Category: Tatalo Alamu

  • Confab and confabulations

    Trust President Goodluck Jonathan to pull a rabbit out of his Fedora cap in injury times. After months of shilly-shallying and dilly-dallying on the issue, he has finally agreed to convoke a National Conference to address the fundamental problems facing the nation. But this was after the security and political situation has worsened and a raging civil war in his party has all but ended his chances of unimpeded renomination, not to say reelection. If he was expecting to be universally hailed for this, he would have been startled by the gale of recrimination from some important and influential quarters.

    Perhaps the greatest irony lost on Jonathan and his formidable political adversaries is that he had decided to convoke a National Conference at the weakest moment of his presidency, when he has his back to the wall. Heralded by a bizarre speech of sudden apostolic conversion and capitulation by the inevitable David Mark which dripped with venom and anger for anti-national forces that have brought Nigeria to heels, it was clear that the government was at the end of its tether. President Jonathan reminds one of the great French general who conceded that even though his flanks had collapsed and the centre was giving way, he was nevertheless proceeding on a major offensive.

    It is a reflection of the sheer opportunism, the lack of official clarity and the arm twisting surrounding the whole project that Jonathan himself put the heavy boot in even as he was being hailed in some quarters. By insisting that the decisions of the conference would be passed to a widely reviled National Assembly for vetting, Jonathan has ensured that the whole thing is dead on arrival. As it is today, the National Assembly suffers from institutional delinquency. Institutional delinquency occurs when a combination of genetic, sociological and historic infirmities prevents a vital national institution from fulfilling its mission and obligation to the nation. But this is a topic for another occasion.

    Yet there is a deeper political logic to all this which seems to elude just about everybody. In the absence of a truly transformative and redemptive world-historic leader, and given the structural deformation that has crippled the nation from birth, it was clear to most discerning Nigerians that a genuine National Conference was a historic inevitability. It would have taken an exceptionally visionary and patriotic leader to conduct such a gathering when he has all the aces stacked in his favour, when his legitimacy and authority are intact and have not been battered into submission by adversarial forces.

    Obasanjo for one did not avail himself of the historic opportunity. Had he turned his attention to the structural debility that has hobbled the nation at the end of his great demilitarisation project, he would have emerged as the founder and father of post-military Nigeria. But he temporised long enough for his hideous leadership failings to come into bold relief and for almost everybody to see that his so called National Dialogue was a tactical ruse to prolong his misbegotten tenure.

    Jonathan has shown himself to be a poorer reader of historical currents than even his mentor and benefactor. As at the moment and under his watch, his party is hopelessly factionalised and deeply fractured; the country is trapped between insurgent religious forces in the North and economic rebels in the deep South even as the rest of the nation groans under the extreme pathologies of a truly dysfunctional polity. Fear and hunger stalk the land.

    The grim paradox of our situation is that had we been running a true parliamentary system, the government would long have been out of power. And in a true presidential system, no party or president that has presided over such a gargantuan mess would dare show their face at the polls. Yet it is clear that despite its obvious and insurmountable leadership deficits, the Jonathan administration hopes to use the opportunity of a National Dialogue as a strategic ruse to engineer a huge national confusion which will eventuate in the dismemberment of the country or the elongation of its miserable tenure through a state of emergency.

    Opposition figures and other concerned nationals who have poured scorn and vitriol on the dialogue surely have their political antennae properly tuned. But it would amount to a fatal error of political judgment to surrender the strategic initiative by boycotting the conference. Opposition should not be fixated on electoral victory because given the current circumstances, elections alone can no longer resolve the national conundrum.

    But there is often some meaning embedded in meaninglessness. It is in the interest of higher patriotism to help Jonathan and his politically challenged Ijaw hegemonists out of the historic quagmire they have trapped themselves, just as it is important to let a core North that has learnt nothing and forgotten nothing know that Nigeria can no longer survive along the lines of the old status quo. This is the only thing that makes sense in the pervasive senselessness of these terrible times.

  • The Okon and Baba Lekki road show

    While Snooper was enjoying a well-deserved holiday, the dismal duo of Baba Lekki and Okon reinvented themselves as roadside philosophers dispensing nuggets of rare wisdom for a small fees to stricken and afflicted Nigerians. Among their favourite topics are: state abduction, power as aphrodisiac, armoured cars, prebendalism in the postcolony etc. On the last topic, Snooper understands that Wale Adebanwi and Ebenezer Obadare a.k.a Ebino, sans topsy-turvy, serve as professorial consultants from the Diaspora.

    Last Thursday, Snooper watched quietly as a drunken Urhobo lady sidled up to Okon. After paying the “admission” fees, the woman wasted no time with customary formalities. “Okon, my name be Okiemute, and I dey sell fish for Ogba. My question be say wetin dis dem Jonathan man dey do for Jarusalem sef, abi enof wahala no dey home?”

    The mad boy looked at the woman with wry bemusement and then shot back with a pithy and pitiless Efik proverb. “ My sista, make una leave am. Dem thing wey drive monkey go climb palm tree still dey for the bottom of dem palm tree”.

    “Make dem man no go quench for Jarusalem ooo”, the woman drawled.

    “Why not?” Okon snorted.

    “No be for dem yeye place dem dey wake up after sotey three days?”the Urhobo lady noted with a devilish wink.

    “Sista, I hear you, I hear you” Okon croaked and waved off the naughty wench. It was then the turn of a Yoruba man in battered suit who stepped forward with professorial solemnity. With his tangled and unkempt hair style, he seemed on the verge of losing a long-drawn battle of the mind. The man lunged at Baba Lekki with cat-like agility.

    “Wo, Baba Elegiri, or whatever funny name they call you. Give me a sexual theory of armoured cars with immediate effect. I am tired of all this hilarious harlequinade”, the man screamed.

    Sensing a kindred soul, Baba Lekki eyed the man with tipsy affection and admiration. “Out of the welter of national confusion comes a sober and sane mind”, the old sage began and then suddenly lapsed into pidgin French with alacrity, “Mais mon ami, L’amour cest la paramour”.

    “Ha, ha mon ami, cest bon, cest bon”, the strange man nodded severally. It was at this point that a gang of irreverent urchins broke up the proceeding.

  • A long farewell from Allah De

    A long farewell from Allah De

    This column this morning mourns the passing of a great mentor, senior friend, ardent fan and journalistic icon, Alhaji Alade Idowu Odunewu. Allah De, as he was famously known, was easily one of the greatest columnists anywhere in the world in the last century. An illustrious scion of an illustrious family, the great journalist was a master of elegant prose and a man of outstanding personal polish.

    To have known Allah De was to know a man of culture, civility, restraint and gentlemanly sensitivity to others. There was about him the urbane self-mastery that go with superior breeding. True eminence does not push its pre-eminence. Self-assured and assured of his place in the ranking order, Allah De was an old Lagosian in the classic sense of that word: a combination of the fabled English gentleman who wears his hat and distinction lightly and the Yoruba Omoluabi who knows that what is left unsaid is also the most profoundly eloquent.

    Anybody who has come across the likes of Chief Folarin Coker who recently turned ninety, Mr Akintola Williams who is in his nineties, Chief Chris Ogunbanjo, the departed Chief Justice Fatai Atanda-Williams, the late I.S Adewale a.k.a “the boy is good”, the legendary Mobolaji Bank-Anthony and many others still living will know what we mean. These inscrutable, wise, unflappable, unfailingly polite and courteous gentlemen represent the seamless meshing of the very best of two global civilizations with a hint of Islamic chivalry.

    But they are a vanishing breed in a vanishing world. Allah De represents the last of the titans and the very last of the Mohicans. With his passing, Nigeria is a poorer place indeed. It is the last snapshot of Edwardian Lagos. For a long time, the old man had been hinting that he felt like an alien in an alien and alienating society.

    He could no longer make sense of the terrible fate that has overtaken his beloved profession and even more so his country. Despite his quiet visionary rallying of the remaining faithful, the old ethos had come irreversibly unstuck in a brave new Nigeria. Journalists have become business men and business men have become journalists. Consequently, the Fourth Estate of the Realm has become the Fourth Realm of the Estate.

    The whole world has gone out of joints. This was not the country they fought for with their pen and moral authority. Pirates, predators and other social piranhas have taken over the country. Like a bewildered but wise statesman, Allah De took solace in stoic, studied silence and solitary meditation, quietly waiting for the green light of terminal exit. It came at 2pm on Thursday afternoon.

    Snooper had been trapped in an impossible traffic snafu on the Gbagada loop when the news came. The tangled web of belching trailers, smoking and hissing petrol tankers and assorted automotive psychotics reminded one of the Abagana Civil War inferno. But this was a most uncivil war. Darkness had suddenly descended. Chief Adeniyi, retired FRCN director and loyal junior friend of Allah De, had been trying to get in touch with the dismal network not availing. He finally sent a text. The great masquerade had departed.

    It took quite a while for the news to sink in. Alhaji Odunewu was by no stretch of the imagination a young man. He had lived to ripe old age and had fulfilled his mission in life. Rather than mourning, it should be a celebration of a great life of glittering achievements and personal fulfillment. But death is death and the horror of terminal exit often leads to a temporary disorientation and the loss of customary rotes and routines.

    As yours sincerely was trying to come to terms with death in the tormenting tortoise of traffic, the phone rang and it was Lanre Idowu, one of the remaining stars and exemplars of the old school of journalism. “Lanre, don’t try to break any bad news to me”, snooper admonished him. Ignoring snooper’s disquiet, the notable journalist had gone ahead to confirm the news of Allah De’s passing.

    It was after this that Chief Adeniyi finally came through. He informed that the old man left in his usual quiet, peaceful and dignified manner, without any self-important fuss or fancy. He had tidied his earthly affairs and had scrupulously made arrangements for his own burial. It would take place the following day in keeping with the simple rites of Islam somewhere off Gambari Street in the very bowels of old Lagos. And that was that.

    Our paths had first crossed in disarming circumstances in late 1982. It was a most fortuitous encounter. A man of amazing grace and courtesy, the old man had journeyed all the way from Lagos to the great citadel of learning and culture to show his gratitude to a friend and colleague of snooper who had been of great help to his daughter in his tutorial classes. But the old Lagosian had lost his way in the jungle of pristine beauty and had showed up at snooper’s door. Snooper instantly recognised the great journalist and volunteered to take him to his destination. It was the beginning of a long relationship marked by strategic distance, discretion and mutual admiration.

    Famously dubbed the Dean of satirical journalism in Nigeria by the great Zik in the course of their epic duel over diarchy in 1973, Allah De was as sharp as he was witty. His limpid, free flowing, uncluttered prose was an orgiastic delight and vintage Fleet Street. On top of his form, Allah De recalls Baron William Rees-Mogg, the aristocratic British journalist, politician, editor and statesman, who plied his trade as a reporter-columnist into his eighties until he succumbed to cancer last December.

    Forty years on, snooper recalls the historic journalistic affray between Zik and Allah De, particularly with the wily Fabian lion and magnificent former prize fighter baiting the journalistic tiger out of his corner with the offer of some preliminary skirmishes before the main tournament. It was Fabius Cuntactor, the great Roman general and owner of the brand, who had famously noted that preliminary skirmishes must not be fought with major artillery. Allah De rallied heroically and the result was a memorable intellectual slugfest that reverberates till date.

    Great statesman versus great journalist, they do not make them like that any more in Nigeria. Forty years after, as Nigeria lurches between violent and autocratic military rule and equally violent and despotic civilian rule the debate about diarchy continues to resonate. About a fortnight ago, the whole concept was dredged up once again by a forthright columnist on The Nation.

    It would appear that Nigeria’s origins and inauguration in colonial conquest and armed subjugation have continued to haunt it. A century after forcible amalgamation and almost half a century after the conclusion of the Civil War, arms and their bearers continue to assume a tragic centrality in the framing and possible unfurling of the nation. At the last count, the military are involved in internal security operations in twenty eight out of thirty six states. It doesn’t get more dire.

    While the northernmost fringes of the country have become a no-go area due to a combination of political and spiritual insurgency, significant swaths of the south are under the siege of economic and social insurgency occasioned by armed robbery, violent kidnapping, ritual killing, sea piracy and other deviancies.

    Meanwhile to complete the armed entrapment of the entire country, the federal government, under the strategically misguided notion that it is important to secure the presidential backyard, is seriously and furiously looking for trouble by adding the explosive Rivers state to its shopping list of self-inflicted political disasters. Even the original owners of the game of programmed anarchy are shouting that this is going to be a bridge too far, but the government is saying not to worry, that it is a little local difficulty.

    What would Allah De, a staunch opponent of diarchy, say about this unfolding political nonsense? In 1983 while the NPN rigging machine was in furious progress in Oyo state, a much puzzled and bewildered Allah De noted in his column that the NPN scoundrels were not just content with ousting Bola Ige, they were also bent on loading the Oyo State Assembly with a “Balarabe-type” majority. A few weeks later, the bubble burst and the landslide turned into a gun slide as General Danjuma would famously put it.

    Thirty years down the line Allah De would even have been more puzzled by recent developments in the country. When shall we learn? It is just as well that Allah De has chosen this time to make his grand exit. Let the dead bury the dead. It has been a long farewell from one of Nigeria’s greatest sons ever. May the noble soul of Alade Odunewu rest in peace.. .

  • And a short farewell from snooper

    While we are still on the subject of death and departure, and of coming and going, it is meet to announce that this column is proceeding on leave. It is time for the masquerade behind the mask to take a well-deserved rest and to take stock of the future. For six and a half years beginning from January, 2007, dear readers, this column has appeared every Sunday. It has been a rich and rewarding experience. The more you know, the more aware you are of your ignorance. In the age of the dispersal of knowledge, the columnist as an omnipotent oracle is no longer feasible. A web of epistemic vulnerabilities binds all of us together.

    To our young readers who often marvel at its unstinting punctuality, let us say that the column is a triumph of the can do spirit which is typically Nigerian. This column is a testimony to the capacity of the human mind to push the body to the outer limits of punitive exertion and exhaustion. Before this column, the writer has never done a weekly column, preferring the fortnightly and monthly column which is more suitable to leisurely meditation and languid reflection. But certain political developments in the west in particular and in Nigeria in general changed all that.. Conceived as a light-hearted social diary, the column took on a life of its own and broke free of its handler.

    Snooper will miss our numerous readers and devotees of the column from far and wide, the parliament of pen-pushers , the web of warriors and the intensive care and caress of all those internees of the internet. Till we meet again, you can afford to sleepwalk with your eyes wide opened. Okon will be on long lease and a short leash.

  • Okon votes for child marriage

    It is not all over for All Over. While the distinguished senator from Idanre, Dr Ayo Akinyelure, a.k.a All Over, was weeping and crying like a baby as irate female members of his constituency pilloried him for rubbing them the wrong away over the child Marriage palaver, it was not only Senator Yerimah, the Oniyeri of Zamfara, that was having the last laugh.

    Okon had barged into snooper’s room with a strong message of support for the embattled senator from the rugged hills.

    “Oga, why dem Yoruba women dey shout about dem child marriage? Sebi dem dey do am too? “Okon demanded.

    “What do you mean?” snooper snapped.

    “Ah you see oga no vex.” The crazy boy began with a leer. “ When Okon first come Lagos as small pikin, he get one fat Yoruba woman for Mafoluku who dey greet me every morning and him dey say, oko mi o, oko mi o. I come ask dem wetin oko mi dey mean sef and they come tell me say na my husband. Naim I come pick race. I never even sabi piss proper not to talk of dem wire wire business, .so as dem mala dey do dem yanrinyan dem Yoruba women dey do dem yaro. Child marriage na child marriage. Equation don balance be dat, abi no be so:?”.

    “Okon, you are just a big fool. Get lost” snooper hissed at the rogue.

    “Oga I no be big fool. I be small fool for dem time. If to say na now now, dem fat Yoruba woman go smell pepper.” On that note, snooper kicked out the rogue cook.

  • Royal Rugby in Rivers

    Royal Rugby in Rivers

    God bless Patrick White, wherever the old contrarian chose to relocate to after his earthly sojourn. It was the great Australian novelist and 1973 Nobel laureate in Literature who once famously described rugby as a game of thugs writhing in mud. It was an unfriendly dig at the English Upper Class. Rugby, with its echoes of manliness and muscular menace, its refined violence and Public School pabulum, is a game very dear to the English upper crust. Unlike football, you can take rugby out of England but you cannot take the Englishness out of rugby.

    There is rugby and there is rugby. It appears that the old Australian curmudgeon spoke too soon. He should have watched the royal mud show in Rivers, Nigeria. Something new always comes out of Africa. Perhaps due to the peculiar prehistoric configuration and wiring of the Blackman’s brains, it is easy to convert tragedy to comedy. In a life marked by unremitting adversity and misfortune, laughter is the best medicine and superior political therapy. The alternative is sure suicide This is why after spiritual mountebanks, professional comedians and other comic clowns are among the highest paid Nigerians.

    Hip, hip, hurray! Welcome dear readers to the land of hippos and hipsters. It is called Hippotamia. It is a muddy swamp teeming with manatees, mermaids, mangrove mongoose, mammy waters, ocean going marsupials and other more menacing amphibious mammals. Here when thugs writhe in mud, they are engaged in political rugby which is a game more deadly and dangerous than the original. You can take the wrestling away from the mud wrestler but you cannot take away the mud. And when mud is thrown real hard, some of it is bound to stick.

    In political rugby, the rule of engagement is that there is no rule of engagement and the golden mean is that there should be no golden mean. It is a free for all affray in which no weapon is too sacred or too profane to be pressed info urgent battle. The end will justify the mean. A legislative mace here, an official canister there to register the official presence of the cooperative and officiating police. If the law cannot be enforced, lawlessness must be enforced, leaving in the trail of anarchy broken limbs, bludgeoned heads and the inevitable overseas treatment.

    It is a mystery as to why this murderous mud wrangling commands the attention of the stellar literati. Perhaps there is a muckraker in all of us. Like Patrick White, his illustrious predecessor, Wole Soyinka, the 1986 Nobel laureate, has also waded into the muddy eddy. It will be recalled that the Nobel laureate authored a play titled The Swamp Dwellers. From the vintage muddy observatory, Soyinka has now noted with characteristic caustic candour that you can take a hippopotamus out of the mud but you cannot take the mud out of the hippopotamus. It was a Soyinkaesque display of wit at its most lapidary and lacerating.

    But if the Nobel laureate thought that he had all the rugby ring to himself, he must be profoundly mistaken. There was a huge mud slide and the swamp dwellers rose in fury as if stung by a swamp scorpion. Even the hippotame—or hippodame—weighed in with characteristic robustness. Not one to take a direct shot lying low, the mother of all mermaids was overheard saying: “Yeye Yoruba man with him wuruwuru wig. If him get oblokos make him come near me with him yeye grammar. I go piss for him mouth.”

    This was just a preliminary skirmish before the main tournament. The prize for perjury goes to internet mudslingers and other habitués of what Soyinka himself may describe as the murky madrassa of cybercreeps. Surveying the muddy melee from a safe distance snooper captured one of the alliterate writhers on Sahara asking Soyinka to go back to school to complete his PhD if he must talk. Now, now, now, asking a Nobel laureate in literature for his PhD is like asking Albert Einstein to go and fix his dodgy mathematics before he could pronounce. This is swamp-speak at its most glorious. It could get nastier.

    All of which must tell us that it is a dangerous river to cross in Rivers State. The crisis in that state and its nuclear fallout are the most potent threat to the democratic process that we have seen so far. If care is not taken the entire process may slide down the muddy swamp. It is very curious that the crisis is unfurling in the presidential backyard, so to speak. Will a man set fire to his own backyard just to secure a political advantage? Jonathan must urgently review his strategy for remaining in office beyond 2015. It does not seem to be working for now.

    To be sure, the ethnicization of presidential struggle is not a novel phenomenon in Nigeria. It is a symptom of a deeper and more fundamental malaise: the zero sum politics and winner takes all mindset of our political elite. It is a reflection of the fact that in Nigeria, power is sought not for national development but for primitive accumulation. This is the classic disease of a retarded political class. But as William Inge noted, a man can build for himself a throne of bayonets, whether he will be able to sit on it is another matter. Social cannibalism always leads to the real thing.

    Although Jonathan is not the original brand owner, it should be noted that it is under his watch that the ethnicization of presidential politics has assumed its most dangerous and nation-threatening form. To be fair, this is partly due to the peculiar circumstances of his political ascendancy. He was the president from nowhere. Even the most riotous and raucous of his Ijaw hegemonists ought to have been taken by surprise at what seemed a divine and miraculous intervention in our body politic. What we have today is a siege mentality among Jonathan’s ethnic promoters. For a hitherto minority group to insist on hanging on to the presidency at all cost without the evidence of sterling performance or even elementary competence is going to be a bridge too far.

    Politics is still a game of numbers. Having secured a pan-Nigerian mandate which was fraught and tense as it was revealing of the polarization of the country along regional, religious and economic lines, Jonathan ought to have commenced a process of national healing that would have led to a solid national consensus. It is only in this atmosphere that national transformation can thrive and blossom. But the past three years have seen Mr President at his most polarizing and divisive best. Even his original enablers have fled, ominously watching from the sidelines which way the mud slide will go.

    In three years, Jonathan has succeeded in alienating critical and crucial stakeholders. The dominant tendencies in the two major hegemonic blocs appear to have distanced themselves from him, leaving him with his core ethnic supporters and the traditional carrion feeders from the east. A situation in which four northern governors would visit the presidential backyard only to be stoned and mobbed bespeaks a gathering political hysteria which does not bode well for democracy. Let us not tempt fate.

    Now let us get this very clear. All this would not have mattered were Jonathan to be in the process of constructing a novel and revolutionary society which involves the smashing of old altars and political shrines. But Jonathan is anything but a revolutionary. He is a traditional politician relying on traditional wheeling and dealing. Yet elementary political common sense ought to have told him that you cannot alienate vital and significant interest groups in a nation and hope to reign or rule in peace.

    Jonathan should take a historic cue. The august rumblings and ominous quietude from Nigeria’s traditional centres of power should tell their own story. This past week, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, the military henchman who birthed the Fourth Republic, rumbled from his Minna summit. The normally sedate and temperate Abubakar does not speak often or out of turn. But he noted tersely that the Royal Rugby in Rivers State is the gravest threat so far to democracy and the survival of the Fourth Republic. He must know what we don’t know. Even in Hippotamia too much frozen mud can lead to hypothermia.

  • Okon ambushes General Alabi Isama

    To the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs and its commodious Hall for the launch of General Godwin Alabi Isama’s much heralded war memoir with the inevitable Okon Francis Okon in tow. Never in living memory has this iconic hall been filled to this bursting capacity. The huge crowd spilled to the adjoining terrain with men and women of timber and caliber crouching to get a look in. Alabi Isama is a crowd puller any day. The boyishly affable and amazingly well-preserved former warlord has the rogue charms of a brilliant salesman. The clarity of his exposition was matched by the veracity of overwhelming details. The elephant has a long memory indeed.

    It was the day the dominated discourse of the civil war finally overtook the dominant narrative, leaving in its trail besmirched reputations and exploded myths of suspect heroism . A lie can travel for twenty years but it takes the truth only a few minutes to overtake it. In the end, perhaps nothing can match Brigadier Hillary Njoku’s description of the Nigerian civil war as a tragedy without heroes. Akinrinade, one of its most cerebral and measured products, has put it down to the fact that the civil war solved nothing and resolved little.

    Like bicentennial egunguns, many of the old warriors of yore graced the occasion. Now shorn of power and prestige, there was something quaint and antique about these war veterans. Yet they evinced the aura of nobility and true professionalism. Officers and gentlemen, these aging soldiers represented the finest breed of the old Nigerian military caste. In the brave new world of recent coup mongers, they all looked like magnificent anachronisms.

    As soon as we reached the premises, it was clear that Okon was going to constitute himself into a nuisance and security menace. The mad boy had already begun mumbling some disjointed and clearly seditious nonsense. Snooper felt a chill down the spine as he whipped the boy into line with a severe frown. But as soon as we entered the hall, the crazy boy broke loose and began his customary hell raising.

    “And wey dem Black Scorpion sef, abi na all dem Yoruba dane gun hunters dem take me come meet?” the mad boy yelled.

    “Okon, they will shoot you here like a rat and nothing will happen,” snooper screamed at the mad boy.

    “Oga nobody fit shoot Okon. We no dey dem military rule again,” the mad boy retorted.

    “Okay we’ll see,” snooper rumbled ominously. But the crazy boy refused to be intimidated.

    “And wey dem baba and him gbetugbetu, abi dat one be shakabula soldier sef?” Okon began. “And wey all dem Efik generals, abi dem Yoruba and Fulani people don throw tire for dem like dem kaput General Dan Achibong again?”

    “Okon, another word from you and I will hand you over to the police” snooper growled at the mad boy. This seemed to have quietened him down a bit. But only for the moment. Okon’s eyes suddenly lighted on a sternly serene and sedate General TY Danjuma as he began officiating. “Kai kai, ogbologbo soldier” himself, Okon moaned. Then the devil took possession of the mad boy.

    “Danjuma,” he suddenly called out to the great warrior with the severe frown. “Wey dem Bianca, abi no be him marry dem fine fine Ibo girl sef? He be like if dem dey call dat one Ikenga of Nnewi and him don kaput” Okon noted with a malignant smirk.

    It was at this point that a security operative walked up to us with a worried look.

    “Who is this man?” he asked snooper.

    “Ha, Okon was batman to General Alabi during the war” snooper submitted. But the mad boy immediately put his heavy boot in. “Abi if I no be batman who dey catch bat for am no be lizard and man flesh him dey chop for Obubra?”

    “I see,” the security man said with quiet glee and walked away. It was at this point that snooper decided to apply the final solution by offering the crazy boy some sleeping tablets disguised as trebor mints. He immediately fell into a heavy slumber snoring like ten bandits put together. But when the august and royal looking Brigadier Daramola was asked to come to the microphone, Okon rumbled.

    Ha Baba rere, I beg greet dem Olu and dem Funso for me. I sabi dem for Kaduna when man be vulcaniser for Ngwar Rimi,” the crazy boy intoned. By the time the widow of the heroic Colonel Etuk was narrating her tale of woes and the husband’s lapse into terminal depression and death, Okon was back on his feet.

    “You see why we say dis na yeye country? Efik man good for war but him no good for oyel block, abi?” Then he would lapse into Efik, condoling and consoling the relic of the war hero.” Ein, ein, eyen ekami, eyen eka mi”

    It was time to leave and it has been a great and good day for General Alabi Isama. Snooper had accosted the old war hero to find out where the cocktail was holding. Long accustomed to military camouflage and deception, the wily one pointed in a direction which suggested that he was deliberately and strategically wrong footing the milling lubbers and social lunchers. But Okon caught the drift.

    “Alabi!” the mad boy called out to the vanishing general with disarming familiarity. “Which kind cock dey get tail? Abi dat one na dem Ilorin abami cock? Go tell dat to dem American marines”. Even the American marines would be proud of Alabi Isama’s war exploits.

  • Re: The second coming of Western Nigeria

    Re: The second coming of Western Nigeria

    Good day, brother Alamu. It has been a long time from sight. Your comfort with the concept of post-colonial Nigeria where Western Region political leaders/ elites can now dig her out of Nigeria’s hellhole through the instrument of electoral revolution is, indeed, a bewildering puzzle. If the official end of external colonialism could not deliver us from internal neo-colonialism, and if successive electoral heists hosted by the fraudulent constitution have not been able to effect needed redemption, why then focus our hopes on electoral revolution when no one is yet offering that platform? Cheers ooO. This, AKINGBA, again.

     

    Am sorry, Snooper to bother you with my reactions to your column. Just can’t help it. Yes, wasn’t it Jakande’s trail-blazing metroline project that was spitefully cancelled by military fiat, just to retard Lagos’ development and, by extension, that of the old west? To hell with federal presence and deluded ‘mainstreamers’ who only care for their pockets! I agree with you that “ a solid holistic vision of regional development” is what we need, which would stand the test of time, like Awo’s legacy. Whatever happened to the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) launched with fanfare sometime ago. Happy Sunday. God be with you.

    Rev. Feyisola Famutimi

     

    The second coming of western region is a master piece. It is highly recommended to our elites especially ministers, economic team members, advisers etc. it is useful primer on the theories of development current practice and approaches. There are many routes to development and the task is for each nation to chart the best fruitful path. This the Nigeria elites had failed to do for so long now. The situation of economic growth without meaningful development and positive impact on citizens is not new. It is the trade mark of classical economics which we have painfully embraced especially since the 1980s. the challenge is for our elites to change our current course of development to a people focused one. Well done.

    Dr John Abhuere Former Director NYSC, CCYD Uromi.

     

    Richywright

    June 30, 2013 at 7:20 am

    Baba Tatalo, i thought u understand Nigeria government more than this article. And as a special person, and as a special columnist in this country, the influence of ownership should not be visible in ur write-up. Bcos, if u are talkin about architect of modernization in the west, governor MIMIKO sud b first or second on list.

     

    Peniela

    June 30, 2013 at 9:01 am

    Waoh, this is a fantastic analysis with accurate and excellent use of word. Excellent display of the mastery of English and political language. I salute the writer. I agree with you. Good roads and flyovers, street beutifications and ‘opon imo’ is useless if it is not building people. Though these are laudable programs, it is only what is built inside people that lasts for many years. The road constructed will soon worn-out; a useless government may take-over and neglect the urban revolution. The major reason why Awo is still celebrated till today is because he invested more resources into building the young people through his revolutionary educational policies and his aggressive ideological indoctrinations. The emerging western leaders should therefore take a clue from their acclaimed mentor and role-model.

     

    Olu Ayekooto

    June 30, 2013 at 9:02 am

    I drove from Molete to Iwo road through Idi Arere and Gate; I did not use the route in over 10 years due to congestion but was so surprised how free the road was. Took us less than 15 minutes to reach Gate from Molete.

    God bless the governor and the people of Oyo State.

     

    Jide

    June 30, 2013 at 10:51 am

    Human development is key to any national development. Our leaders should develope the youth positively so that we can compete with the rest of the world. The educational system is in shambles and as it is leaves Nigeria hopeless for at least the next ten years. What we need are serious and commited leadership. And every other thing will follow naturally. God bless nigeria.

     

    John Yemi

    June 30, 2013 at 11:30 am

    I always says, it is not all the times resident of natural resources that brings economy growth and infrastructural development but the present of capable human resources. Japan is a typical example. Iam not praying for Nigeria to break up but if it happens, South West will be on top in term of economy and infrastructural development at a fast rate. This is because the zone has good thinkers and capable human resources.

     

    Iska Countryman

    June 30, 2013 at 1:07 pm

    Why the national conference option when you can sell this idea of restructuring on the platform of the apc?…or is that also a joke…i mean the apc…?

     

    rich

    June 30, 2013 at 1:21 pm

    the west is cheating the rest of the country bcos of the war with the east. all the major companies in nigeria have their head office in the west. major seaport and airport in the west. we thought that the west and the north were coming to liberate the niger/delter during the war with the east, not knowing that they where coming for the oil. open up the seaport and airport in niger delter and see what the west will become even the north is not happy with the west bcos the west also cheated the north.

     

    Nnana

    June 30, 2013 at 10:19 pm

    But they would never have the courage to open up the ports in the Nigerdelta. PH wharf before the civil war bubbled as Lagos ports. Real International airports in the old southeast remain a mirage. Most Nigerians have to travel through the West. But to what degree has President Jonathan set out to remedy the lost glory of the Nigerdelta and the surrounding areas?

     

    rich

    June 30, 2013 at 11:24 pm

    I have personally written to the president and soon very soon the seaport in calaber,warri and port harcourt will be opened.

     

    kenjo

    June 30, 2013 at 3:54 pm

    If they move capital of Nigeria to Niger Delta the zone will still remain backward bcos of their self center leader who does not care about their future, in what way the west cheated you people of the North/ East? please find something to say

     

    Femi Ajetunmobi USA

    June 30, 2013 at 4:36 pm

    i totally agree with the write up but i must also add that the present developments are on going of the pa awo doctrine. he emphasided the human development (capital). if you can read this, thank your teacher. in another phrase that do not feed me fish but teach me how to fish. this is best investment in any nation or personal lives. we should continue to leave hamoniously (tolerance) with our brothers and sisters from different part of the nation. the present leaders are product of pa awo and many are two dimensional people who have seen how things are been done in other places. as they say in business circle that location!location!! sells. the south west axis is blessed with many infrastructures from colonial eras and independent. the area is self sufficient to be on its own as an entity or nation. it will continue to be driving machine for the nation in terms of developments. people from this neck of the woods do not request services from their leaders but they demand it and most of the times, the best are not good enough. it will countinue to dictate tempo for the rest of the country. currently, opposition to the ruling party helps in creating competitiviness between the two. a market or brand differention to the voters. it is imperative to keep peace and safe guard properties in the area.

     

    Osundina, O

    June 30, 2013 at 5:17 pm

    Thank you my dear Tatalo. You have brilliantly knocked the nail down well without doing any damage to the hammer, the wood and the nail. I was home recently and had reasons to travel to Oyo, Osun, Ekiti and Ogun states. the physical transformation is phenomenal to put it mildly. I commend the governors. What is happening in edo is amazing. Two questions bother me a great deal. What have the previous governments in the southwest done with the resources of the past when they governed? when will human development take its proper place so that REAL DEVELOPMENT. You have raised this point at the end of your analysis but in a quite manner. I hope that the governors of the southwest are hearing this. I commend adams, Isiaka, Rauf, Kayode, ibikunle, babatunde and olusegun for their exemplary dreams. Because man is the only agent of development man must be properly developed. to focus man in the development process is to breed a living development for all ages. and that development must be home grown to endure.

     

    Adrian

    June 30, 2013 at 5:28 pm

    I am glad with what is happening in the SW. It is encouraging and exciting. But try visiting other states especially in the east like Enugu and Anambra before running to comparative conclusions that the west is leaving the rest of Nigeria behind. You may also want to visit Akwa Ibom and Rivers. Otherwise, you may start believing your own side of your analysis.

     

    Obinnna75

    June 30, 2013 at 7:16 pm

    Snooper takes a stand. Hurrah. Now do question Awo’s successor as to the basis of his flirtation with General Buhari.

     

    Mike

    June 30, 2013 at 9:26 pm

    ALL THIS IS ENGLISH

     

    Nna why?

    June 30, 2013 at 11:25 pm

    Where is your logic?

     

    Olorinla

    July 1, 2013 at 8:22 pm

    Snooper, you wittingly left Mimiko out of the showers of encomia. An egg head like you should see not only the political SW, but also the extent of its geography.

     

    Ebelegi Kponam Newton

    July 5, 2013 at 6:03 pm

    Good to read about encouraging stories in the country after all. But typical to academics from this region,Tatalo cannot see, it is happening elsewhere too. In the South South,Cross Rivers set the pace for the country. In Rivers State,human capacity development effort is unequaled anywhere in the country too.The wonder of Akwa Ibom is one of the success stories of this republic. Even in Bayelsa state, there is an impatient awakening under governor Dickson. It is happening elsewhere too in Owerri and Enugu. As the president once put it,there is a quiet competition among these states for development. And don’t Tatalo think the current president deserves even an unusual credit for guarantying the rare electoral and political peace needed in the South West to witness this development? Since 1960, all civilian federal governments have tormented the region. Even under Obasanjo,it was a political pillage. This is important because there could have been enough temptation (even provocations) that could have invited the usual federal tampering in the region.

     

    Adetule

    july 8, 2013 at 4:14 am

    give yoruba people industrial estates across the breth and length of yoruba nation the way chief awolowo established ikeja, ilupeju, apapa, oluyole industrial estates. they are the bedrock of western nigeria industrial evolution and factories, the base of industrial advancement that will ultimately absorb our unemploy youths.

  • Ironies of the master ironist: The literary politics of Chinua Achebe

    Ironies of the master ironist: The literary politics of Chinua Achebe

    What else can be said about Chinua Achebe the late Nigerian literary colossus that has not been said? Ever since his demise, the praises and tributes to this great man of letters have been overwhelming. His funeral cortege reminds one of the passing of a great king, drenched in paens and panegyrics and in the national colours of a country he had virtually given up on. It reminds one of the funeral of Victor Hugo, the great French author, who also famously quarrelled with his country.

    An African philosopher-king, the iconic Nelson Mandela, weighed in by noting that Achebe was the writer who broke down prison walls with his magical and immensely liberating story telling. It doesn’t get more royal and revolutionary at the same time. Chinua Achebe is on his way to being canonised and sanctified as the Nelson Mandela of modern African literature and cultural nationalism

    Yet it needs to be said that unlike Nelson Mandela, the praise-singing has not been universal. There have also been murmurs and even loud grunts of disapproval and, with touching irony, from the home front, too. There are many who view the late master story teller as a tribal bigot, an Igbo hegemonist, and a divisive and polarising figure who should be quickly buried and not be praised.

    There are those who claim that in addition to earlier infractions and indiscretions, his last book, There Was Another country, destroyed at once and forever, Achebe’s claims to a Nigerian nationalism. By the time he died, Achebe, they claim, had become a reluctant Nigerian and a Biafran revanchist to boot.

    These are grievous charges indeed and grievously has Achebe paid for them in some scalding and scarifying dismissals. But now that what is mortal of the paradigmatic novelist has been committed to mother earth, now that the protocol of henchmen and hatchet men alike have retreated to their dens and denizenry, it is time to explore the crucially neglected aspect of Achebe’s literary career on which his claims to immortality rests. That is his literary politics. It is literary politics that determines literary production. Literary politics is in turn determined by an author’s worldview and ideological temperament.

    As befitting of a master ironist, Chinua Achebe’s literary career is steeped in momentous historical, political and literary ironies. There is a sense in which Achebe himself recalls Okonkwo, his most famous fictional creation. Things Fall Apart has been described as an “Igbo national epic”. There is a glorious but illuminating contradiction about this very description.

    Many scholars of radical and conservative persuasion have argued that the modern novel, precisely because it is an organic and generic outgrowth of the dissolution of the material, economic and political basis of the old order and ancient society, cannot aspire to the soaring heights, the ideological solidity and sheer “epic” nature of the old epic. Georg Lukacs, the great Hungarian Marxist aesthetician, described the modern novel as an epic of diminution and futility. The old hero at one with his society has transformed into the new anti-hero at odds and variance with his society.

    But this was the contradiction of a colonially induced transition from the old society to a new society that Achebe’s novel captures and works out within its slender format in a moment of historic inspiration. Okonkwo is both a hero and anti-hero in the same breath. The infiltration of an antagonistic logic had destroyed the material, spiritual, political and military basis of the old order.

    At the beginning of the novel, we see the old Igbo society in its epic glory and grandeur. To be sure, there were internal murmurs of unease and approbation, but such dissenters and refuseniks, like Okonkwo’s father, Nnoka, were banished to the outer margins of society and eventually buried like paupers. Thus we see Okonkwo whose signal ascendancy was based on solid personal achievement. The hero is at one and on the same page with his society. He is the great historical personage who incarnates in his breasts the aspirations and core values of the society. Okonkwo is uber-man of Umuofia.

    But at the end of the novel, the hero is at stiff odds with his society. The falcon could no longer hear the falconer. Having returned from exile which itself was a symbolic trope for inevitable terminal banishment, Okonkwo could no longer understand the people he left behind.

    Mlungu, the white one, had arrived in his absence. Mere anarchy is loosed upon the Igbo world. It was an act of literary wizardry for Achebe to have zeroed in on Yeats memorable stanza as the organising principle of his novel. Yeats was also poetically engraving for posterity the dissolution of the old Irish order as it succumbed to the modernising terror of the English.

    It is a great and interesting historical irony that Achebe was able to capture this radical rupture of the old African order by colonialism, despite the fact that his Igbo people lacked the central political authority and centralised army with which to confront the colonial invaders in formal battle.

    The Benin empire, the Zulu empire, the military rumps of the old Oyo Empire, the caliphate army of Sokoto, all confronted the invading colonisers in pitched battles and epic bloodfest. But precisely because the Igbo people lacked this centralised resistance, Achebe was able to focus on the career and tragic downfall of an exceptional but solitary hero who then became a stirring universal symbol of African manliness and heroic resistance to evil. It was an epic achievement indeed. .

    Like Okonkwo, his greatest fictional creation, Chinua Achebe was also in the end dogged by a transcendental homelessness in which permanent exile became a home. The home of the homeless is homelessness. The alienation from an alien nation is so severe that Achebe could not come to terms with the new realities of contemporary Nigeria. Yet if there was another country, it was a mythical paradise in the imagination of the author.

    The comparison with Okonkwo is gripping and compelling. In the case of Okonkwo, it was the troubled transition from the old society to the new colonial order that proved fatal. The proud and narcissistic scion of old Umuofia society could not abide what he considered to be his people’s shabby accommodation with the new order and its debasing realities.

    In the case of Chinua Achebe, the transition from colonial to post-colonial order with its ructions and radical rupture of old certainties and verities and the ensuing collision of ethnic altars proved very traumatic indeed. The human sacrifice at the political shrine of the new nation has been prohibitive and on a Fordist scale of clinical and ruthless efficiency. Had the Igbo people been left to evolve into a nation of their own, the contradictions would have been less severe. But this same argument can be extended to each and every one of Nigeria’s major and minor nationalities.

    A situation in which the hegemonic ethnic groups of Nigeria have been forced to recreate the colonial chaos according to the dictates of their unique and resilient political imaginary was bound to prove even messier and more chaotic than the original colonial confusion. It is an equal opportunity terror machine and coups, counter-coups, civil wars, religious uprisings, economic insurgencies, and ethnic insurrections have been the result. When a master ironist like Achebe obsesses that his people have been hardly done by in what is essentially a kill and go colonial abattoir, then irony has deserted its own master.

    As we have said in an earlier tribute, the post-colonial condition is particularly hard and harsh on the great and gifted writers. It turns them into political hermits and mental recluses. In its worst manifestation, it turns them into psychological wreckages, leading to permanent exile or internal self-deportation without parole or the possibility of exit mercy visa. This is because as artists—and adult enfant terrible—- they are at the frontiers of the psychic unease and the great psycho-social dramas of their society. It is a situation that does not lend itself to equivocations or evasion of the truth as they see it. They do not come to praise Caesar but to bury him.

    But this will not take anything away from Achebe’s signal achievement as a game-changing novelist and master story teller. Things Fall Apart was, and remains, at the forefront and cutting edge of the decolonising project. To be sure, there were other great aspirants before Achebe. There was Casely-Hayford, the great nineteenth century Gold Coast writer, whose book, Ethiopia Unbound, was an early cry in the wilderness against the subjugation and colonisation of Africa. But it was a thinly veiled autobiographical polemic lacking craft and intrinsic literary merits.

    There was Thomas Mofolo, the great South African Sotho novelist, who was in every particular respect, Achebe’s forerunner and literary forebear. Mofolo’s four novels, particularly Chaka, a fictionalised biography of the great Zulu emperor, are a sublime and profoundly subversive critique of Boer imperialism that were quite sophisticated and enthralling for their time. This is not to discount the achievement of Camara Laye, the great Guinean novelist, whose lyrical rhapsodies about an idyllic African past remain classics of the genre. There was also D. O Fagunwa, the great Yoruba novelist, who should be justly celebrated as the father of African magical realism.

    All of these great men of letters must however pale in significance when compared with the momentous achievement of Chinua Achebe as a novelist, essayist and polemicist. Without any doubt, Things Fall Apart was the first African novel consciously and militantly conceived on the platform of cultural nationalism and woven from the intellectual fabric of mental decolonisation. It was a paen to freedom and liberation. This is why the saga of the man from Umuofia has continued to resonate with Black people and all those who are engaged in the project of emancipation. It gives artistic and intellectual voice to their political and cultural aspirations, and with clinical clarity too.

    It needs to be said that Achebe’s great novel was forged in artistic, political and ideological rebellion.. Politically and ideologically, it was a conscious and militantly radical rejection of the Conradian and Caryean depiction of the Black person as an irredeemable savage and primitive cannibal. Achebe’s thesis is simple but incontrovertible. Every human society has its own unique way of apprehending and coming to terms with the material and spiritual realities of its existence.

    Artistically, had Achebe listened to his teacher who famously dismissed his youthful effort as lacking in “form”, he might have been driven to produce some of the unreadable wonders of the language. In retrospect, it is clear that Achebe’s teacher was sold on the virtues of literary modernism with its stylistic razzmatazz, its high wire and sometimes haywire virtuosity. By sticking to his guns and to the canons of traditional realism, Chinua Achebe rescued the African novel and posterity from a potential literary disaster.

    There is always an element of militant self-belief that goes with all truly great writers. Achebe had this in fecund abundance. It was said that Cervantes, the Spaniard who is justly regarded as the first modern novelist, triumphed over his more technically gifted rivals simply because his staunch conservative nature prevented the outlandish experimentation which could have pushed the nascent genre in a perilous direction. So it is with Chinua Achebe.

    Perhaps the greatest irony of Achebe’s literary politics is the fact that while remaining militantly and consciously anti-imperialist in all its wiles and guiles, Achebe often came across as a mild-mannered and diffident British professor. There was always something of the quintessential English gentleman about the urbane, courteous and infinitely polite Achebe. He was a man of quiet, understated charms not given to exuberant one-upmanship.

    In the end, while Okonkwo, Achebe great fictional hero, fought with his cutlass and bare hands, his real life descendant fought with his pen. They were both proud rebels in the noblest sense of that word. Achebe fought a good fight and has gone home to rest. It is the novelist as an epic character in his own right. While all the indiscretions and undeniable bigotry would disappear with the passage of time, it is the great novels, particularly Things Fall Apart, that would remain as a cultural monument. This is Chinua Achebe’s portal to immortality.

     

    Culled from the current edition of Africa Today

  • The second coming of Western Nigeria

    The second coming of Western Nigeria

    As the old West heaving and inching its way forward once again leaving the rest of the country roiling in the quagmire of potential state failure? This is a very dangerous question to ask, given the potential of the Nigerian post-colonial state to equalise underdevelopment and backwardness. While it is on record that the post-colonial state in Nigeria hardly produces growth and development, it is also on record that it can reduce growth and development as a result of malignant, ethnically motivated vendetta.

    Yet just as it happened at the dawn of the Nigerian Republic when Obafemi Awolowo’s visionary governance drove the region to the very frontline of modernization, it does appear that something is stirring in the old west all over again. It is a development worthy of closer scrutiny. For as they say, there may be quite some architecture remaining in old ruins.

    But it is morning yet on this new day of creation. Before the question of development can be broached, there are theoretical hurdles to be scaled. There are templates and rubrics to be established and some fundamental developmental posers to be raised. In the interest of both nation and region, there are troubling posers to be addressed. For development to be holistic, integrative and redemptive, the evolving paradigm of governance must itself be subjected to merciless and astringent scrutiny.

    From the rump of the old Benin empire where Adams Aliu Oshiomhole is turning the old municipal village of Benin to a modern metropolis, to the sprawling chaotic mess of the old Yoruba war camps of Ibadan that Isiaka Abiola Ajimobi has laid a fierce siege to and on to Lagos which has regained its lost glory as the pre-eminent megalopolis of Tropical Africa, something new is gradually emerging from the old West.

    Two weeks ago, a fortuitous trailer accident on the Lagos Bye pass forced snooper to traverse the entire length and breadth of old Ibadan and one was shocked by the transformational typhoon that has swept off the urban debris. From Agodi it took exactly five minutes to get to old /Dugbe through the gleaming Queen Elizabeth Avenue and the new miracle of the former Mokola metropolitan mayhem. From what used to be the ultimate town planners’ nightmare of Dugbe, it took three minutes to get to Molete through Oke Bola. Formerly, this was a whole day’s journey.

    And this is not discounting the emerging miracle of Osun state and the transformational fury of Hurricane Rauf. Snooper has not visited either Abeokuta or old rustic Ado Ekiti, but if the reports from the joyous residents of these ancient Yoruba cities are to be believed, they are being frogmarched to the very frontiers of modernity. Even the worst critics of the ACN governments in these states are privately puzzled by the pace and frenzy of the unfolding radical reengineering and the mobilization of the populace for visionary self-actualization.

    For a people long accustomed to evil and inept governance, it is easy for cynics to pooh-pooh these developments as token trifles. But we must start from somewhere even if it is at the level of the profoundly symbolic .The critical posers that need to be raised are these. When is real development? Is modernization the same thing as westernization? Can modernization become a driving ideology in itself for a political elite? If this is so, can the vision of urgent modernization blur, obscure or even replace the old binary division between the capitalist and socialist visions of societal transformation and their third way mutants and variants?

    We ask these questions not out of intellectual indolence or mere political grandstanding but from genuine puzzlement and as a mental tool for understanding the fundamental human impulse for capacity building and societal transformation in all its clashing disparities and sheer differentiation of vision often based in culture and history. Just as there is no single route to human salvation, there is also no single route to national development. All happy nations are ultimately the same, while every unhappy nation is unhappy in its own unique way.

    What unites successful nations is the huge transformational leap they have taken for their people and not the preferred method and methodology of rapid development. All transformational political elites have a firm vision of where they want to take their countries and how they are going to get there. Human tragedy is an orphan but societal triumphs have many foster parents.

    For example, while India with its chaotic and sometimes infuriating democracy is ruled by liberal democrats with a passion for transformation, China is governed by humane authoritarians with a passion for the uplift of their people from the abyss of poverty and immiseration. In Singapore, we have seen how an ageing autocrat with stellar vision drove the backwater peat bog and colonial slum from the Third World to the First World in one single generation.

    The leaders of the fabled Asian Tigers have managed to deploy the traditional strengths and residual values of their respective societies to force their respective countries into global reckoning. Often, they have managed to turn the table on western nations in an economic battle of wits and will. The runaway success of Japan and China has led to a potentially momentous restructuring of the World Economic Order.

    In Brazil, particularly after the advent of the iconic Lula, Brazilian leaders have concentrated on a radically humane transformation through the policy of lifting millions of people from millennial peonage and the poverty trap. The current unrests in that country are a profoundly ironic tribute to the success of that scheme.

    It is not a twenty cents revolution as a leading western newspaper puts it—cynically referring to the raising of gasoline price by that amount. It is rather the return of the long repressed, of unfinished business and of a twenty per cent revolution which has come to demand its full wage. In Chile and Argentina with their better educated workforce and more durable middle classes, the leaders opted for western-style market reforms to drive the transformation of their respective societies.

    What then is the lesson to be learnt from all this? The first is that all human societies, when led by the correct elite, are naturally forward looking. Any human society that chooses to look backward, like Lot’s children, will be frozen forever in the oceanic and salty sand of time.

    As we have seen with the examples of the countries mentioned and with the Industrial Revolution in England, the intellectual and spiritual Revolution in Germany, the political Revolutions in France and the USA, all human societies are driven by a fundamental impulse towards modernization. Modernization needs not be accompanied by violent revolutions, but if it is, so be it.

    This is why it is unfortunate that while many Nigerian patriots are burning the midnight oil about how to redeem and transform the nation, some members of the Arewa Consultative Forum are insisting that the current misbegotten structure and lopsided federation should be left as it is. These political dinosaurs should be told that they represent a human tragedy for the nation.

    Having ravaged and ruined Nigeria for the better part of fifty years, they are no longer in a position to dictate terms to the nation. If their claim that all is well with the current structure of Nigeria were to be believed, then the sorry and sordid state of the nation and the north in particular is a stinging rebuttal.

    Modernization is not the same thing as westernization. Every human society must find its own preferred route to modernization. As the Chinese famously put it, it doesn’t matter what name you call a cat as long as it catches mice. In a recent article comparing China with India, Amartya Kuma Sen, the great economist and Nobel laureate, noted that as far back as the mid-nineteenth century, Japanese leaders concluded that there was no fundamental qualitative difference between the average Japanese and the average westerner.

    The only difference was in human capacity building. They thereafter set to work, building a template for human transformation which survived the rabid militarism of the Japanese feudal ruling class. When the warlike ethos was leveraged into massive production after the tragic war, the Japanese work force gave western economies a good run for their money.

    It seems then that for all human societies, the golden key for unlocking rapid transformation and accelerated modernization lies in human capacity building and the relentless accumulation of human capital. As they set about transforming the old west, the modernising trailblazers will need to look more closely at the issue of human capacity building.

    Human happiness is the measure of all things. This is where Chief Obafemi Awolowo excelled and the gains have survived disastrous military incursion into the polity. In whatever transformational schemes embarked upon, they must also set much premium, like Awo, by accountability and transparency. There is a hysterical and traumatised electorate out there.

    Often, successful human societies rely on tropes from the past to energise the present. This is because you cannot step into the same river twice. The old monolithic and near homogeneous west has been shattered, fractured and balkanised by military incursion, leading to uneven economic development and the development of uneven political consciousness. Much of what goes on in the region today is driven by healthy peer rivalry rather than a solid holistic vision of regional development. It is left to the new leaders of the region to come up with an integrative, unified and harmonised framework which can drive even faster development.

    Finally, it is important to remind the emergent modernizers that paradise cannot exist surrounded by hell. Nigeria is currently a hellhole bristling with delirious denizens. Two options are available. It is either the new leaders of the old west insist on the immediate convocation of a sovereign gathering of Nigerians which will restructure the country and free the creative genius of its diverse people or they must be at the vanguard of a pan-Nigerian electoral revolution which must inaugurate a new nation. The current status quo has completely exhausted its political and historic possibilities.