shown on the internet and everyone began to make comments: Nigerians now know better and can understand mathematics and interpret figures.

    Thus, dear government, it has become very public knowledge indeed that the person who had the nineteen votes (Amaechi) is expected, by mathematical law, to have won the election while the person who had the sixteen votes (Jang) is expected to have conceded victory like an old gentleman. So, by the new statistics, the person with the less number of votes cannot declare himself winner; to do so is to be as confused. But then, he could just sort of be fooling around, like the hatter.

    Obviously, putting a stop to electoral impunity must first stop with the government, then with the politicians. I just wish though that our leaders would see past their long hats and actually do something about reducing the price of my favourite foodstuff in the market. Oh, wouldn’t you just like to know what that is!

  • Third-hand smoke causes significant damage to DNA – Research

    New research has claimed for the first time ever that third-hand smoke from cigarettes causes significant genetic damage to human cells.

    Third-hand smoke is ‘noxious residue’ produced by cigarette smoke that clings to virtually all surfaces after second-hand smoke has disappeared.

    The study from the Laurence Berkeley National Laboratory at the University of California also found that this toxic residue becomes more harmful over time.

    Even after you’ve finished smoking toxic residue is left behind on surfaces, furniture and fabrics – and can cling to them even after washing.

    Co-author Lara Gundel said: ‘This is the very first study to find that third-hand smoke is mutagenic.

    ‘Some of the chemical compounds in third-hand smoke are among the most potent carcinogens there are.

    ‘They stay on surfaces and when those surfaces are clothing or carpets, the danger to children is especially serious.’

    The researchers used a variety of tests to establish if third-hand smoke breaks down DNA strands and leads to long-lasting DNA damage and gene mutation.

    ‘Until this study, the toxicity of third-hand smoke has not been well understood,’ continued Gundel.

    ‘Third-hand smoke has a smaller quantity of chemicals than second-hand smoke, so it’s good to have experimental evidence to confirm its genotoxicity.’

    People can be exposed to third-hand smoke through inhalation, ingestion or skin contact.

    Researchers said third-hand smoke is particularly insidious because it is extremely difficult to get rid of. Previous studies have found that it can still be detected in dust and surfaces of homes more than two months after smokers moved out.

    To generate the samples researchers at the Berkeley Lab put paper strips in smoking chambers.

    Common cleaning methods such as vacuuming, wiping and ventilation have not proven to be effective in lowering the presence of these particles.

    The report added: ‘You can do some things to reduce the odours, but it’s very difficult to really clean it completely. ‘The best solution is to substitute materials, such as change the carpet and repaint.’

    To generate the samples, the researchers put paper strips in smoking chambers. The acute samples were exposed to five cigarettes smoked in about 20 minutes. The chronic samples were exposed to cigarette smoke for 258 hours over 196 days.

    During that time, the chamber was also ventilated for about 35 hours. The researchers found that the concentrations of more than half of the compounds studied were higher in the chronic samples than in the acute.

    Courtesy: Daily Mail

     

     

  • The failure of luck

    Saddled and burdened by an electoral consequence of a fatal collective blunder, the political space grizzles the inaction of a motley collection of duffers in the vineyard of a supposed meister. In activating our civic devoirs and democratic covenant, we created a plethora of value deficits in our electoral judgments that led us to this stalemate and suspended-animation. The complex signals of confusion to the voters, some days before the polls, coming from revered political hierarchy, compelling massive support for this man of luck, made victory attainable for impostors in power and slow-witted personages.

    It was a political error by the command masters who misread the nuance of the fortunate chap by falling for his theatrics and melodramatics. A man that was unsure of even a razor-thin victory ended up being congratulated for his massive ‘good luck’ at the polls. In a rare show of incongruous jubilation, two parties of incompatible identities, roared into ecstasy of perfidy, celebrating the fall of a serial contender of the khaki memory and a noisy cleric of latter fame that was his deputy. And paradoxically, the party that issued the proclamation on vote-transfer engaged in this kerfuffle without even obliging its own representative, that was the collateral damage of this strange overnight cooperation, a deserving sentiment. Not too long, the web of fraternity between the incompatibles became tangled with cracks when sharing the spoils of their pyrrhic victory. Withdrawal. Lamentations. Disappointments. And then, a requiem.

    Divorced, the beautiful bride during the election, the one that added value to the one that lacked value, went back to the “khaki groom”, a member of the septuagenarian club, to consummate a new romance to dislodge the lucky dude from his rock of refuge. Politics, like computer, can also reboot. The masters of the game, who made the initial blunder, are restarting again hoping that this time around, the citizens can have ‘a piece’ of the action from these collapsed conglomerates and experimental amalgam. This is another narrative for a prophetic morrow.

    Settled within his rock of luck with the patience of his choice, the lucky man is unruffled about the breach of covenant. He is unrepentant in his default in the creation of dividends both in kind and in cash for the people that entrusted their collective destinies into his hands. He has breached covenant. He has breached trust. And latching on the citizens’ generous spirit of forgiveness, he is reclining in the indulgence of a return, dismissing the immorality of the content of his intention with putative immortality.

    Four years in the saddle, the two years inherited from a deceased master and two years of electoral charity, the citizens are inured to the spectacle of power intrigues and power base consolidation. The people with the power of vote have been subdued by the same men they invested into power with their votes. Projections and calculations of 2015 are unsettling the polity with cacophonous distractions. They have not finished the one they are eating they are contemplating how to eat the one they are projecting. Excluded from the equation of recompense, and piqued by their abandonment by this assembly of middling leaders, the people are concluding that their misfortune was caused by the suspect appropriation of their collective fortunes by the same man parading his medal of luck in every balcony of might. Shocked and stunned that this government is a milchcow for parasitic midges sucking the content of the national vault, the citizens, joined by international sympathisers, are worried by the scope and scale of corruption in government. Elaborate and systematic larceny is becoming a metastasis and we-the people-are agitating for a chemotherapeutic surgery to halt this dangerous slide of emptying the nation’s fiscal larder.

    We have a government that we are not feeling. There is a government but there is no governance. There are no dividends but there are divisions. Our government is too distant from us. There is a disconnect. No blood is flowing between the people and their government. The only blood that is flowing is the blood of innocent citizens that are victims of the monstrous creations of the state: Boko Haram, ritualists, kidnappers, armed robbers, hired killers and other collective machinery of terminations.

    Tortured by the guilt of reneging on its promise of providing plentitude for the people, this mingy government, notorious for its putz around mentality, punctuated its inaction, in a fright of rage during the fuel price increase, with a puzzled contemplation of what it called palliatives as if the citizens are not worthy of permanent healing or a prophylactic attention by the government.

    The popular refrain, chorused by all invading military ragamuffins when substituting one for another during the inglorious years of military charade, was that our hospitals had become mere consulting clinics. Though when departing into eternal confinement, the military never upgraded the “consulting clinics”, it is tragic that even now, 14 years into democracy, our hospitals are still glorified clinics and government health policies and reforms are revolting and risible. They are patronising of the citizens but fall short of addressing their health challenges comprehensively. Assuaging the plight of the citizens in the area of transportation during the roll-out of the “palliative regime” under SURE-P, the government gave out new buses but it never addressed the condition of the roads the buses would ply. Most of the federal highways are in terrible condition. The craters, gullies, pot-holes and canals that dot our highways are a reflection of the insensitivity of the government to the hardship the people go through. To now imagine that citizens will have to travel six to ten hours on these roads of ‘yahooze’ shape shows how much indeed the government loves its citizens!

    The many surgeries done to the power sector that had consumed trillions of naira still leave the nation in the dark and to the generosity of the moon. The fluctuating megawatts have become a bottomless pit to the nation’s treasury with heaps of naira filling this pit of eternal darkness with no trace of light at the bottom of the pit. Every prognosis of improvement and every prophesy about increase in megawatts has somersaulted like a marble on the precipice. What can a nation do without power? And lack of it is responsible for a new phenomenon called GEJ paralysis-a situation of national lull caused by government’s inaction over its energy-related problems, where citizens’ activities are diminished, or more poignantly, demobilised by a dysfunctional hydroelectric technology.

    A greater puzzlement of our national catastrophe is the castration of its future; a condition that leaves a substantial percentage of its youths roaming the streets without any prospect of being compensated for their acquired skills, expertise, education, artistry and talents. Disturbed by this legacy of moping morass exhibited by the present crop of leadership, my fear is that national leadership is on a steady decline if the witnesses of today’s leaders are the natural successors of the present non-performers.

    Obasanjo’s statement in Jigawa that “you can help somebody to get a job, but you cannot help him to do the job” had a tinge of sarcasm and ego-triping. But a deeper reading locates the statement in a philosophical context more serious than Obasanjo’s egoism. When providence places you in a position you never expect to find yourself because of some obvious limitations, or in a position higher than your mental resource, it is you, not providence, that will have to show that you deserve the benevolence of providence by doing the work you got through “good luck”. Constructed on electoral happenstance, and not on any past historic exploits, need we ask again the reason(s) for the failure of luck.

     

  • Curbing drug abuse and trafficking

    June 26 is the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. Established by the United Nations General Assembly in 1987, this day serves as a reminder of the goals agreed to by Member States of creating an international society free of drug abuse. It aims to raise awareness of the major problems that illicit drugs present to society and at the same time, remind youths and adults not to make the mistake of experimenting with drugs.

    World Health Organization defined substance abuse as “the harmful or hazardous use of psychoactive substances, including alcohol and illicit drugs”. It is estimated that about 76.3 million people struggle with alcohol use disorders contributing to 1.8 million deaths per year. The United Nations reported that around 185 million people globally over the age of 15 were consuming drugs by the end of the 20th century.

    Drug abuse (addiction) involves compulsively seeking to use a substance, regardless of the potentially negative social, psychological and physical consequences. Certain drugs, such as narcotics and cocaine, are more physically addicting than some other drugs.

    One has control over the choice to start using drugs, but once addicted, the pleasurable effect of drugs makes one want to keep using them. There are lots of reasons why people take illegal drugs. Some use drugs to escape their problems while others are bored, curious or just want to feel good. People may be pressured into taking drugs to “fit in” with a particular crowd or they may take drugs to rebel or get attention.

    An addiction is not just measured by how many times a person use a drug. Some drugs are so addictive that they may only be used once or twice before the user loses control. A person crosses the line between abuse and addiction when he is no longer trying the drug to have fun but because he has come to depend on it.

    People can become addicted to illegal drugs as well as drugs prescribed by doctors. When prescription drugs are taken the right way, they are safe and there is usually little chance of addiction. However, prescription drugs can be dangerous if they are abused (for example, taking too much or taking them when they are not needed). Mothers and guardians most often administer drugs on their children without going to health providers. This is also drug abuse. Some of the most commonly abused prescription drugs are painkillers and anti-anxiety drugs.

    The more worrisome drugs being abused in our environment is marijuana, cocaine and alcohol. The drug abusers are mostly youth. This should be a source of concern to every one of us. While casual use of marijuana exists among the affluence, it is more common among school drop-outs, homeless and unemployed and unemployable that is acutely sensitive to all sort of criminal behaviours.

    The criminal activities of the drug users at their hide-outs (which are not hidden anyway) are now becoming too frequent for comfort. There are those who operate like cults, carving out their territories of influence where they intimidate, rape and rob innocent residents at will. Residents of areas such as Abisogun Leigh Street in Ogba, Queens drive (formerly Oyinkan Abayomi), Victoria Island, Adura field in Alagbado and ‘Kuwait’ located inside Gowon Estate in Egbeda know better of their harrowing experience from this group. There was a particular incidence I witnessed earlier this year when a whole street had to close its entrance doors when there was a fight by the omo amugbos where guns were used around 8:00 am in the morning. Some, including children fell into gutters while scrambling for safety.

    Next, are forceful beggars who illegally obtain toll from motorists at alternate roads when there is traffic on the highways. There are also those who operate on the streets that one must obtain ‘clearance’ from when one buys a new car. If much was not achieved from ‘street begging’, some do enter into mosques and churches to go and beg for money. Their tales usually range from having their wives critically ill at the hospitals, challenge to offset house rent or in need of money to eat.

    It is important to illustrate what drugs such as marijuana do to the body and minds of the users. The smoke of marijuana is toxic. It can lead to serious disorders, including cancer. The negative effects also include confusion, acute panic reactions, anxiety attacks, fear and loss of self-control. Chronic marijuana users may develop a motivational syndrome characterized by passivity, decreased motivation, and preoccupation with taking drugs. Like alcoholic intoxication, marijuana intoxication impairs judgment, comprehension, memory, speech, problem-solving abilities. Of particular worry is the permanence of its ill-effect among people who began smoking in adolescence. Aside the smokers, every one of us, as passive smoker is a potential victim of some of the ill-effects. Yet, there is hardly any area in Nigeria free of this drug problem and the subsequent criminal behaviour of its users.

    No doubt, when you give people foothold, they take a strong hold. As such the gory tale of open use of marijuana is an indictment on the part of our security operatives especially the anti-narcotic agency. The federal controlled security agency legalized this illegal drug through their own illegal act of extorting money from traders. Some of them are also criminals in uniform who smoke at same spots where criminal activities are planned and executed by hoodlums. The traditional standards and values that place additional responsibility on holder of public offices in sane society are almost nil here in Nigeria.

    The police, in particular, will in the years to come have much more to do if the trend of crime and behaviour that aids drug is not given attention it deserves now. Plainly put, our anti-drug war is still cosmetic in approach. We will be fooling ourselves if we believe we are tackling the situation by merely sensitizing motor-parks and running jingles in the media without effectively starting the war from the production and distribution outlets. Treatment of cause should be more important than its symptoms.

    In sum, anti-narcotic agency must step up the clampdown on the production, control of the sale, distribution and use of illicit drugs. Agencies of government saddled with national orientation and those with responsibility of curbing crimes must be up and doing. In this regard, Lagos State Government establishment of Drug-Free Club and plan to include drug abuse in its school curriculum is seen as right on-spot.

    As we celebrate this year’s International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking globally, the lesson for us all to learn is that breaking addiction to drug is the only way to get off the hook. It may not be easy to quit. But the efforts will be rewarded by better health, better relationships with the people in one’s life and a sense of accomplishment that only living drug-free can give. Make health your “new high” not drugs.

     

    •Musbau is of the Features Unit of Lagos State Ministry of Information and Strategy.

     

  • Humour out of uniform

    Oh boy. Oh boy, while we are still talking about militarised politics and a politicised military, has anybody stumbled on snippets from the forthcoming memoirs of retired Brigadier-General Godwin Alabi-Isama? If his current interview and snippets collected by snooper from the underground press are anything to go by, the book promises to be as explosive as it is riveting. It is rollicking humour out of uniform. Aficionados of wit and verbal polish must recall the ancient column from good old Readers’ Digest.

    Walahi, these old military chaps are a cheeky and daredevil lot. Alabi-Isama does not take hostages, and neither is he interested in the Geneva Convention for literary warfare and all that effete rubbish, He shoots straight and then calmly tallies the casualties of his verbal howitzers, This is the devil of Agbanikaka himself. Like the master marksman that he is, Alabi-Isama deflates inflated reputation with the pin of a grenade before tossing the explosive at the mortally wounded human pile. It is not a pretty sight at all

    Perhaps the most riveting and hilarious was the revelation that one of Nigeria’s most decorated war heroes actually took a bullet in the buttocks while fleeing from Biafran insurgents. An internet sadist has added the savage addendum that the bullet journeyed through the spine and finally lodged itself in the brains, thus explaining the penchant for irrational and wild outbursts. A pellet in the pia mater is not a funny thing. Come on, Godwin, be nice, please be nice now.

    No one could have suspected that the urbane and ever polite retired Brigadier carried such explosives in his head. The man they call chairman is often the soul and life wire of a social gathering, bubbling with boyish enthusiasm and good-natured bonhomie. As a reserve general in the intellectual militia and the army of Nigerians as opposed to the Nigerian Army, Snooper often attends some of these parties incognito, dressed like a plumber.

    The controversy between Alabi-Isama and his former commander over proper war credits is bound to echo the classic military duel between Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg and General Erich Ludendorff, the two best known German warlords of the pre-Hitler era. When his former boss persisted in claiming credits for certain German victories, Ludendorff, a no-nonsense Aryan fanatic, famously issued a writ for retraction. His boss quietly complied.

    Years later when Adolf Hitler as Chancellor of the German Republic visited the implacable Ludendorff at home and offered to make him Field Marshal, the gruff and implacable soldier growled: “ Field Marshals are born not made!” With those famous words, the great soldier ordered the former Austrian corporal out of his presence.

    It will be recalled that Ludendorff had earlier collaborated with Adolf Hitler in the infamous Beer Hall Putsch. When the whole thing ended in a nasty fiasco, it was said that Ludendorff calmly walked through the hail of bullets as if he was taking an early morning stroll. Great soldiers are born indeed. Over to you, General Alabi-Isama.

  • Endgame 2015: they are frenemies alright, but are they benign and/or deadly?

    Endgame 2015: they are frenemies alright, but are they benign and/or deadly?

    Frenemy: Alternatively spelled “frienemy”, the term is a portmanteau of “friend” and “enemy” that can refer to either an enemy pretending to be your friend or someone who is your friend but is also a rival.
    Oxford English Dictionary (online)

    Share de gari/Share de gari/Share de gari
    Share gari/Share gari/Share gari
    Share am/Share am/Share am!
    Wole Soyinka, “Etiko Revo Wetin?”

    It is well, compatriots. Stay blessed, countrymen and women. The shortest book in the Bible, the holy book of Christians, is the Book of Nahum. It is also the one and only book in the Bible that, from the beginning to the end, is filled with curses, imprecations and maledictions, some of them so bitter and violent that you wonder whether this book is indeed part of a holy book. But the Book of Nahum is in the Bible exactly in the manner in which, if you go today to the houses of worship and nights of vigils in our country, you will feel as if you are in the world of the Book of Nahum. This is because a great part of both the prayers and the sermonising in these times and places of worship is devoted to calling the wrath of God and Jesus against “ota ile” and “ota ode” (enemies known and unknown; enemies within one’s own household and enemies lying in wait for one outside the home). In these devotional and prayerful contexts, there are only friends and enemies; there are no frenemies at all. This is why the topic for our lay, secular sermon this Sunday is precisely this enigmatic category of individuals, groups and political parties, frenemies, a category that defies and confounds an easy separation between friendship and enmity as we can see in the dictionary definition of the word in the first epigraph to this “sermon”.

    There are three questions at the centre of our “sermon”. This is the first one: Why are our religious practices and discourses filled with a clear separation between friends and enemies while, if you look beyond the claims and counterclaims, the dire warnings and predictions that our politicians hurl at one another all the time, what you see are so many frenemies amongst whom it is virtually impossible to separate friends from enemies, bitter foes from loyal allies? Secondly: if in our contemporary religious worldview there is a clear separation between friends and enemies while there are only frenemies and no true separation between friendship and enmity among our politicians, does this mean that there is a gap, a contradiction between the inner movements of religion and politics in our country? Thirdly: What do these questions have to do with the looming elections of 2015 about which even the most optimistic among us are already feeling great foreboding?

    For Nigerians under the age of 40, it may come as a surprise to learn that politicians of the First Republic for the most not only remained permanently in one party, they had considerable loyalty to their parties. And it was a common thing that they felt an allegiance, even a pride in the ideologies and policies of their parties. The phenomenon of carpet-crossing from one party to another was not unknown, but it was rare, so much so that it always caused a great stir anytime that it happened. Who amongst us does not know that defection from one party to another is so rife now, so banal in post-1999 Nigerian politics as to be the order of the day? Regardless of what reputation you have as a politician, regardless of either your expressed views or, conversely, your absolute lack of any views, all our political parties without exception will throw their doors open to you if you defect from another party, another coalition of parties. If, compatriot, you are still dubious about my claim that there are only frenemies and no real separation between ally and foe among our politicians and political parties, this is the clearest sign of the claim, the phenomenon.

    Compatriots, this is not a sermon from a religious pulpit that is steeped in sacred catechisms of faith and moral and philosophical absolutes. Nothing in our contemporary politics is foreordained, nothing happens in a transcendental time outside history and human practice in which, as diehard religionists among us put it, “God is in control” no matter how bad a mess our leaders have created and are continuing to create. I do not in the least expect that things will always stay as they are now. Moreover, I do readily admit that within the overwhelming blurring of ideological, moral and policy lines between our political parties, there are pockets of talented and visionary leadership that could, under a different political order, make a difference. But we must face the facts of the present, brutal as they are: other than where their ethnic and regional bases are, other than the invocation of the principle of performance as an ultimate value in political governance, there are no real or significant philosophical, ideological and policy differences between our political parties. This is why our present political ethos is overwhelmingly dotted with frenemies who are willing to forego any and all moral, ideological and policy differences as long as power at federal or state level is within reach.

    At this point in our “sermon” we must address the question posed in the title of the sermon: “they are frenemies alright, but are they benign or deadly?” This is because so far in the discussion we have engaged the issue of the non-distinction between friend and enemy, ally and foe only with regard to philosophical, ideological and policy differences between our politicians and political parties. The truth is that these are not the only or even main grounds around which individuals and groups within political parties draw lines of alliance and opposition, friendship and enmity. All over the world and throughout history, it is a well documented fact that politicians base their friendships and enmities not only around philosophical, ideological and policy differences but also around the prize at the end of their electoral and electioneering activities, these being the material and symbolic spoils of office. It is also a recorded fact of political history throughout the world that where the “prize” is so big, so monumental as to leave losers in dire circumstances, the stakes become so high as to make bitter enmity a prevalent, perhaps even defining aspect of politics. Definitely on the African continent, perhaps in the whole of the developing world, the “prizes” of electoral politics that are sedimented in the Nigerian presidency and the states’ executive governorships are without equal in their actual and symbolic concentration of power, authority and patronage, thanks largely to our oil wealth. To put this in very blunt terms, for as long as the oil wealth lasts, the scions of federal and state political power in our country seemingly have to do nothing other than simply collect and share amongst themselves the rents from crude oil production as the principal and in many cases the only source of their power, influence and authority. And this is why, even though there are no real or deep enmities on philosophical, ideological and policy grounds between our politicians and political parties, there is an ocean of bitter and nation-wrecking enmity around who gets the “prizes” and how to share them. In other words, here we are in the universe of the Book of Nahum in which there are enemies everywhere in the struggles over the spoils of office among Nigerian politicians and political parties. Thus, we can see that the inner movements of contemporary Nigerian religion and politics are, in their essential contents and logic, completely congruent.

    It is well, compatriots. Stay blessed. If you look carefully at the quoted lines from Soyinka’s 1983 song in our second epigraph, you will find, dear reader, that by the time you get to the last line, the repeated inscription has become more compact – and frenzied: “share am, share am, share am!”. I suggest that by moving from “share de gari” that plays on the name of the President at the time – Shehu Shagari – to the more colloquial and demotic “share am, share am, share am!” Soyinka moves us from the bitterly divisive and nation-wrecking brinksmanship of sharing the spoils of office among our political elites to sharing the national wealth and patrimony equitably among all groups and classes in the nation. The major way, perhaps the only way that this can happen is by de-concentrating the vast accumulation of power, authority and patronage in the presidency and the executive governorships in the states of the federation.

    Additionall, reducing the great concentration of power in our current bloated presidency and its arrant re-inscription in the thirty-six governorships in the country will take electoral politics in our country away from the bitter negative regionalism that surrounds it at the present time. Let me put this in plain language so that the essential point that it entails may be fully grasped: no politician and no political party will be prepared to tear the whole fabric of the country apart, as so many now do, if the office that he or she is seeking either at the federal or state level does not have the vast concentration of power and authority that that the presidency and the governorships now have. To those who think that this is the pipe dream of an idealistic sermoniser, I say, quite simply, that among the nations of our continent and the developing world, Nigeria is not typical but is an aberration in these matters.

    “The South has had two successive presidencies, so it now the turn of the North”. “The nation’s wealth comes substantially from the Niger Delta, so what is wrong in a man from the Niger Delta seeking a second term in the presidency especially since this is the very first time that that exalted office has gone to a person from the region”. “All the governors in the state have come from the north senatorial district since 1999; it is now the turn of the south senatorial district”. These are the sorts of slogans, the rhetorical gauntlets that are being thrown at the country and the world by our politicians and political parties as we approach 2015. John Campbell, a former U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, in his widely debated book, Nigeria: Dancing at the Brink, expressed this same sentiment in dire predictions for the future of the country. There must be a balance between the “Christian South” and the “Moslem North” in the sharing of presidential power in our country, Campbell warns, otherwise Nigeria will never know peace or may even break up. Apart from the fact that the “South” is not all Christian and the “North” is not all Moslem, Campbell completely ignores the fact that the first problem with the Nigerian presidency is that it contains a vast, wasteful, and corruptive concentration of power. But no single ruling class party in our country has taken the reformation of this malformed instrument of misrule as a vital part of its vision and mission.

    Stay blessed, compatriot. It is well. Don’t lose hope, even though there is and there will be much suffering in the land before and after 2015. Nigeria will not break up. It is the presidency and the executive governorships that will eventually break up so that equitable distribution can at last take place in our country and restitution replace the great suffering in the land, God willing, Inshallah!

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • 20 years after June 12: Noise without deliberation

    20 years after June 12: Noise without deliberation

    Twenty years after annulment of the presidential election of June 12, 1993 and the struggle for democratization that raged for four years against the dictatorship of Sani Abacha, the country has not made substantial progress in terms of responding to demands for democracy of and for nationalities in the country. But in terms of electoral democracy, the country has made some strides in the direction of de-militarization of the polity. Beyond conducting elections at intervals and electing officers to conduct the business of government at the federal and state levels, one crucial element of the struggle against military rule has been left unattended: the demand for restructuring of the polity.

    Since the coming of civil rule in 1999, there have been media and political debates on the topic of re-structuring without sincere efforts to really address the problem with the hope of solving it. In the fashion of the proverbial Nigeria factor, debates on the issue of re-federalizing the country have been so cacophonous and suggestive of efforts to debate in order to prevent proper debate and deliberation. The process started with General Olusegun Obasanjo. During his first term, he referred to those asking for sovereign national conference as individuals that wanted the country to break. In his second term, he organized what he called Political Reform Conference. At the end of the conference, nothing substantial was achieved. This again induced fresh calls for people’s constitution.

    President Umaru Yar’Adua did not have time to worry about addressing calls for restructuring, if he at all paid attention to them. But he succeeded in setting up a police reforms committee. The committee recommended that the central police system should be funded from the federation account, without giving any space of authority to the states which along with the central government own the federation account. As one area considered by federalists to be crucial to restructuring, those calling for a people’s constitution came back to the podium to drum up their demands.

    Then President Goodluck Jonathan emerged. He too was quick to pontificate that Nigeria’s current constitution has no serious problem and that the structure of the polity is in order. Shortly after saying that, he formed a special committee to look at the 1999 Constitution and make recommendations on how to improve the country’s union charter. Knowing that the recommendations of the Belgore Committee did not address the issues raised by committed federalists about the current constitution, citizens continued to make the same demands that include calls for a people’s constitution to be determined at a sovereign national conference or a constitutional conference.

    On its own part, the National Assembly expressed readiness to amend the constitution. Over sanguine federalists took this to mean that federal lawmakers would make recommendations to make the current constitution more federal. The process has been on for almost two years without any promise about when it will end. But from information released by lawmakers, the constitution, after amendment, is more likely to look more unitary, as we observed in this column last week. The purpose of the short historical journey since 1999 is to inform our readers about the failure of the country’s post-military political class to embark on de-militarizing and re-federalizing the polity. All efforts to make civilian rulers realize that continuing to govern the country with a constitution and a governance architecture that have no input from citizens is dangerous have not led to proper deliberation, even though they have generated a lot of noise.

    Efforts by federal legislators to amend the constitution notwithstanding, two types of discourse have emerged and have been raging for the past one year: Unity discourse and Diversity discourse. Those who control the unity discourse insist that the current constitution is perfect. To them, what is wrong with the constitution is the quality of those who use or supervise the use of the charter. The core of the unity discourse is that if Nigeria is able to get good leaders, all its problems regarding managing its diversity optimally would be over. This school of thought also affirms that devolving more powers to the states is capable of causing disintegration of the country and that recognizing the county’s nationalities in the constitution as Ethiopia has done successfully is capable of breaking Nigeria. Centralists are quick to affirm that should Nigerians insist on electing a man or woman of higher quality than we have had since independence, constitutional problems that militate against peace and progress will disappear. In other words, the problem is lack of benevolent leadership.

    But Diversity discourse focuses on the role of cultural plurality in the politics and economy of a multiethnic state. They ask for constitutional intervention in the management of the country’s diversity. Leaders calling for recognition of diversity insist that culture has a significant role in political and economic development and that cultural differences in the country are not likely to disappear and are also not injurious to the country’s unity, if well managed. Federalists insist that Nigeria may have bad luck that prevents it from having good and benevolent leaders, especially at the federal level. But they affirm that lack of benevolent leadership is not as impactful as lack of benevolent governance structure and institutions. They argue that many countries that have similar multiethnic character have created peace for the purpose of progress by adopting federal arrangements: Argentina, Austria, Brazil, Belgium, Canada, Ethiopia, Spain, Switzerland, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States of America, to name a few. Some federalists are even saying that the problems of Boko Haram partially result from failure to address the national question in the design of the country’s governance structure. In short, federalists believe that the problem of the country is not one of benevolent leadership versus benevolent structure; rather it is a combination of both. They also think that a humanist approach to governance suggests that it is easier to work at benevolent structure than to create benevolent leadership. Political systems are not about creating personalities that can create political miracles; they are about creating institutions that are conducive to enriching the performance of average political leaders in office.

    The challenge as we begin the third decade after June 12 must continue to include wishing the heroes who died while struggling for democracy in the country: MKO Abiola, Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola, and many others to rest in perfect peace. It must also include finding ways to elevate the discourse of federalism that is almost being drowned by the thinking that says an imposed constitution is not as much of a problem as finding supermen to rule Nigeria.

  • Public and private universities graduates

    For some time now, there have been concerns about the quality of graduates of higher institutions in the country. Employers have lamented that many of them are not employable as they most times lack necessary knowledge to perform tasks expected of them.

    Simply put, many cannot defend their certificates and employers have had to resort to all kinds of tests to shift the grain from the chaff among the crowd of unemployed graduates who usually bombard them with applications for employment.

    The low quality of graduates is not unconnected with the poor standard of education offered by the higher institutions. Lack of necessary resources and commitment by lecturers has made it impossible for the institutions to produce top grade graduates as in the good old days.

    Instead of admitting that the problem cuts across federal, states and private institutions, I am disturbed by some claims that graduates of government universities are better than those of private universities.

    Chairman of Energy Group, Jimoh Ibrahim, was recently quoted as saying that the standard of graduates from private universities is very weak and that they are almost unemployable. He claimed that the poor standard of graduates of the private universities is the reason why, according to him, it is not easy for any alumnus of the institutions to make significant impact.

    Last Wednesday, Comrade Frank Kokori at a lecture in Lagos also derided the quality of graduates of private institutions particularly because of the high number of first class graduates in comparison with old public universities where he said it was not easy to make such grades.

    Based on my personal experience and interaction with graduates of public and private universities, I find it difficult to accept the claims by Mr. Ibrahim, Comrade Kokori and any other person who shares their position on this issue.

    Many federal universities are simply living on past glories and cannot claim to offer better education than some of the top private universities in the country. Most of the state universities are worse and do not offer their students much for them to compete with graduates of even the average private universities.

    With the poor state of many public universities in the country as confirmed by a recent finding by a visitation panel, many Nigerian parents, just like they do for secondary education, now prefer sending their children to private universities in the country or abroad.

    Despite having more qualified lecturers, students of public universities do not have the advantage of being taught better as some of the lecturers hardly come for lectures. There are cases where lecturers in public universities barely take five lectures in a semester. What is the use of having some lecturers who don’t teach or teach outdated topics from outdated books?

    Interestingly, some of the lecturers in the private universities also lecture in public universities. Unfortunately, while they take their lectures in private universities seriously due to the close monitoring by the authorities of the institutions, they can be very casual with lectures in public universities, when they attend.

    Whether in public or private universities, there is an urgent need to ensure an improvement in the standard of education the students are getting. The students must be ready to learn, the teacher should be ready to teach and the government and proprietors must provide necessary and enabling academic environment.

  • Uncommon fraternity

    Uncommon fraternity

    My message in this column on April 7 titled ‘The Faleye metaphor’ was like all media messages; it was addressed ‘to whom it may concern’. In the piece, I highlighted the plight of a young Nigerian who was compelled by circumstances to travel to China to further his studies in electronics and telecommunications engineering, after graduating from the Nigeria College of Aviation Technology, Zaria, with a diploma. A few months to the end of his studies, he ran into financial storm as plans did not go the way his aged parents had thought. A little over one million naira stood between him and his dream of a first degree.

    Some Nigerians were moved by the story; and one of the early persons to respond was Prof Adeleke Ojo of Igbinedion University, Okada, Edo State, who donated N100,000 after he had got in touch with Seun Faleye, the student, in China, and confirmed the authenticity of the story. After that, one Mr Isimi chipped in N1,000 and another person, Mr Adetunbi Omoniyi gave N2,000; their widow’s mite, you would say. These donations were commendable but they were like a drop in the ocean, considering the over one million naira target. All remained quiet for more than two weeks and it was when one would have thought hope was lost that a miracle occurred: I got an email from DHL Corporate Social Responsibility Committee on April 23 inviting me for a chat with the father of the student, Pastor Samson Faleye.

    I could not make the appointment due to official engagement. But Pastor Faleye was there and it was then I knew the power of columns. He told me that after interviewing him on how things went awry with his son’s school fees, and they were convinced that the case merited intervention, they promised to help. The panel that conducted the interview comprising representatives of the company’s Employees Corporate Social Responsibility Committee told him they developed interest in the matter just because it came out in my column. The interesting thing is that these are people I do not know from Adam; but they said they have been following my write-ups and were fascinated by them.

    One has to go this far for some reasons. One, this case was brought to a happy denouement courtesy of members of staff of DHL, and not by the company as I initially thought. Perhaps it would not have attracted this much attention if the initiative had come from the company as an entity because it would have passed off as one of those corporate social responsibility initiatives that responsible companies do. But there is only a thin line between DHL doing it and the members of staff who have done it. As I was told, the ‘Employees Corporate Social Responsibility Committee’ which eventually approved the more than one million naira required by Faleye to complete his studies in China represents all members of staff of the company, from the least to the managing director, from whose salaries one percent is being deducted monthly to fund the initiative to help the needy.

    This might not be novel because I do not have any fact to support that assertion; but it is still something that is uncommon in our part of the world. Many people come together here in most cases to do evil. Yes, we are familiar with companies giving back to the society part of what they made from it (they call that corporate social responsibility), but not workers pulling resources together from their own salary, to help those in need, when they have their own needs to meet too. But that precisely is what the DHL staff have done. And it is marvelous in my eyes, just as I am sure it is in the eyes of Faleye and his parents whose investments, monetarily and otherwise, could have gone down the drain if help had not come when it did. In a country where many people, including public functionaries care only about ‘me, me’, and where very big people make pledges without fulfilling them, this is something to celebrate.

    The point though is that God is key in this matter because He it was who laid it in my heart to use this little space, not knowing that was what would ultimately settle the matter. My original plan was to get the story published in a bigger space as a feature story. I had thought the bigger the space, the bigger the attention. I now know things don’t always work out that way. A friend has always said, though jocularly, that teeth do not have to be many or big; that even if they are only two and they can crush stockfish, that is enough. I now believe him.

    Again, from what I was told, Faleye is the first individual to draw from this well of generosity. The fund from where he was assisted was initially set up to assist with UNICEF projects before it was changed when the contributors decided to take charge of affairs themselves and be able to monitor directly what the money is spent on. If the original idea had been kept, there is no way it would have been possible for Faleye to benefit from it.

    I do not know how many other companies would want to take a cue from the DHL staff after this story would have been published. But I know of at least one multinational that may be interested in the paradigm, following discussion with one of their senior members of staff that would want to read the story to have a good grasp of what the scheme entails.

    I have been maintaining columns in the last two decades plus. All this while, I thought it was only about influencing government and policy makers. I now know it is much more. But gratitude goes to God Almighty for using this column as a means to wipe the tears off the eyes of Faleye and all those who had been looking forward with excitement to the time he would be graduating in China. One could not have been happier being used as a vessel for this purpose. Personally, it is gratifying that what started as mere exchange of emails between me and the DHL committee on April 23 culminated in the remitting of N1.01million naira (excluding N171, 376.00 earmarked by the committee for Faleye’s flight ticket upon completion of his studies) to him on May 16. I have had to cut short my presence at a funeral involving a friend’s spouse to make the trip to the DHL office on the Apapa-Oshodi Expressway in Lagos on May 10, where I faced the committee’s team to clear some grey areas on the matter. The outcome is soul-lifting.

    Again, my gratitude goes to the DHL staff for this uncommon generosity, the same way they thanked me for bringing ‘…this to limelight’. But what if I brought it to limelight and they did nothing about it? I thank them for their abiding faith in this column. What they have done can only make me do one thing: keep up the good work. The DHL staff and those who gave their widow’s mite have set a good example; definitely, this country will be a better place for us all if we can be our brother’s keeper; if we can make our shoulders available for people in need to lean on. I mean we will all be better for it if we can have more of such assistance signed, sealed and delivered.

  • Leaving the black race behind: No manufacturing, no prosperity

    Leaving the black race behind: No manufacturing, no prosperity

    He who doesn’t recognize he is in a race is bound to lose it.

    Last week, this column warned of impending danger to the global food supply due to the benighted tandem of perverse technology and that stubborn perennial: greed. Global financial and agricultural combines now acquire vast tracts of land around the world, including Africa, displacing traditional farmers in their wake. Global companies claim this process will increase productivity and yields. It might increase corporate profit yields; the guaranty is bogus that overall food prices will diminish. For these companies to profit, the opposition effect on prices is more likely. Much of the world needs more food. However, slanted economics will reallocate that food and other agricultural outputs to countries already in surplus and away from the places and people most in need. The world bids fretful welcome to the 21st century face of that age-old scourge: starvation.

    Ironically, haughty British PM David Cameron announced this week’s G-8 summit will devote a significant portion of its agenda to remedying world hunger. Taken in isolation, the announcement appears benign. Placed in full context, it looms as an act of aggression against weak, vulnerable people living in weak, vulnerable nations. Those of you who thought the high-brow Tory PM had located his heart might as well toss that fanciful notion into an abyss. The place where his heart should reside remains occupied by a lump of cold iron. The man is as estranged as ever from compassion.

    His call to feed the foreign poor conflicts with his policy of snatching food from the poor at home. It is illogical to support the former yet seek the latter; thus Cameron’s foreign largesse is a contrivance. For him, charity should not exist at home and thus should not begin anywhere. His concern for feeding the alien masses is a front, the legerdemain of an insensitive manipulator skilled at doing the opposite of what he states. Instead of standing as the leading statesman of one of the world’s most influential nations, he acts as the pitch man for large business interests. In the hands of this man, the once-revered office of PM has been become the hired megaphone for business interests that slink about in the dark corners so as to avoid public glare yet control the backrooms where the important decisions are made in the today’s western democracies.

    Cameron has no more interest in feeding the struggling African than he does in walking alone down the streets of Brixton. The key to Cameron’s ruse is his espousal of a “private sector” approach to the problem of hunger. What he means by private sector is not small- and medium-sized farms. A stampede of mammoth global firms is what he has in mind. At the G-8, Cameron will push for intensified foreign agro-business penetration of Africa. For him, this is a good thing. For the African, it is not good fare.

    The large companies will control expanses of African land to sate the economic demands of western nations, all to the neglect of the needs of the people from whom the lands have been purloined.

    Some African nations already cooperate in their own pillaging by implementing policies allowing the rapacious companies to seize vast portions of fertile land. Even more ominously, huge agro-businesses now do their best to nip inchoate African democracy and commercial agriculture in the bud just much the same as these large firms have atrophied democracy in western nations. They spend inordinate sums lobbying and enticing governments to enact laws inimical to the people they govern. At least one African nation, Mozambique, now considers a rather ominous twist of legislation giving preferred status to seeds produced by these large companies. This law will also prohibit the seeds most farmers traditionally have sown. If the issue were just seeds, it would be bad enough. The practical effect of the legislation far transcends the question of seeds. It mortgages the future of the small farmer.

    Seeds produced by the large companies are not of the hardy variety that needs minimal care; they are not the stock on which small-scale farmers customarily rely because such seeds lower overhead costs and guarantee minimal yields. The seeds produced by these global firms demand payment of hidden costs because they usually require the use of relatively expensive inputs such as specialized fertilizers. In other words, the legislation will force low-end farmers to increase overhead expenses to purchase the fertilizers and other items required to bring these seeds to harvest.

    This places farmers between the knife and claw, the tooth and nail. With their dilemma assured, their demise is preordained. Guided by the forlorn hope of having no other alternative, poor farmers first will borrow at exorbitant interest rates in order to pay for the seeds and related items. Descending into the swell of debt, many farmers will be forced to sell their land at distress prices to cover their financial obligations. If fortunate, they may satisfy the debt. But they will be farmers no more. They shall be landless and unemployed. Some will become indentured sharecroppers on the land they once owned. Others will wander — homeless, penniless, and unprepared — into the cities where they will merge into the rising dregs of the urban underclass. As this morbid process unfolds, farming and agriculture in Africa will be performed less by African farmers and will inure less to the benefit of the African public.

    Africa is being larruped on two fronts. While the quiet, but effective, war against African agriculture walks relentlessly toward its mean objective, Africa’s future also is being compressed because it has not joined the global pursuit of manufacturing to which economically astute nations now adhere.

    Manufacturing is to the city and the modern, dynamic economy what farming is to the countryside and traditional society. As a general rule, nations that manufacture the least are those that suffer the most. The 2008-09 global recession brought this lesson into clear focus. Sadly, Africa remains blind to the immutable fact standing before it.

    A major objective of all G-8 nations has been to revive or expand their manufacturing bases to accommodate domestic consumption and export abroad. This is how they seek to maximize growth. They have relearned what past generations understood: Creating items of economic value is the key to sustained prosperity. The nation that exports finished goods, wins. The fewer finished products a nation exports, the more that nation knows the idleness of poverty and unemployment.

    Thus, mature economies plot like mad schemers to devise ways of igniting their domestic manufacturing prowess. The austerity embarked upon by the EU and UK is not actually incorrect economic policy. It is the application of appropriate policy in pursuit of inappropriate, inhumane objectives. Conservative elites in Europe and UK have always detested the social welfare state. Now, they actively engineer its destruction. It affronts their sense of plutocratic entitlement to think that the struggling and poor should be entitled to a bit of assistance. The push to austerity also has a less visceral, yet equally misanthropic, secondary rationale. The EU was never meant to improve the lives of the bulk of the people. It was expressly fashioned to make the region a competitive trading bloc.

    The elites love austerity because it produces unemployment in addition to cutting the benefits of the unemployed. This turns many into urban serfs so desperate for work or to keep work that they will accept even the lowest wage. Lowering wages is a key objective of the moneyed elites. By suppressing wages, they hope to make the EU the competitive international trade bloc of their dreams. They have made the conscious decision to tilt their region toward this international trade objective instead of making it a region more reliant on internal growth, demand and consumption that benefits all economic classes within the EU. To make the EU more competitive with China, the EU now lowers the living standards of the common people to make their lives more like the harsh lives of Chinese workers.

    Meanwhile, China has embarked on a two-pronged policy aimed at maintaining its competitive edge. Domestically, it suppresses wages. One way it achieves this is through the westward expansion of manufacturing. Heretofore, development has been along the Pacific coast, concentrated in the massive cities in this region. Now, the government pushes economic activity inland where the bulk of the people reside. There are roughly a billion people still relatively untouched by the growth the nation has experienced the past two decades. China is now bringing the people of the hinterland into the mix. Tapping into this vast pool of rural labor, the nation will calibrate labor costs and wages in a manner allowing it to maintain its competitive trade advantage. Additionally, China will consciously keep its currency devalued, making its exports cheaper and thus more attractive to other nations.

    Also, America has embarked on a sustained program of currency devaluation, making its products cheaper and more competitive in the world markets. America’s central bank, the Federal Reserve, has engaged in a policy called quantitative easing whereby it purchases bonds and other securities, thus putting greater amounts of currency into economic play. The principle objective of this policy is to boost asset prices in the United States. However, another conscious objective is a dollar devaluation making American manufactured products more competitive in the global marketplace. Also American businesses have been manic in squeezing labor costs and milking every ounce of productivity from the American worker without a commensurate increase in wage benefits. Again, a high unemployment rate is a boon to the elite. Again, the model used is an unbalanced model whereby the gains in manufacturing go to moneyed elite and these gains are achieved by undermining the economic lot of everyone else.

    Africa stands idly watching this dynamic unfold. African nations are not making the timely adjustment to events and policies of these other nations. The EU canvasses African nations seek bilateral agreements that, in reality, will open Africa to European manufactured goods while maintaining Africa’s peonage as a source of cheap raw materials to further fuel western industry. Many nations have signed these agreements. They have consigned themselves to perpetual underdevelopment for a small stack of Euros that will rapidly disappear as the nations pay for the costly imports from Europe.

    The fate of the continent’s economies, particularly its urban denizens, tilts in great jeopardy because of the lack of verve in government policy to establish manufacturing as the fulcrum of urban growth. Already our cities teem with the poor, the unemployed and with the social afflictions these conditions wrought. To understand the bleak future that looms should this dismal course persists, all Africa need do is to look at its brethren in urban America. America is the land of plenty but the black community is in the land but not really of it.

    The black community is a place of higher want, depravation and the strife that such things bring. Fifty years ago, although poor, the black ghetto was not as unregenerate as it now is. Then, numbers of young black men gained employment in the bustling factories of their times. This introduced them into the labor force, taking them off the streets. It also introduced them to the hope of joining middle-class America. Over the intervening decades, through no fault of these people, the factories disappeared. With that, so did the economic hopes of many urban blacks. The ghettoes they inhabit have become super-ghettoes, a more virulently underdeveloped, decaying form of their prior selves. With the major chance of employment fading, cityscapes have transformed into urban tundra of joblessness, poverty and frustrated idleness that beget all forms of human mischief.

    Living in isolated wastelands amidst a sea of plenty, the people of the super-ghettoes lack the requisite political cohesion and social accord to unite to dig them from the pit. Perpetual lack renders them mutually suspicious. It has them clawing against each other for the meager crumbs that fall their way. While a new era of industry and manufacturing may come to America, it will not visit these cities to revitalize them. Unless government launches a radical program of urban economic transformation, these people will become permanently invisible. Many black people will come to live forgotten, broken lives. They will survive in the urban equivalent of the destitute rural backlands known as the Indian reservation.

    This is the plight of urban blacks in the land of plenty. Given the lowly overall state of Africa’s economic development, the fate of most African city dwellers will be even worse. It will be a turbid one of heavy penury unless we change course and do so quickly.

    We must begin to understand the importance of manufacturing. First, it provides the jobs and related business needed to employ a large percentage of the people. This is not just about the creation of jobs. We must come to understand that true wealth lies in the creative process of using human ingenuity to forge a valuable item out of various ingredients so that the end-product is a greater thing than the sum of all its parts, if considered separately. Also, manufacturing creates a positive worldview. It helps people believe the political economy can expand and overcome its limitations. As such, the political economy ceases to be a zero-sum environment where one player always views another person’s gain as his loss. This change will engender greater cooperation, growth and, hopefully, democratic good governance.

    In the end, mainstream talk of Africa experiencing an economic surge is the stuff a mountebank says when he is trying to fleece you. It is not so much that Africa is experiencing a great economic awakening but that foreign exploiters are experiencing a boom in Africa, at the expense of Africa. Agro-business now pinches the African farmer. Global finance and big business want Africa to eschew manufacturing so that it remains a supply depot of raw materials. If this is the best economic revival the world can offer the continent, then Africa should demand a refund for all the labor expended and misery endured at the wrong end of an unjust global political economy. The people deserve better.

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