Category: Dapo Fafowora

Last week, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, a former UPN Governor of Edo State, emerged by consensus as the first substantive national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), replacing Chief Bisi Akande who, until then, had been the interim national chairman, in which position he succeeded in holding the party together, by no means an easy task. The two other contenders for the post, including Tom Ikimi, a former Foreign Minister, were persuaded to step down for John Odigie-Oyegun. The post had been zoned to the Southsouth. Odigie-Oyegun is Edo from the zone.

Many local observers will be quite happy with the choice of Odigie-Oyegun as the national chairman of the party. He is a veteran politician. An economist by training, he is highly regarded in political circles and will bring to the party his considerable wealth of experience in administration at both the federal and state levels. After obtaining his A-levels in 1960 from the old Nigerian College of Arts, Science and Technology at Ibadan, where he and I first became acquainted, John Odigie-Oyegun entered the then University College, Ibadan, where he read economics, graduating in 1963. In a bright set, among his classmates at Ibadan, were Chief Olu Falae, Osunsade, who went off to the UN after a brief stint in the federal civil service, and Abangwu, probably the brightest in the set, who died tragically prematurely only a few years after graduating from Ibadan. They were carefully nurtured by the late Professor Ojetunde Aboyade, the former legendary head of economics at Ibadan, who continued to show interest in their careers after leaving Ibadan.

All four of them started their public service career in the newly established National Planning Commission, where they were spotted quickly by Mr. Allison Ayida, who was then the Permanent Secretary in the federal Ministry of Economic Development. Mr. Ayida watched their progress very carefully and sent them on various training courses abroad to hone their skills in economic analysis. Eventually both Oyegun and Falae, on their professional maturity as sound economists, became federal permanent secretaries. It was in this position that they both first came to the public spotlight and acquired a reputation as first class civil servants and administrators, highly respected in top civil service circles.

On retiring from the civil service, Oyegun and Falae were drawn into politics, with both of them becoming quite prominent in the circle of progressive politicians dedicated to fighting military rule in Nigeria, which they both detested. Significantly, both of them joined the old Unity Party of Nigeria, now defunct, to which they  made substantial intellectual and organisational contribution. Eventually, John Odigie-Oyegun, who had also been quite active in the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), a movement hated by the military authorities, was elected the governor of Edo State. But his tenure in office was soon aborted by another military intervention. Since then, he had been on a sort of political limbo, but had stayed with the progressives throughout his entire political career.

Odigie-Oyegun’s election as the chairman of the APC is thoroughly deserved. It is in recompense of his consistent loyalty and support for liberal and progressive politics in Nigeria. He is a focused, determined, and uncompromising politician, who will fight for what he believes in, and will not be dissuaded by blandishments of material opportunities. As a former high level civil servant and a former governor of Edo State, he has wide political connections in the country that should stand him in good stead as the new chairman of the APC.

But, as chairman of the party, he faces formidable challenges both inside and outside his party. All the major parties are in a state of flux with constant defections from one party to the other. There have been several defections from the PDP, the ruling party, to his own party, and a few defections from his own party to the PDP, particularly in Edo, his own state, where the leadership of the Governor, Adams Oshiomole, is being increasingly challenged. His first task will be to reunite the party at all levels and make it a more formidable political machine, in preparation for next year’s general elections. If his party loses the presidential election next year, it will be difficult to hold it together again, as many of the supporters of the APC will simply drift to the ruling party, the PDP. As elections are usually won or lost in the North, Oyegun will need to pay very close attention to political shifts and developments in the region. The political momentum and focus must remain on the North where political loyalties tend to be more fluid and unpredictable.

 Since its inception only a few years ago, the APC has emerged as a formidable party, an alternative government to the PDP, whose legitimacy to govern, it has increasingly challenged. But more grassroots support is necessary if the APC hopes to win next year’s presidential election.  It must intensify its campaign in the country, particularly in the North where most of the votes are. With its enormous financial resources and the electoral advantages of incumbency, it will take a lot of planning and organisation to beat the PDP at the elections. The APC must prime itself to achieve this feat by clearly articulating its alternative programme and party manifesto, and by presenting itself to the electorate as a better party, one that is more committed to resolving Nigeria’s increasing challenges at all levels of governance.

The number one challenge is the appalling state of insecurity in the country, particularly the unchecked rampage of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria. Second, it must commit itself to fighting public corruption in Nigeria at all levels. Third, the problem of poor social and physical infrastructure has to be squarely addressed. These are the three main challenges that are dragging the nation down. The APC must seek to convince the electorate that if elected it can and will solve these problems. Odigie-Oyegun has a wealth of organisational experience that should help the party in steering it to victory in the presidential elections, if he leads a united party. Unity in the party is of paramount importance to its electoral victory. It must keep itself above petty religious and ethnic divisions.

  Now that Chief Bisi Akande is stepping down finally from politics, we should wish him well. He is now 75 and has been in active politics for over 50 years, since he was first ‘discovered’ by Chief Obafemi Awolowo in Ila, Orangun. He has paid his political dues, seen many political battles, been jailed by the military several times, and been in the eye of the political storm throughout his entire political career. It is time for him to retire finally from politics. He has fully earned his rest. We all wish him well in retirement.

The death was announced a couple of weeks ago of Professor Cornelius O. Taiwo, a former distinguished and accomplished Professor and Dean of the Faculty of Education at the University of Lagos. He was aged 104. A few newspapers carried the news of his death. But since then, I have not seen in the newspapers any public tribute to him. Yet, Professor Taiwo was for many decades one of the most celebrated figures in the field of public education in Nigeria. He certainly deserves tributes from the public, particularly from those who had the privilege of either having been his students or his colleagues in public education in Nigeria. I would expect the authorities of the University of Lagos to acknowledge his leading role and contribution to the development of education in Nigeria.

The failure to recognise his role in public education in Nigeria is certainly due to the fact that he outlived virtually all his colleagues, even some of his students. A senior media executive to whom I pointed out the lapse told me he had read the news of Professor Taiwo’s demise but that he knew nothing about him and that it did not occur to him that he merited a tribute by the media. He was right, as this particular senior journalist was still quite young when Professor Taiwo retired from the University of Lagos in the early 70s, some forty years ago. Nonetheless, I personally think that he merits some tribute from those who, like me, had the privilege of being acquainted with him, even after he had left the University of Lagos and retired from public life, or his fellow parishioners at Archbishop Vining Memorial Cathedral at Ikeja, where he worshipped regularly.

Professor Taiwo was born in 1910 in Oru, near Ijebu-Ode, and had his primary school education there. He taught in the school for a couple of years after which he proceeded to the famous St. Andrew’s College, Oyo, for his teacher training course. At St. Andrew’s, he established himself as one of the best students. It was from St. Andrew’s that he entered the new Yaba Higher College, where he read mathematics, coming out with flying colours. On graduating from Yaba Higher College, he joined the staff of the CMS Grammar School, Lagos, the oldest secondary grammar school in Nigeria, in 1940 as a tutor in mathematics and assistant master of the boarding house. At the time, the Revd. (later Bishop) Seth Irunsewe Kale was the principal of the school. The era of Kale at the school was one of the best, turning out many brilliant students, many of whom went into engineering later. This was no doubt due to the diligence of Professor Taiwo as a tutor in mathematics in the school.

It was from the school that Professor Taiwo was awarded a colonial government scholarship in 1944, or thereabouts, to read mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge, a rare feat in those days. Among his contemporaries at Cambridge were Chief Rotimi Williams and the late Justice Fatai Williams, both of whom read law. On graduating from Cambridge in 1944 with his honours’ tripos in mathematics, Professor Taiwo proceeded to the Institute of Education of the University of London for a post graduate diploma course in education. He was one of the first Nigerians to have done that course in London.

On returning home, he was offered appointment as an Education Officer in what later became the old Western Region. There, he equally distinguished himself and taught in several government secondary schools in the region. He eventually became the first Nigerian to head Edo College, Benin, a government secondary school. This was also a rare feat as, in those days, only expatriates were thought fit to be appointed as heads of government colleges, even though Dr. Henry Carr had been appointed by the colonial government as the Chief Inspector of schools in the 1920s, and the late Sir Samuel Manuwa, the Chief Medical Adviser to the colonial government in 1947. It was from Edo College that Professor Taiwo returned to the Ministry of Education in Ibadan as the Chief Inspector of Education, an assignment he carried out with much aplomb and distinction. He was one of the brilliant administrators carefully groomed by Chief Simeon Adebo, then Head of Service in the Western Region. As premier of the region, Chief Awolowo soon discovered and was determined to give these dedicated and brilliant officers greater administrative responsibility. The others were Chief I.O. Dina (administration), Dr. Arbisala (agriculture), Dr. S. Franklin (health), Professor Taiwo (education), and Dr. T.M. Aluko, the veteran novelist (works). They were all professional heads of their various departments, but were eventually appointed by Chief Awolowo, against tough opposition from the administrative class, as permanent secretaries of their various ministries. It was a decision that was unprecedented, but which opened up the appointment of permanent secretaries to all men of talent. They did not disappoint him. In the case of Professor Taiwo he played a critical role in the establishment of the University of Ife.

But when Chief Akintola came to power in 1960, these men became disillusioned by unjustified suspicion about their loyalty to the new premier and were obliged, one by one, to leave the services of the Western region. Dr. Aribisala went off to the FAO in Rome, and Dr. S. Franklin to the WHO in Geneva. Dr. T.M. Aluko and Professor Taiwo sought academic refuge in the University of Lagos. In fact, at an advanced age, Aluko went to the University of Strathclide in Scotland to complete his Ph.D, after which he was appointed a Senior Fellow in Engineering at the University of Lagos. Professor Taiwo was first appointed a Fellow in the Faculty of Education and was thereafter promoted to a full professorship in the faculty. While in the university, he studied privately and obtained a law degree from the University of Lagos and was called to the bar. It was after he had retired from the University of Lagos that he wrote his seminal work on fifty years of education in Nigeria.

When, after graduating from the University College in 1964, I entered the Western Region civil service as a young administrative officer, Professor Taiwo and his colleagues had already established a formidable reputation for themselves as first class administrators. But I was not privileged to work directly under any of them and only knew of them by their reputation. I admired all of them immensely. They were immensely confident and ran their various ministries very competently.

In fact, it was not until the mid-1990s that I became acquainted personally with Professor Taiwo. I had just been elected President of the Old Grammarians’ Society, the old boys’ association of the CMS Grammar School, Lagos, and received a note from Professor Taiwo that he would like to come and see me in my residence. I called him immediately and told him, out of respect, that I would instead like to call on him at his Ikeja residence, to which he agreed. That was how my association with him began. For years, I visited him quite often at his Ikeja GRA residence. It is said that old men forget and Professor Taiwo was already over 80 years old then. But his memory of events, particularly of his days as a teacher at the CMS Grammar School, Lagos, was quite remarkable. He was very proud of the school and told me a lot about it which, even as an old boy, I did not know. He fully supported our efforts to get the Lagos State government to return the school to its private owners, the Anglican Diocese in Lagos. Later, the school honoured him as an honorary Old Grammarian. He told me later that it was a memorable event for him.

Professor Taiwo was predeceased by his wife, but is survived by many accomplished children who will carry on the enviable legacy of their father.

Last week, the All Progressives Congress (APC), the main opposition party, unveiled its manifesto in Abuja. As I have not yet seen or read the full document, my comments on it are limited to media reports on the manifesto that highlighted a social welfare vision of the party for Nigeria. This includes the party’s strategies on job creation, the fight against rising public corruption, the poor and deteriorating social and physical infrastructure, the creation of state police, widespread insecurity in the state, and greater transparency in government. It is definitely time for change in Nigeria and the urgent resolution of these long standing challenges is critical to Nigeria’s future progress and stability. The manifesto is wide ranging and should enjoy mass electoral appeal in the country.

But there are some inexplicable and puzzling gaps in the manifesto. Omitted from it are such contentious but crucial issues as fiscal federalism, a parliamentary versus a presidential system of government, federal-state relations, and the frightening rot in the energy and oil sectors of the economy. The manifesto is also silent on the need for the political restructuring of the country and on the need for a review of revenue allocation between the centre and the states. Evidently the party could not reach a consensus on these controversial issues. We eagerly await the manifesto of the PDP, the ruling party, which has been in power since 1999, during which its performance has been less than satisfactory, and well below the expectations of even its own supporters. But the APC manifesto remains only a promise of what the party will do if it wins next year’s general elections. This promise cannot be fulfilled if the APC loses next year’s presidential election.

In states controlled by the APC in the Southwest, most of the strategies outlined by the party in its manifesto are already being implemented with positive results. The physical transformation in those states, particularly in Lagos and Edo, is quite impressive. There can be no doubt that in those states there is a far greater commitment to developing a better infrastructure and laying a solid foundation for the future economic progress and social welfare of the people of the states. Outside the Southwest, a few other states have shown a similar commitment to promoting economic growth and the welfare of the people. Northern governors announced recently, but somewhat belatedly, that secondary education in their states would now be free. It should have been made free long before now. A greater spread of this commitment by the states is necessary for the overall development of the nation.

However, the leaders of the APC still have a lot of work to do on their manifesto to make it more credible. The cost implications of the political agenda have to be carefully worked out to ensure that it is sustainable and that the resources for implementing the social aspects of the programme are available. All the governments of the federation are facing a severe cash crunch caused by declining oil revenues, massive scams in the critical oil sector, and colossal financial management at the centre. A few weeks ago, Governor Fashola of Lagos State complained publicly that, due to the fall in the revenue of the states, specifically the federally allocated revenue on which virtually all the states depend, he was short of funds to continue with some of the social and economic programmes of Lagos State. Virtually all the states governments find themselves in this situation and, regrettably, have had to cut back on their public spending, even for laudable projects. Some states have already cut their wage bills by half.

There is a high probability that this deplorable financial state of affairs will continue for some time. The nation depends mostly on its revenue from oil exports. But some twenty percent of this possible revenue is currently being lost to oil bunkering and other scams in the oil sector. The NNPC has remained largely unaccountable. So, revenue from oil exports is not meeting the set target, despite the rise in global oil prices. Though commendable, the APC will need to look carefully again at some aspects of its social welfare programme to ensure that the financial resources to implement them are available. Specifically, I refer to the plan of paying the poorest 25 million people in the nation a monthly allowance of N5, 000, and the payment for a whole year of ex-Youth Corp members who are unable to find jobs. Together, this will cost the nation over N2 trillion or nearly half of the total federal budget for 2014. These are quite impressive proposals which have some electoral appeal. But the cost involved will be quite staggering and unsustainable. The APC will need to review this proposal more carefully.

Of course, it will be argued that the resources are available, that the economy is growing, and that what is required at all levels of government in Nigeria is less public corruption and a better and more prudent management of our financial resources. But the same objective of reducing the prevailing mass poverty in the country through the proposed financial handouts can be realised by promoting economic policies and strategies that will lead to the creation of more jobs in the private sector, through increased foreign investment in the country. This can be achieved by improving the woeful infrastructure, and by promoting a greater transparency in governance in the country. The same objective of reducing the widespread mass poverty in the country can also be achieved by reducing the widening income gap in the nation between the rich and the poor, particularly in the public sector where income disparities are immense. The ratio of minimum and maximum wage in the public sector is as high as 1: 1,000. And this does not even include the opportunity for graft and unearned income to which highly paid public servants and the rich have easy access. In the rich countries the ratio is 1:5.

At less than US$3 per day, minimum wage in Nigeria is very low. Fresh University graduates get a little bit more. Unemployment is estimated at over 30 per cent. There is no moral or even economic justification for this huge income gap. Governments in poor countries tend to deliberately keep labour costs low in the expectation that this will lead to increased demand for labour and attract more foreign investment. But experience in poor countries where labour is generally cheap does not support this view. Cheap labour is just one of several other factors that attract foreign investment into a country. In fact, such a strategy constrains productivity. It leads to frequent labour strikes and these impede economic growth. The APC should pursue an alternative strategy on public wages. It should increase the minimum wage and reduce the remuneration of highly paid officials in the public sector, particularly the pay of those in the executive and legislative branches of government. Better pay for the workers will increase their spending and stimulate the economy.

This is not simply a moral issue. Better wages for workers will improve productivity in all sectors of the economy. Economic growth in Nigeria will be even faster. A prosperous, stable and secure state cannot be built on the foundation of such economic injustice. It is this injustice that accounts for the high crime rate in the country, and why our homes and streets are no longer safe. It is the source of murders, kidnappings, and armed robberies in our country. In a way, even Boko Haram is a manifestation of this social injustice. It is no accident that it is in the North East of Nigeria, the poorest part of the country, that it has had some appeal and success. Religious extremism feeds on wide spread poverty and income inequalities. These tend to attract the poor. Religious fanatics and extremists use these social and economic inequalities in the state to foster social grievances.

A national consensus on the need for the creation of state police has emerged. This will improve state security and reduce the coercive powers of the federal government. This is an agenda item that the APC should encourage its delegates at the National Conference to pursue vigorously in concert with the delegates of other states in support of the idea of a state police. As I write this, the APC has not yet nominated its two delegates to the Conference. But it is well represented by APC delegates from the states controlled by the party. They should not compromise on this issue. Whatever it may think about the prospects of the national conference, the APC, as the main opposition party, should seek to be more actively involved in its deliberations. It should be at the table when critical issues on the new Nigerian Constitution are being debated.

As a blueprint for social and economic development, the APC manifesto is sound. But as the leaders of the APC should know from Nigeria’s recent political history, party manifestoes do not necessarily win elections in Nigeria. If it is any guide, the experience of Chief Awolowo and his UPN is instructive. Given the ethnic character of Nigerian politics, local issues, even at the state level, as well as political alignments, are far more critical in winning elections than a manifesto, no matter how appealing and promising it is. That is where elections are won or lost.

Continued from yesterday

There is another freedom, only recently recognised-economic freedom, not less valuable than any of those mentioned. It is the freedom of the whole people from the oppression of poverty, of illiteracy, of hunger, of hopelessness, of ignorance, of a degrading environment, destructive of happiness, prolific of misery. As Adam Smith, the great British classical economist once observed, ‘No society can flourish and be happy, of which the far greater part of its members are poor’. In Nigeria today, 70 per cent of its citizens live below the poverty line of two USD per day. It is the love of power, the extension of state power, the abuse of power, the greed and avarice of the ruling class, that is the source of wide spread poverty, misery and social abuse in Nigeria. In general, the strong have a tendency to abuse their power, particularly in a poor country, such as Nigeria. All governments have a tendency to extend their power, a hidden hankering after absolute power, which all political progressives must resist. They must seek to protect the weak against the strong, and the subject against the ruler. In other words, the political progressives, or liberals, have a duty to lead the resistance against any form of absolutism or personal rule. Where there is corruption in public life, the people cannot be truly free as freedom will cease to have any significance for them.

Now, how has Nigeria faired in maintaining or promoting these freedoms? First, let us consider the idea of freedom from foreign control. We are rid of colonial rule, but this has been replaced by indirect rule by foreign big businesses, the corporate behemoths, and the ubiquitous foreign creditors which, with the active support and connivance of the World Bank and the IMF, now determine the economic fate of the poor countries. In other words, formal colonialism has been replaced by the informal one of globalisation under the direction of the old colonial Western powers. And the global economic objectives of these powers are being actively promoted by local agents tied to the WB and IMF, who also retain in the poor countries so-called ‘country directors’ to ensure that western economic interests are fully protected, and that they override local economic interests. So, our freedom from foreign rule has proved illusory. The foreign powers are still in charge through their foreign economic agents and their local collaborators. Our impressive statistical economic growth has not translated into more jobs or a better quality of life for the poor. It is our rulers and the rich, like the foreign predators, who garner the material reward of any economic growth.

Then, how have we faired with regard to constitutional freedom? The truth is that since independence in 1960, there has been a massive erosion and decline of personal freedoms in this country. For nearly half of the post-independence era, Nigeria was under military rule during which all personal freedoms were simply abrogated. Under duly elected civilian governments personal freedoms have not faired any better. General elections are blatantly rigged, thus denying the electorate of its freedom of choice. Even the political parties lack internal democracy. Their candidates are usually selected, not elected. State power, through the security forces, particularly the police, has been used to curtail personal freedoms in this country. The police often act outside the constitution to harass, intimidate, demonise, and terrorise citizens even when they have not broken any laws. The security agencies have become the instruments used by the state to deny its citizens of their personal freedoms. The freedom of association is being denied the people by the police for partisan political reasons and objectives. The right of the citizens to full protection and security by the state has been under massive assault by religious extremists, often with the connivance of the local authorities.

As for economic freedoms, the right to employment, to equal economic opportunities, to a decent environment, to a good infrastructure, to such social services as access to good education and health care, Nigeria has faired very badly, way below its full potential. It is the reason that a large number of skilled Nigerians emigrate abroad, to escape poverty at home. The prevalent massive public corruption has undermined the economic and social rights of the people. Every kobo of public funds stolen by public officials makes the people poorer and deprives them of their inherent right to a decent standard of living, to security, the main purpose of the state. Except the rich, every man, woman, or child in Nigeria suffers from such massive public theft.

How have we faired with regard to religious freedom? This is a delicate question, as religious freedom is both the most fundamental of all freedoms and the most difficult to defend. It is the most fundamental because all other freedoms depend ultimately on religious freedom. In our religion, whatever it may be, we express out total being, our reaction to the universe. In its essential nature, it defines our world-view, and determines our values. This is why people cling tenaciously to their religion; it is their way of life, the only spiritual succour they have. If asked to choose between dying for their religion or their nation, most people, except those with no religion, will prefer to die for their religion. Abandoned by the state and out of desperation, the poor and needy in Nigeria flock to the mosques and churches where they are again ruthlessly exploited by unscrupulous clerics who control their lives completely in the name of religion. Down the ages, people have fought and died for their religion, whether Islam, Christianity, or Judaism. In Nigeria, there have been some direct and indirect efforts to use state power to promote one religion or the other. But as we have seen in the Arab world, where sectarian conflicts even among the Moslems have erupted, it is a futile effort as no people will accept any attempt by the state to force them to change their religious way of life. Nigeria is a multi religious state in which the freedom of all religions must be guaranteed and respected by the state to avoid future religious conflicts. The state must be even handed when dealing with religious affairs.

What, then, can we as a people do to re-gain our freedom, our fundamental human rights? The German philosopher, Karl Marx, once stated that man was born free but was everywhere in chains. The fact is that man has always and everywhere had to struggle for and maintain his freedom. In Nigeria, some people have openly called for a revolution. But it is these same people, some of whom have worked for and profited materially from corrupt governments, who, by their action, actually make a populist revolt unlikely. It is they who have made our people poor, docile, servile, and indifferent to the assault on their freedom. At the moment, despite the prompting, there is little or no sign of the willingness of the people to enter into such a struggle. The people are already tired from the strains of social and economic deprivations imposed on them by their rulers and their collaborators. As a result of this weariness and poverty, they are inert and not inclined to go looking for more trouble. Besides, it is the middle class that can trigger off such a rebellion. Historic revolutions in France, Britain, the United States, Russia, China, and Cuba were led by the middle class in all those countries. But where is such a middle class in Nigeria today? If it exists at all, it is part of the problem and not the solution, for it has no soul. It has compromised itself and abandoned its moral responsibility to the people for the good life.

All the freedoms outlined in this article are vital for the stability and future harmonious progress of the nation. They must not be trampled over. It is the primary duty of the state to protect them. That is not the case now. These are some of the basic issues that the forthcoming National Conference should address itself to. Writing a new constitution for Nigeria will not necessarily make it a better country. What will make it a better country is the respect of the state for the freedoms I have outlined in this article.