Category: Sunday

  • Afe Babalola, Farotimi: storm in judicial teacup

    Afe Babalola, Farotimi: storm in judicial teacup

    Last Tuesday, lawyer and activist, Dele Farotimi, was arrested and driven by road to Ekiti State where he was arraigned on Wednesday in a Magistrate Court for criminal defamation of Afe Babalola, senior lawyer, elder statesman and educationist. The defamation was allegedly contained in Mr Farotimi’s July 2024 book, Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System. He faces a 16-count charge at a Magistrate Court, and another 12-count charge filed on Friday at the Federal High Court, Ado-Ekiti. The charge sheets have been published by many newspapers. The book has also reportedly climbed the number one bestseller list on Amazon on the elections category, and exceeded 500 on the general list. His arrest and arraignment were at the instance of a petition by Chief Babalola.

    It is not unusual for anyone to defame another person, or be charged in court, or remanded by a magistrate, for no one is above the law. But by turning the arrest and remand of Mr Farotimi into a cause celebre, a storm in a teacup as it were, activists and lawyers, including surprisingly the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), are suggesting that it is okay to abridge court processes by activism and that individuals do not have the right to seek remedy for their injured reputation. Instead of ensuring that justice is done, human rights activists are calling for the release of the defendant and planning protests for sometime this week to force the hands of the police and the courts.

    If the case is to be discontinued, either for jurisdictional reasons or any other reason for that matter, it will have to be through court processes, not activism. The listing of the book on Amazon and its global dissemination will serve as grist to the mill, whether the case is civil defamation or criminal defamation. Some activists complain about the style of Mr Farotimi’s arrest. But the law enforcement agencies probably approached the matter from criminal defamation as well as Cybercrimes perspective. According to Chief Babalola’s petition, the book contains multiple instances of Mr Farotimi’s defamatory generalisations, including how the complainant allegedly corrupted the Supreme Court and procured judgements. They are the kind of views that make for explosive and enjoyable reading, but they are views, if unproven, that wound victims deeply and tear their reputations to pieces. Regardless of the outcome of the case, it seems guaranteed that the storm will last for a very long time. Mr Farotimi may bank on the unassailability of being the underdog in this case, but opinions are divided on the propriety of what he had to say and how he said those things Chief Babalola considered injurious to his reputation. Worse, many lawyers, when they can restrain themselves from throwing caviar to the general, are left puzzled about what kind of legal training propels an author and lawyer to pen such scathing remarks about anyone.

    Read Also: Demand for reforms in Nigeria’s hospital equipment sector intensifies

    Many human rights organisations have rallied to the side of Mr Farotimi. But they have not shown cause why the case should not be entertained, or why Chief Babalola should not defend his reputation the best way he knows, while he is still alive at 95 years old. It is suggested that defamation cases are like quicksand, where unexpected and probably tangential stories and facts might be unearthed and pleaded to the detriment of the complainant. Regardless of these fears, and judging from the trenchancy of the remarks penned by Mr Farotimi, the complainant will undoubtedly take his chances in court. Not going to court is not an option, considering the weighty claims levelled against him. And beyond standing with Chief Babalola or supporting Mr Farotimi, it may be time for Nigerians to stand for the rule of law, despite the judicial system’s weaknesses, rather than tolerate the anarchic proclivity of activists who protest against everything because they suspect everything and denigrate everyone.

  • Syria on the brink

    Syria on the brink

    Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s 24 years in power may be about to end, a lesson on the complex dynamics of Middle East politics, and also a lesson to Nigerian politicians sometimes needlessly and unwisely infuse their incendiary remarks and actions with religious undertones. President al-Assad is Alawite, a subset of Shi’a Islam. But Syria is largely Sunni (74 percent), while Alawism and other Shi’a Islam constitute about 13 percent of the population. The rebel forces, particularly the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), are largely Sunni, and are supported by Sunni majority Turkey. Mr al-Assad had been supported by Shi’a Iran and Shi’a Iraq. Iran has now withdrawn its military advisers and forces, Russia is preoccupied with Ukraine and won’t commit more to the Syrian government, and the United States has prevented Iraqi Shiites from sending reinforcements to Mr al-Assad.

    Read Also: Town planners hail Tinubu over Dangiwa’s appointment as minister

    Iran has not only now lost all its proxies in Lebanon and Gaza as a result of the Hezbollah and Hamas wars, it is unable to rally to the side of a fellow Shi’a in Syria, thus almost completing the demolition of its nascent empire. Nigeria needs to advise itself of the dangers and limitations of flirting with theocracy, for in the end, what is evident everywhere in politics is power game, with religion serving nothing more than a tool. Building a secular, inclusive and restructured nation is the most reliable guarantee of stability. Syria is also a lesson to the vulnerable regimes in Iran and Russia, especially in light of the recent lightning speed with which the Syrian rebels have prosecuted a war stalemated since 2011 when the Arab Spring began. A post-Alawite Syria will be unpredictable for everyone, including the Kurds in northern Syria, Turkey itself, Iran, and the entire Middle East. The world should brace up for how impact crater would look like.   

  • It is possible!

    It is possible!

    After wrestling with powers and principalities, Tinubu’s government makes Port Harcourt Refinery hum again

    Although the resumption of crude oil production at the rehabilitated complex of the old Port Harcourt Refinery on November 26, after several unmet deadlines and a long period of rehabilitation has not led to an automatic reduction of the price of petroleum products as expected by many Nigerians, it is still significant. This is the first time that the refinery would be producing in about five years. Second, it returned to operations after about seven failed deadlines, a thing that made many Nigerians to give up on the possibility of it ever working again. Third, it has started exporting, with its first cargo of low sulfur straight run fuel oil (LSSR) to Dubai-based Gulf Transport & Trading Limited (GTT). Praise God!

    Currently operating at 70 per cent of its 60,000 barrels per day installed capacity, the refinery has been revamped and upgraded with modern equipment. It released about one million litres of refined products on November 26.

    The Chief Corporate Communications Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Femi Soneye, said on the historic occasion: “Today marks a monumental achievement for Nigeria as the Port Harcourt Refinery officially commences crude oil processing. This groundbreaking milestone signifies a new era of energy independence and economic growth for our nation.

    “Hearty congratulations to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the NNPC Board, and the exceptional leadership of GCEO Mele Kyari for their unwavering commitment to this transformative project. Together, we are reshaping Nigeria’s energy future.”

    NNPCL appears not done with the refurbishment of the refineries as he indicated that the bigger refinery in the Eleme complex that houses the plants, with a 150,000-capacity, had yet to be completed. This, as well as the Warri and Kaduna refineries, would come on stream later.

    “We will deliver all the other projects. We are not going to give a timeline as he has directed,” the GCEO said while appreciating President Bola Tinubu for his support.

    No matter how we look at it, the resumption of operations at the refinery is a major achievement for the Bola Tinubu administration. Indeed, it is something that should have been celebrated because, if anything qualifies for being called a feat, Port Harcourt Refinery’s coming back on stream is it! Few people believed something good could ever again have come out from the ‘Nazareth’ that our local refineries have become. That was why, despite the fact that officials of the NNPCL conducted stakeholders around the facility where they took samples of the products   – petrol, diesel, and kerosene – many people still felt the story was too big to be true. This was even as some stakeholders, including marketers and the regulators also witnessed the loading of about 200 trucks at the gantry. But, can you blame them? Not really.

    For one, trust in governments has continued to dwindle over the decades. Two, NNPCL, the main celebrator of the feat, as owner of the refinery, is not particularly popular among Nigerians due to the opacity of its operations and the number of times it had deceived them in the past. Several times in the past it had told them there was fuel in abundance in its depots when there were fuel queues all over the place. I have always said if NNPCL said ”good morning”, I would have to check through the window to be sure it is not good night! It is as bad as that.

    It was the same problem of the NNPCL’s limitless capacity to amend the truth that stopped this piece from coming out last week; it had to be replaced with a hurriedly written piece that I was actually preparing for this week. Remember the news from the blues that the refinery had suddenly stopped producing crude, a few days after it resumed production? I didn’t want to be among those celebrating a fluke; so I decided to stay action on the piece. Mercifully, today, we do not need all the angels in heaven swearing that the refinery is working before we can believe. The lesson for the company is that it should review its PR strategy and learn to call a spade a spade and not to call dog monkey for Nigerians, because they can see; they can feel. Moreover, the NNPCL has to work on its secretiveness of operations and be more transparent.

    Read Also: First Lady donates N50m endowment fund for best graduating FUTO female student

    It is instructive that both the government and NNPCL decided to take Nigerians by surprise on the November 26 resumption date, apparently to prevent saboteurs from throwing spanners in the works, rubbishing the achievement in the process. The saboteurs have been persistently figured as being behind the failed promises to make the refinery work in the last one year or so. Otherwise, nothing stopped the government from rolling out the drums in celebration. As they say, but for the fowl, the cockroach would like to dance and even shake its waist (o wu ayan ko jo ajoredi, adiye ni o je)!

    And, talking about saboteurs, Nigeria has a lot to contend with, especially in the critical sectors of our economy – energy, power, etc. They include subsidy thieves in the energy sector. These are even worse than the biblical powers and principalities. The House of Representatives took what we had thought was a courageous move to unveil those behind the humongous fuel subsidy racket early in 2012 when the government set up the Farouk Lawan Fuel Subsidy Committee. The committee looked into the subsidy regime from 2009 to 2011. It so decided because that was the period the number of companies involved in fuel importation (and by extension subsidy payments) grew exponentially. So was the amount claimed as subsidy. That committee submitted a report showing that certain companies involved in alleged fraudulent infractions to the tune of N1, 067,040,456,171.31 should return the sum to the treasury. Apart from companies, individuals and government officials said to have fraudulently enriched themselves at the public expense were to be sanctioned as appropriate, including prosecution where necessary.

    Unfortunately, that committee’s job would appear tainted by Lawan’s acceptance of $500,000 bribe from businessman Femi Otedola, Chairman of Zenon Petroleum and Gas Ltd. He was subsequently convicted in 2021 and completed his jail term only in October.

    This was followed later in the year by the Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede Presidential Committee set up on the 2011 fuel subsidy scheme by the Goodluck Jonathan administration. The committee indicted 21 oil marketers for fraudulently collecting N382 billion in 2011, in subsidy payments for fuel that was never delivered. We have not heard much about these committees or their reports again.

    Nigerians have therefore been calling for a probe of the subsidy scam ever since. This has to be revisited because millions of Nigerians cannot be suffering hardship for nothing. Those who stole subsidy funds should be made to cough them up. Of course these people could not have wished our local refineries well because that would signal an end to their ungodly honeymoon.

    What of the workers in the refinery? Apparently some, if not many of them, cannot be happy too that the refinery is now working. Nigeria has four refineries, in Warri, Kaduna and two in Port Harcourt. Unfortunately, none functioned for years until this latest development at Port Harcourt Refinery. Yet, the workers were getting paid. Not only that, their budget was increasing annually. Meaning people were probably being promoted, being sent on courses abroad, etc., for doing nothing! I won’t be surprised if some of them have not even ‘Japa’ while still collecting salaries and other emoluments. This is akin to what the Yoruba people refer to as ‘oga ta, oga o ta, owo alaaru a pe’ (the truck pusher will always get his money in full; whether the owner of the good he carries sells or not). I had thought that kind of concept belonged in the past. I don’t know how many other crude oil producers operate based on such template. BUSINESSDAY described the situation thus: “This development (return of operations at the refinery) is coming after several years of maintenance that leaves the refineries poorer than they were and their managers richer than they should have been.”

    The resumption of activities at the refinery would free Nigeria from the shackles of fuel importation and the attendant humongous foreign exchange that the country spends importing the products, thereby helping to sustain the jobs of crude oil producers in other countries at the expense of ours. It would also stop the humongous subsidy fraud.

    It is clear that the Tinubu administration must have fought with the Devil and sin, to be able to break the jinx about Port Harcourt Refinery. This was a thing many of the past governments could not do. As a matter of fact, former President Olusegun Obasanjo said he discussed the possibility of running the refineries for us with Shell Oil Development Company; they turned the offer down, citing corruption in the oil sector and government ownership, among other factors.

    After meeting the brick wall with Shell, the former President said:  ”I had virtually given up hope on the refineries when God did a miracle. Aliko Dangote and Femi Otedola approached me and said they would be interested in buying two of the four refineries. They said they would buy 51 percent stake in Port Harcourt and Kaduna. I was over the moon. I said, finally, this burden would be taken off the neck of the government. They offered $761 million and paid in two installments. Unfortunately, Umaru (President Yar’Adua) cancelled the sale and returned the refineries to NNPC. Today, we are still where we were. Someone told me Tinubu said refineries would work by December (last year). I told the person the refineries would not work. This is based on the information I received from Shell when I was the president.” Thank God, Tinubu has changed the narrative.

    Nigerians may not be as excited as they should be about the return of the refinery because it has not led to reduction in fuel prices. Meaning it cannot have any direct impact on food prices or transport fares. As a matter of fact, nothing matters to them now more than the high cost of food items. This is natural. But there is hope of a better life now that the refinery is working.

    It is gratifying that what many have written off as impossibility has become possible. Rubbing it on the faces of such people, who are not men of straw in the country, and those whose lives had been dependent on fuel importation (and would therefore want the refinery never to work) could provoke suicide or vengeance on their part, with unimaginable consequences that may end up spoiling the government’s, and, by extension, our collective joy.

    We have also been assured that it is a matter of time for the other refineries too to start working. Now that we have seen NNPCL do it with Port Harcourt Refinery, maybe we can begin to have some confidence in the company. This should be strengthened by the fact that the refinery has resumed exportation of one of its products, a thing that should translate into some foreign exchange for the country. This would, ultimately, be part of the songs we would sing and the dance we would dance when the naira begins to bounce back.

  • A Rolls Royce moment

    A Rolls Royce moment

    A few weeks ago, I crawled out of my comfort zone and made a foray to the big city on the lagoon. Although I was once a Lagosian of sorts, I must confess that any trip to Lagos these days is an adventure as just about anything can happen at any stage of the journey even when you least anything out of the ordinary to happen. With the cost of fuel as it is, any journey to Lagos from Ilesa where I live in genteel retirement leaves a Lagos sized hole in my finances which even before the arrival of the no subsidy regime was tottering as it would be for most retired Nigerian professors such as I am. At the time I made that particular journey petrol was both scarce and scarily expensive. In addition, I am loath to risking my precious but definitely ageing vehicle on such a long journey and so there is the added consideration of renting a vehicle and driver for the trip. They don’t come cheap but worth the expense because the problem of navigating the length of that road between Ilesa and Ibadan in a car not my own is perhaps worthy of that added expense.

    A major consideration on traveling from Ilesa to Ibadan is the state of the road on which that journey is made. For anyone not yet familiar with the condition of that road, please rest assured that it is an experience that is not for the faint of heart. Long ago, the road was long, narrow and winding, passing through several towns and villages. As a child going on the occasional visit to Ilesa I remember crossing the what at that time was an impressive, always freshly painted bridge across River Ósun into Ìkirè, home of dòdò which in those days was modestly clad in brown leaves. Later, as an undergraduate at Ife, I travelled on that road which because of the frequency of accidents on it was something of an obstacle course, deserving of songs of praise after each successful passage. For all that the road was part of the famous or even iconic Trunk A road along which in days gone by everyone coming across the Niger from the East to Lagos had to pass.

    By the sixties, it was clear that the road was no longer fit for purpose as the many accidents on all parts of the road testified to the danger lurking beyond every bend on that road. Even as it was the only route to the eastern hinterland of the Western region, nothing was done to make the road any less dangerous. However, by the seventies it was clear that something had to be done especially when a Federal minister, no less, barely escaped with his life after an accident on the notorious Ife – Ibadan road. The new road which was built at the height of the oil boom was not just wide but was well paved and fairly straight. The road was so well built that many of the people driving on it mistook it for a race track and raced along it with a recklessness that bordered on madness. The result was that mortalities on that road continued unabated  By the turn of the century, the need to dualise the road had become compelling and it fell to the new PDP government to do the needful in this respect. To put it bluntly, they did a criminally if characteristic shoddy job and built a road deserving of shame but anyone expecting those hard nosed politicians to show any remorse waited in vain. Today, that road all the way to Ilesa from Ibadan is a mass of pot holes which have rendered most portions of the road an implacable obstacle course. The current APC regime is pretending that there is nothing wrong with the road and is trying mostly in vain to make the road passable by patching large portions of the road. This effort is tantamount to covering a mass of ulcers with strips of plaster in the vain hope of finding a lasting cure. Travellers on the road, in an attempt to conjure a smooth journey out of the mess have taken to driving against traffic on many parts of the road thereby putting everybody in considerable danger virtually every step of the way. Coming to Lagos from Ilesa is definitely not for the faint of heart and the situation is not about to change for a long while.

    The journey that brought me to Lagos could not be avoided and there was nothing else I could do but grit my teeth and I took to the road with considerable fear and trepidation as I do any time I have to venture forth on that road. The driver played his part admirably by driving less recklessly than usual but it was with a palpable sense of relief that we entered Lagos, just as the gloom of an early evening was descending on the city. We went about the business that brought us to Lagos but it was already inky dark in a city with few lights by the time we started heading towards our sleeping quarters. As we were turning to return to the mainland, the driver, his eyes peeled to take in any possibility of buying fuel saw the miracle of a petrol station dispensing fuel and promptly seized the heaven sent opportunity to buy some petrol but not enough to fill his tank, as that was simply beyond our combined financial capacity to do. We joined the queue in front of us and painfully inched towards one of the two or three pumps from which we could buy fuel. We had been engaged in this boring activity for a few minutes when out of the gloom surrounding the station, a huge form loomed out and dominated the scene completely. My first thought was that it was a truck but a second look revealed the distinctive grille and the figure of the spirit of ecstasy sitting proudly on top of that grille. There was no doubt about it, improbable as it was, a Rolls Royce had joined the queue. The situation was as incongruous as sighting a large ocean going ship on the sand dunes of the Sahara. From the moment I set eyes on that spectacular vehicle I knew without a shadow of doubt that what was before me was not just a car, it was also the subject of an article. All that remained to breathe life into that article was the opportunity to get to grips with writing it and today, several weeks later, I have somehow contrived to create that opportunity within my mind.

    There may not be a better time to write about a Rolls Royce than now as the newly unveiled Rolls Royce Phantom  Gold finger SUV has been in the news lately. This one of edition from the Rolls Royce stable offers the ultimate in style, power and performance. It is a tribute to Gold finger the James Bond film released in 1964 with the original James Bond, the legendary Sean Connery in the role of 007. With this background, the designers simply went mad on the gold motif as the car is reported to have wired into its unique frame various forms of pure gold valued at a cool half a million dollars US. I leave the reader to do the calculation to convert this sum into Naira at the current rate of exchange as the current rate would have changed by the time this article is printed. By my inexpert calculation, I am sure that given the sum of money to buy that car, an honest and capable engineering firm would be quite capable of building a well paved road from Ibadan to the front of my house in Ilesa! Maybe, I have exaggerated a little bit but I insist that my calculation may not be much outside the limits of error. At least that is my story and I am sticking to it.

    Read Also: First Lady donates N50m endowment fund for best graduating FUTO female student

    My first thought when I saw that iconic vehicle was to wonder why it had arrived amongst us. I could not imagine that a Rolls Royce would  mingle with humble everyday cars on a petrol queue on an uneventful Saturday night in Lagos. I eventually convinced myself that being a car, a Rolls also had to have petrol in its tank if it was to act the part of a car. My next question was how much petrol this monster must consume in order to even get back home not to talk of going all the way to Ilesa as I was going to do in a few hours. This thought was quickly followed by how much the petrol would cost. With petrol retailing at just over a thousand Naira per litre, I thought that the cavernous belly of that beast would not be satisfied with less than a few hundred thousand Naira worth of the volatile stuff. I then concluded that that car for all its beauty and elegance was clearly out of place in a country in which many million people were going to bed with an empty belly on the night that the Rolls was eating up fuel enough in value to feed a thousand hungry souls and send them to bed satiated.

    The story of Rolls Royce is one of striving for mechanical engineering perfection but having to settle for excellence as close to perfection as to make no observable difference. The production of every Rolls Royce rolling off the factory floor is a lesson for the rulers of Nigeria and more than that a rebuke to them in their slap dash attempt at building a country for them to be proud of. This in all ways deepens the incongruity of an authentic Rolls Royce rolling down one of the broken roads on which Nigerians are forced to navigate through their country.

    The Rolls Royce is certainly not the product of some spirits or a band of extra-terrestrial aliens banding together for the stated purpose of creating an iconic car. On the contrary, it is the product of human ingenuity and endeavour, worthy of emulation by every member of our species. It is the brain child of Sir Henry Rolls and Sir Charles Royce. Both of them were engineers with a passion for cars. They met in Manchester in 1904 with Rolls promising to sell every car that Royce could produce after driving his latest car. He was as good as his word and one of the great partnerships the world has ever seen was born, forming Rolls Royce which has become a byword for mechanical perfection. Over the last one hundred and twenty years, the producers of Rolls Royce cars and aircraft engines have not compromised on that principle. This is why all over the world Rolls Royce has an unblemished and unassailable reputation for excellence which does not come cheap as whichever way you look at it, excellence carries a high price tag. It is reserved for men and women of means some of who find the Rolls Royce as a smoke screen for their maleficence so that, not everyone who owns a Rolls is a lover of excellence but that is another matter.

    Under our present circumstances a Nigerian at the wheels of a Rolls Royce is a parody of a genuine person, a masquerade that has been expelled from the underworld. This is because there a disconnect between the spirit of their iconic vehicle and the realities on ground in their country and emphasises the inequality within the country. Whilst one individual corners the wealth that will make life meaningful for close to or even more than a million of their compatriots, it is clear that the system that makes that possible is irretrievably broken. It is no longer fit for purpose and is not likely to be repaired any time soon by anything remotely superior. As I sat in our much more humble car, contemplating the uncertain future of our country, we took on board enough petrol to take us back to Ilesa with a little more to spare. My thoughts were soon switched back to the journey awaiting us on that broken stretch of road between Ibadan and Ilesa. Those thoughts did not make for sound sleep especially as the picture of the majestic Rolls gliding through traffic continued to slide in and out of my residual consciousness throughout the night.

  • Aregbesola attempts political redefinition

    Aregbesola attempts political redefinition

    Former Osun State governor and Interior minister, Rauf Aregbesola, has managed to retain some public attention as he continues to project his unique brand of politics in which he is accountable only to himself. His Oranmiyan political group has become more active than before, and he remains its lodestar. A man of slight build but immensely opinionated and charismatic, he is unapologetic about his brand of politics and takes his falling out with his mentor, President Bola Tinubu, with great poise. Video clips of his recent political junkets around some Osun cities, including Ejigbo, Osogbo, and Iwo, among others, have suffused the social media. They show him being serenaded by feisty groups of dancing supporters almost eerily casting him in the mould of Western Nigeria’s political icon, the late Adegoke Adelabu, alias Penkelemesi. That parallel may not have crossed his mind, but in some of the videos, he had, like Penkelemesi, sung and danced with his supporters as they whip themselves into frenzy.

    Mr Aregbesola served two terms as Lagos State Works commissioner, two terms as Osun State governor, and two terms as Interior minister of the Federal Republic. Longevity in public office, he has proved over and over again by his political boisterousness and unguarded utterances, seldom makes politicians humble or wiser. Instead, it makes them messianic. The mobilisation videos psyche his supporters to prepare to retake lost grounds in Osun, probably ahead of the next governorship poll. Of course, Mr Aregbesola does not have presidential ambition. How could he? When his second term as governor was about to end, he had attempted to foist a successor on the state whom he obviously felt would both do the job of governorship well and be accountable to him. His effort was, however, frustrated. To accentuate this failure, he was made to support the party’s chosen successor, Gboyega Oyetola, a bitter pill he was disinclined to swallow.

    The former Osun governor does not believe he lacks political and ideational depth. But he actually does, whether he agrees or not. What he has in abundance, and which could make up for his deficiencies, is his immense talent for grassroots mobilisation, which dovetails into bucolic cockiness that seems to impress the Osun rabble. For a man who loves to hear himself speak as well as declaim against the ideological vacuousness of his opponents, especially being himself a tenuous ideologue of the Cuban socialist genre, he seems capable of offering brutal and effective leadership in a state and at a time no one else, not even the dancing mimic at the state’s Government House, has stepped up to give. He has not indicated whether his mobilisation is to reclaim the APC, especially considering that his group has always insisted it is the authentic APC, or to set up a new party, or to transmute into a bargaining chip in the next election as he indeed did in the last election. He will, it appears, take one step at a time. Armed with this wisdom, he and his men have become very prolific in composing partisan dithyrambs to lift up their spirits and conversely dampen the enthusiasm of the leaderless, if not also rudderless, APC in the state.

    Read Also: Tension in Anambra over disappearance of Anglican Archbishop

    But the likelihood of returning to, or regaining, or repossessing the APC is very slim for Oranmiyan. The chances are in fact next to zero. Mr Aregbesola may be an ideologue suffering from messianic complex, but he can be so naïve to believe he still has a role or a place in the APC, whether he thinks he is the authentic APC or not. He burnt his bridges when he joined a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) coalition to rob Mr Oyetola of second term; and when he displayed aggressive iconoclasm by denouncing then candidate Tinubu’s presidential ambition in terms that made many but his diehard supporters wince, the rebellion was complete. It requires boyish optimism to think that he would be allowed to seize a chapter of a party led by political leaders he had turned into archenemies. They won’t let him, and there is little he can do about it. He tried valiantly to reclaim Alimosho local government in Lagos State where he cut his political teeth and flowered, but he was checkmated. Reclaiming Osun APC will be a bridge too far, regardless of how courageous, iconoclastic, and charismatic he thinks he is. It will have nothing to do with whether anyone likes him or not; it is indeed a spectacular matter of how tragically he had let his impatience and characteristic triviality damage his brand.

    His political leaders always thought him a special breed and politician, partly because of his seeming and enthusiastic commitment to his mentors and the party, but he later demonstrated that his loyalties were at bottom flaky and conditional. Making the same mistake Nigeria made by denying MKO Abiola the presidency in 1993 at the cost of six agonising and bloody years, Mr Aregbesola could also not abide the reelection of Mr Oyetola for a few years in order to keep his enviable place in the party and sustain the indescribable awe in which his mentors and leaders held him. It was a small price to pay; but typical of his excesses and supercilious disregard for others, he launched heedlessly into the political abyss. How he does not see his present predicament as a correlate of his unfathomable inadequacies is hard to understand. One guess can be safely ventured: Mr Aregbesola is already locked in a vicious orbit of perfidy, and there is no amount of charismatic posturing or musical improvisations that will bring him out of it. Alas, he now wallows in infamy; but it is apparently a fate far better than the public ridicule he has continued to relive.

  • Netanyahu, Trump and Palestine

    Netanyahu, Trump and Palestine

    Last week, President-elect Donald Trump warned Hamas there would be “all hell to pay” if the nearly 100 hostages left in captivity in Gaza were not released before he is sworn in on January 20, 2025. In addition, even though he did not mention Hamas directly, he also threatened that “Those responsible will be hit harder than anybody has been hit in the long and storied history of the United States of America.” They may only just be realising it, but Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran contributed in a way to the election of Mr Trump. Americans who voted him thought he was far more capable of restoring peace in the Middle East, and Palestinian-Americans also suggested that he would stop the ‘genocide’ in Gaza much quicker than the ‘dithering’ President Joe Biden.

    Read Also: First Lady donates N50m endowment fund for best graduating FUTO female student

    While it is not clear each would get its wish in the way they expect it, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has by his arrogant and entitled approach to the war in Gaza and Lebanon continued to show his lack of grace and empathy as well as his entitled overview of Israel’s expectations in the regional crisis. Israel has undoubtedly undertaken a most accomplished tactical campaign against Hamas and Hezbollah, but the collateral damage has been enormous. Now, as the advent of a second Trump presidency nears, Iran and its proxies will be hard put to know how to respond. The incoming American president is more pro-Israel than Mr Biden, and resentful of Iran and its proxies. He is the answer to the Israeli prime minister’s prayers. Worse for Iran, the amoral Mr Trump is not timid of projecting American power in the region, making him a darling of the region’s conservative rulers and monarchies. It remains to be seen, however, whether the grossly miscalculating Hamas will heed Mr Trump’s warning. Iran and Hezbollah have meanwhile remained sensibly muted.

  • New Dimensions in the Long Revolution: Coded battles for economic and political modernisation of Nigeria

    New Dimensions in the Long Revolution: Coded battles for economic and political modernisation of Nigeria

    Honorable members of the board, it is a pleasure to welcome you to this inaugural meeting of The Nation Journalism Foundation. We live in very interesting times when events happen at a furious and breakneck speed, often inducing generalized apprehension and an eerie sense of disorientation among the populace and the ruling classes themselves. It has been said that journalism is history in a hurry. But we live in a world where unfolding events themselves in their wild improbability and sheer impossibility make history itself feels like fiction in a hurry. In such circumstances, history, however outlandish and improbable it appears, remains the infallible guide and guardrails.

    It seems like yesterday, but it is coming to almost twenty years ago when this writer delivered an inaugural address on May, 6th, 2006 at the launch of Sahara Reporters at the Empire State Building in New York. The address was titled, The Blogger As Nemesis. In our detailed analysis, we drew attention to the emergence of blogging as a profession in Nigeria, a development which we thought would put paid to the dominance of official news and information and the complicity and collusion of the mainstream media, sections of which had played a heroic role in the termination of military rule, with official lies and mendacity.

      Almost twenty years after, we can look back with the benefit of hindsight and through the prism of our current perplexities and perturbation as a nation to that particular period of our national life. It was coming to the tail end of the Obasanjo post-military dispensation. The euphoria about seeing off the military to the barracks was beginning to wear off. New national contradictions had made their way to the centre stage. In fairness to the Owu-born general, he had run a fairly competent if not visionary economy. Obasanjo’s project of formal demilitarization was also brilliantly executed with the support of old military acolytes like General Theophilus Danjuma.

    Obasanjo

    It was in the next phase of deepening the democratic process that Obasanjo came a sad cropper. In fairness to the general, you cannot give what you don’t have. The general was particularly ill-equipped for this task. He had already stoked the fire of future instability through the perplexed levity with which he handled the sharia challenge to his suzerainty and his heavy-handed devastation of Odi and Zaki Biam communities. Despite setting up the EFCC as a proactive corruption-fighting organization, the issue of the third term gambit, and the outlandish bribery that went with this, set the tone for the political and economic malfeasance that has dogged the Fourth Republic. After that, Obasanjo was a spent force waiting to unleash the final damage to the country in the form of a succession programme that lacked both integrity and fairness. The remaining time also afforded him the opportunity to complete the electoral brutalization of his own people.  

    The address at the Empire State Building at the launch of Sahara Reporters presages and projects the rise of the impish and intrepid former Student Union leader to the portals of global superstardom in the crucible of disruptive communication and instant news dissemination. At that point in time, Sowore was not a trained journalist. Neither was he known to have taken any internship in any newspaper house. And it was not as if he was a lone moral exemplar in a dark void. He was merely cuing in, shrewdly and probably intuitively, to the shattering of the old canons of journalism by the advent of disruptive developments such as the rise of the internet, the abolition of the old notions of time and space by globalization, the irruptions of new modes of mass communication which bypass the ancient fossilized newsroom and its archaic and decaying typesetters as well as the arrival of the new phenomenon known as Citizens’ Journalism.

    It is as rowdy and disrespecting of the old order and its institutional restraints as anybody can imagine. Anybody with an access to a computer and an upmarket phone is a prospective journalist. And anybody with a modern lap top is a publisher in waiting. For a postcolonial society which had just managed to throw off the yoke of military tyranny in the course of a long transition to modernity, it has been quite a journey from the epoch of Public Letter-writers who served as the solitary channel for communicating private grievances to the colonial authority to the age of bloggers who can call out anybody on anything.

    That bright and clear New York morning, the Empire State Building where the launch of Sahara Reporters took place was sparsely populated. Although fairly well-known as a student union leader, particularly famous for wrestling the late Admiral Joseph Okhai Akhigbe to the ground over a dispute about examination time table while the latter moonlighted as a Law student at the University of Lagos, he was yet to enter proper national consciousness at that point in time. The place was filled with Sowore acolytes and a few die-hard admirers. Yours sincerely was in the habit of infiltrating Sowore into complacent and complaisant ancient Yoruba circles in seedy dimly lit drinking joints of Brooklyn and Queens in New York for dueling matches over political developments back in Nigeria which were as rowdy as they were filled with friendly imprecations and joyous expletives.

    Read Also: Akpabio flags off medical outreach to support Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda

    Taking one to the airport later that year, Sowore noted cryptically that the Yoruba were withdrawing their intellectuals and that something was cooking. What was cooking was an inch by inch Normandy Beach-like operation to retrieve the region from General Obasanjo’s electoral blunderbuss. It ended four years later as Rauf Aregbesola triumphantly reclaimed his stolen mandate. Meanwhile in the intervening eighteen years, Sowore had transformed himself from a democratic street fighter, a sophomore samurai, an equal opportunity protester to the baron of disruptive communication, a master of insurrectionary journalism and globally lionized star of the post-military protest in Nigeria whose exploits and derring-do at the behest of his nation are permanently etched in the memories of his contemporaries.

    One may of course disagree with Sowore’s method and tactics, his rather ill-conceived notion of revolution as Espresso Coffee. But it is a measure of the young man’s amazing transformation and emergent national stature that a few days back, he successfully called out the nation’s premier crime bursting agency over its decision to conceal the identity of the nation’s biggest ever would be landlord. To be sure in doing this, the EFCC might be acting under some furtive gambit of secret negotiation to achieve maximum result but in a nation tired of official collusion and complicity with humongous crimes against the commonwealth, it was no surprise that it blew in its face. This is how far we have come in the battle against state criminality and we may have the advent of citizens’ journalism and disruptive countervailing disclosure of information to thank for this development.

    Going forward, it should now be clear and straightforward that we can no longer rely on fighting state criminality and economic heists committed against the nation by relying on old methods and methodology. Because Nigeria is struggling to be free of the hegemonic shackles of an entrenched plundering ethos derived from harmful worldviews that have kept the nation in a permanent state of normless levitations, it is going to be a hard slog; a brutal toe to toe contention.  We are in for a long revolution.  Contrary to Sowore’s own notion of instant revolutions characterized by brisk victories and irreversible gains, a long revolution is often accompanied by momentous slides and reversible momentum. Battles you thought had been fought and won simply come back to haunt you in another guise. Instant revolutionaries of yesterday dissolve into thin air. The shambolic state of Labour Party and its now motorized bicycle riders ought to serve as a telling reminder that ersatz revolutions not based on acute and accurate reading of the totality of circumstances of a multi-ethnic nation are dead before arrival.

    The current political hostilities over tax reforms are nothing but coded battles for the political and economic modernization of the country. They are just the tip of a huge iceberg and it is imperative that economic modernization is accompanied by political modernization, otherwise modernization is imperiled by counter-modernizing forces in their hegemonic resilience and resplendency. Unless the modernizing forces thrown up by the contradictions of the moment manage to discover the pan-Nigerian concert needed to impose a modernizing hegemony on the current chaotic ensemble, nothing can be guaranteed.

    This is why there is something fortuitous and fortunate about the coming of The Nation’s Journalism Foundation at this particular time. Eighteen years into the advent of Sowore and Sahara Reporters, the political situation appears more complicated while the reality is even more colorful in Nigeria. Although powerful blows have been struck against the ramparts of authoritarian misrule and savage despotism, their Praetorian Guard remain intact. The full arrival of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the debut of even more sophisticated modes of faking reality (Deep Fake) have led to a deepening of doubt about official disclosures and the officiality of any disclosure itself.

    While the living tremble in fear, even the dead are rattled in apprehension. In the fierce struggle to debase and defame reality, actual reality appears unrealizable, a mere approximation of the real thing. We have arrived at the post-public preview or purview as the case may be. Who in his right mind would have believed that it is possible for an Accountant General of a federation to steal almost the entire federal coffer under his care, or that a serving official would build for himself an estate of over seven hundred duplexes while invoking the bible? Actual reality is unrealistic, as Franz Kafka will put it.

    This is the intriguing environment in which The Nation’s Foundation for Journalism will operate. There is a plethora of other organizations operating in the field. It will strive to distinguish itself by refining its own operative parameters. Based on its antecedents, it cannot, and will not, project itself as an adversarial antithesis to the state. Rather, it will promote active dialogue with state and non-state actors, seek occasional interactive engagement with officialdom, open its portals to countervailing views as long as they operate within the bounds of decency and decorum and actively seek the maximum welfare of traditional journalists through constant workshops, interdisciplinary training  with relevant national and international agencies and programmes of retraining and retooling as well as exposure to emerging trends in the profession.

    The present generation can only do its best, hoping to pass the baton to future generations. Thank you all.

    •Being a welcome address to the inaugural meeting of the Board of Trustees, The Nation Journalism Foundation by the Chairman of the board, Professor Adebayo Williams held on Wednesday, 4th December, 2024.

  • This North, ‘sef’

    This North, ‘sef’

    But for the fact that I don’t give awards to people, I would have decorated Governor Abdullahi Sule of Nasarawa State and his Niger State counterpart, Umar Bago, with garlands, over their words and deeds at the tail end of last month.

     Most northern leaders have been behaving as if they expect other Nigerians to carry their (North’s) load on their heads while holding theirs (other Nigerians) in the hand. That has been the dominant mentality in the north, but it is unsustainable. It is like the ‘ranka dede’ system upon which the north has been based. It is because it could not have lasted forever that we have banditry and terrorism almost all over the north today.

    I remember several years ago when I was at ‘The Punch’, we were always saying that this feudal system would blow over our faces someday. How can some people think that a system whereby some people would be eating sumptuous meals in mansions with all modern gadgets while others stay locked outside the gate doing ‘ranka dede’ and waiting for the crumbs from the tables of the super rich, would last forever? How? When they are not blind. They see all the affluence in the midst of poverty. Certainly, a time would come when those people would start asking questions as to whether some people have two heads for things to be so skewed against the poor and vulnerable.

    That future is here.

    There is no part of the country without its peculiar kinds of bad boys and girls. We have ‘area boys’ in Lagos and other parts of the south west; their variants exist in the South East and South south in varying degrees, with some masquerading as freedom fighters. We have castle rustlers, bandits, terrorists in the north. Of course we have other kinds of criminals including cultists, kidnappers, ritual killers, Yahoo Yahoo boys and girls, Yahoo Plus, armed robbers, pick pockets, etc. all over. But nothing near the kind of evil going on in the north.

    Nigeria has 18.3 million out-of-school (OOS) children. At 15 per cent, it is the highest in the world. Of the current 18.3 million, the north takes a chunk of over 15 million.

    The religious/cultural factor is the worst of the factors that have sustained the problematic ‘ancien regime’ that has been used to exploit the average northerner. People who are not profitably engaged would always find alternative jobs from the devil.

    And, as if what is already on ground is not bad enough, we now have terrorism becoming a booming enterprise. Just at a time we were feeling that Boko Haram was dying, another terror group that calls itself Lakurawa or Lukarawa sprang up. So, we have terrorism mutating. At Nigerians’ expense. Yet, they did not cause the problem that led to this huge numbers of OOS children that have now become thorns in the flesh of everybody. The northern elite has been encouraging the ‘talakawa’ to go into the fattening rooms to produce babies without a thought for how their needs, including their education, would be met.

    Meanwhile, the north collects huge sums from the national purse ostensibly to take care of its huge population but the political elite and, to some extent, their religious counterparts, pocketed substantial parts of this money which they spend on the education of their own children in choice schools abroad. Meanwhile, they encourage the children of the ‘talakawa’ to go to ill-equipped Quranic schools where equally ill-motivated instructors teach them God knows what, after which they go to the streets to beg for alms. For want of any meaningful job or vocation, they end up as terrorists.

    Imagine the trillions that we have had to cough up to fight terrorism in the north alone! This is good money that would have gone a long way to better our educational system, improve healthcare, construct and maintain roads, increase power supply as well as provide other social amenities.

    But what, specifically have governors Bago and Sule said or done differently to catch my attention? Good question.

    I have always said that there is no part of the country that is not blessed. When we say the north is educationally disadvantaged, I do ‘t know when that and the unjust privileges that go with it would end. The north has been perpetually disadvantaged since I was a child. It is still so now that I am getting old. What’s ‘gwan’? We always give this impression of a dry and barren North. It is not true. The northern leaders either  want to continue to exploit the rest of the country or they simply refused to put on their thinking caps when they make such statements because free money is available for all to spend.

    Not long ago, Governor Bago said when he took over last year: “The State IGR was hovering between N500 million and N700 million but, right now, we are hitting almost N10 billion.”

    Of course, the next question is “where did you get that from”? His answer: “Just by blocking the loopholes. We have migrated a lot of collection system, reporting system. And, there is transparency in our application. We have seen loopholes; even people who generate and consume, now; don’t generate and consume. They report through the system. It is just responsible governance that we have brought into practice. Secondly, with the agriculture initiatives, we are making money.”

    I read Bago’s interview in a national daily and I must confess he mesmerised me. I don’t know him from Adam but I can tell you the sky is the limit for his political career if he can walk his talk in that interview, at least, substantially. He is a man of ideas. He has clarity of expression and he seems sufficiently informed about where he wants his state to be in a few years of his tenure.

    Read Also: Poverty, insecurity in north caused poor education, says Shehu Sani

    Then Sule who is also the chair of North Central Governors Forum. Hear him: “Just like it is a sin to continue to marry wives you cannot take care of; it is also a sin to continue producing children that you cannot take care of.”

    Sule continues: “Why is it that it is only here? I just got back from Saudi Arabia. I didn’t see many almajiri in Makkah, Madina, Jedda, or anywhere else. They are an Islamic nation. Yes. You mentioned that in Pakistan, they have out-of-school children, but their situation is entirely different. Why should Northern Nigeria continue to hold the entire nation at ransom when we know that it is our problem and we have to go out there and find a way to solve it?

    Many of the northern elites and remnants of the oligarchy there would not be happy about these frank statements from the two governors. But their positions are the future that we are going. If the oligarchy is sad; I can understand. Nobody is happy to lose freebies. But the kind of honeymoon they have been having with public funds must come to an end someday. The owners of the money must be allowed to partake reasonably from the common wealth.

    Yoruba people have a proverb that a child that is not trained (educated) will end up selling the house that those who were trained built (omo ta o ko lo ma gbe ile ti a ko ta).

    Many northern leaders have abandoned their towns because of the problems now being caused by those children they played yo-yo with the money they should have spent to educate them. Those children have permanently ensured that those who refused to train them too cannot rest or sleep with their two eyes closed. So, it is now a situation of the bird that perches on a tree; neither the bird nor the tree can rest.

    On a rather sarcastic note, these politicians who can no longer go to their towns come down south, particularly Lagos to add to the infrastructural pull and catch fun. Yet, when it is time to talk about raising what comes to Lagos from the Federation Account, they shoot it down.

    But that is by the way.

    I agree with northern leaders who always brag that the north can stand on its own. They are very correct. As a matter of fact, that is what Gov. Bago has proved with the miracle of his IGR. The only difference between Bago and those braggarts is that while they believe the north can stand alone, they are very quick to see every move to make them demonstrate that as an attempt to take crutches away from them.

    That is why I am disagreeing with Gov. Zulum when he said that he won’t be able to pay salaries if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s tax reform bills scale through in the National Assembly. For me, this is not good enough. The whole essence of the reform is, first, to obey the first cardinal rule of taxation which is to return a chunk of the tax revenue to where it is generated. To bring in more people into the tax net as well as check multiple taxation, among others.

    Zulum, I must confess, is one of the governors I admire. I love the passionate ways he has been handling the various challenges besetting his state. His passion for education as exemplified in his construction works, especially school buildings that he is modernising, etc. A long time ago, I dedicated this column to him, in acknowledgement of his good works.

     I could not but marvel when he waded through knee-deep floods that swept through the state capital in September. Many of his colleagues would simply stay at what they consider a safe distance and point at any object of interest.

    I know the Zamfara State governor has a peculiar challenge given the havoc wreaked in the state by Boko Haram and other bandits and terrorists. But if the governor looks well to the ground, he would always find a redeeming feature that could translate to money for the state.

    It is high time northern state governments began to do more of looking inward rather than relying on money from the Niger Delta. This is not about Zulum alone. It was the same mentality that made some south west governors to refer to their states as ‘civil servants,’ states, whatever that means.

    Just as babies are bundles of joy, human resource is about the most-priced  of all resources. It is the one that gives them meaning, galvanise them and put them to productive use. The North has a surfeit of it. It should flaunt it. If it cannot do that in its raw form as it were now, it should work towards making it productive rather than keep asking other parts of the country to wait for it.

  • Israel, Hezbollah: shape of new war

    Israel, Hezbollah: shape of new war

    After last Wednesday’s truce between Israel and Hezbollah (euphemistically described as a truce between Israel and Lebanon), both sides to the conflict have claimed victory. It was reminiscent of the 2006 2nd Lebanon war between the two sides, with both also claiming victory, and the Israeli Winograd Commission describing it as a missed opportunity to disarm Hezbollah. Would this latest truce lead to a permanent cessation of hostilities, and perhaps, optimistically, a peace deal? Few on both sides think there is prospect of a peace deal anytime soon. The latest conflict lasted for about 13 months, triggered in the main by Iran’s prompting and the Gaza war. Hezbollah, apart from being one of the Middle East’s deadliest and probably the most equipped proxy militia of Iran, is an armed non-state actor as well as a political party in Lebanon founded after the 1st Lebanon war (1982) and the eviction of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) from Lebanon.

    Stung by its failings in the 2006 war, and in view of the political ‘bloodletting’ that followed the war, Israel learnt its lessons and prepared far better for the next war which they knew was inevitable. After many skirmishes, that war finally came in September, accompanied by a lot of war razzmatazz starting with James Bond-type moves (explosions of thousands of rigged pagers and hundreds of walkie-talkies as well as targeted assassinations that eliminated nearly all Hezbollah leaders) and ending with incredible precision bombings that ignored and made nonsense of human shields. Hezbollah may have declared victory to buoy up the confidence of its supporters, but its fighters and Iran knew they were beaten this time. Who won or who lost, a debate that will continue perhaps long after the conflict, is, however, not as important as what the war foretells about the future of wars. Taken together with the war in Gaza against Hamas, this latest conflict effectively sounds the death knell for the role of human shields as a war tactic, regardless of the arguments and warrants of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

    Two major tactics describe the Hamas and Hezbollah wars against Israel: the deployment of a maze of tunnels as a war tool and use of human shield to limit or castrate attacking forces. Both failed in the ongoing war in Gaza and the Hezbollah conflict now circumscribed by a two-month ceasefire. Unlike previous wars in which Israel deployed general and conventional tactics in dealing with the conflicts, the Hamas and Hezbollah wars saw the deployment of new Israeli tactics of targeted eliminations. Top commanders of both Hamas and Hezbollah were eliminated in the opening days and weeks of the conflicts, including a significant number of the second layer of the militias’ leadership. Tunnels dug under civilian homes and health and educational institutions were breached or bombed regardless of collateral damage. The Israelis showed that tunnel warfare had limited efficacy in deterring the enemy. They also proved, notwithstanding ICC warrants, that human shields would not deter the deployment of massive ordnances. In both World War I and World War II, carpet bombings of civilian and military infrastructures were routine. But in the 21st century, the world has become more squeamish about civilian casualties, leading to many militias deploying human shields. In the years ahead and wars to come, neither tunnels nor human shields, nor any civilian infrastructure such as schools or hospitals, will deter military tactics or disproportionate use of firepower.

    Debates are already ongoing about whether Israel should have acceded to cessation of hostilities in the Hezbollah war, given its experience in 2006 when the militia was not disarmed and continued to menace Northern Israel. Opinions are divided down the middle. What is clear, and which Israel’s political and military leaders probably know, is that Hezbollah is so integrated into the Lebanese body politic that defeating them completely may be unrealistic. Continuous degrading of the militia’s fighting capability, and disconnecting them from Iranian influence and control may be a more sensible option. Until Iran took over the financing of Hezbollah, Syria used to be its paymaster and controller. By a combination of war of attrition with Israel and civil war triggered by the Arab Spring, Syria unburdened itself of Hezbollah almost the same way Qatar is unloading Hamas. There is, therefore, no conclusive indication that Israel might be throwing away a golden opportunity in dealing with and eliminating Hezbollah. The truce provides for the withdrawal of Hezbollah behind the 121km Blue (Litani River) Line, and the withdrawal of Israel Defence Forces (IDF) from southern Lebanon. If nothing endangers the tentative truce, the ceasefire could be turned into something more permanent. But as long as Hezbollah does not disarm, and given its influential role in the Lebanese parliament and politics, not to talk of the intransigence of Iran, it is hard to see peace being restored to Lebanon and northern Israel. Hezbollah may have been considerably weakened by Israeli attacks, but it remains to be seen whether that weakening is sufficient enough to strengthen the Lebanese Army to take control of the country’s armed forces, or position the parliament to impose control over the country’s politics.

    Read Also: Israel poised to approve ceasefire with Hezbollah, says official

    In so many important and unprecedented ways for Israel, the Hamas and Hezbollah wars have shattered the illusions that tunnels and human shields were a foolproof way of resisting the enemy and even defeating it. Gradually, both Hamas and Hezbollah may be compelled to reexamine their military doctrines and repose more hope in political and diplomatic solutions to longstanding political impasse. If the world made only a token gesture of rising against what they presumed to be Israeli genocide against civilians, and the Middle East itself paid only lip service to the cause of Palestinians championed by Hamas and Hezbollah, any future or replica erection of human shields against an enemy, particularly in a war triggered by the weaker side, may prove nugatory.

  • Osun’s jinxed airport

    Osun’s jinxed airport

    There are dozens of unviable airports around the country. But that has not deterred Osun State governor Ademola Adeleke from proposing a new one to be sited in Ede, his hometown. It is new because the unfinished airport sited in Ido-Osun, on which about N20bn had been spent, according to some estimates, is alleged by the governor to lack enough space for runway and is also susceptible to adversarial wind. More space for runway could be sourced, argued the state government, but only at a princely sum. He didn’t say whether he would spend more securing more runway space than starting an airport all over again.

    Read Also: JUST IN: Osun govt to commence payment of N75,000 minimum wage Dec. 1

    But, Mr Adeleke, more reticent than convincing on any subject, has hardly sustained any piece of argument beyond a few languid sentences since he assumed office about two years ago. He couldn’t care less, however, about taking the airport to his hometown. Nor could he be bothered about what is logical or not logical, or thrifty or prodigal. It’s the state’s money, after all; and in his quaint, carefree worldview, he prefers to be seen from the levity of the world of entertainment, particularly his dancing. His opponents insist he is nepotistic and insular in relocating the airport to Ede. Oh, give the man a break; does he know a different world and can he be what he is not? For a governor who said his pension and gratuity payment outstripped his last two predecessors and made him a performer, why raise eyebrows about his measurements and what scales he uses, metric or imperial?