With few months to the end of his eight years reign, and with the statistics on monetary policy reading failure, President Muhammadu Buhari has resorted to strange monetary policies to tame inflation, corruption and money laundering in one swoop. According to Transparency International, Nigeria in 2022 is rated 150 most corrupt out of 180 countries, and there is no much difference from the country’s position in 2020 and 2021. Comparatively, Nigeria was better off on the corruption index in 2015 and 2016, when many were still afraid of the second coming of Buhari. 

On a year-on-year basis, in the month of November 2022, the urban inflation rate was 22.09 per cent, which was 6.17 per cent higher compared to the 15.92 per cent recorded in November 2021, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. The Consumer Price Index also increased by 21.47 per cent in November 2022 and was 6.07 per cent higher relative to November 2021. The media report on money laundering is not better. The Basel Institute on Governance rated Nigeria as a high-risk country for money laundering and terrorist financing.

Of course recognising these challenges, the president signed the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act 2022 into law, but despite the tightening of the noose on money launderers, the evil business of the criminal elements like the Boko Haram, and other terrorist groups euphemistically called bandits, who have no regard for laws and other monetary policies are booming. With the monetary policies not impacting the challenges facing the country, President Buhari appears to have fallen into the duplicitous plans of the central bank governor, Godwin Emefiele and cohorts, whose motives are suspect.

As the president would have seen, Emefiele’s Stone Age monetary policies to tame all the challenges have fallen into disrepute. Bereft of deep knowledge of econometrics, Emefiele decided that the best way to tame inflation is to dispossess Nigerians of all the cash in their possession when he has not provided any viable alternative for the people to engage in commerce. Playing the role of an extortioner, Emefiele and company induced Nigerians with threats of losing their money, to take all their cash to the bank, after which it became impossible to access either the old or new naira notes.

As the president would have realised, the buck stops at his table, and there have been varied interpretations of the reasons behind this foolhardy draconic punishment of innocent Nigerians from all walks of life. While the president may be thinking of redeeming his disastrous monetary policies in the twilight of his administration, Emefiele and company who are pushing the policy have been accused of using the excruciating resultant punishment as a de-marketing strategy of APC’s presidential candidate. There are also claims that the same fifth columnists in the presidency projected Emefiele to run in the party’s primary.

The presidential candidate of the All Progressive Congress (APC) Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a veteran of many political battles, was the first to see the gimmicks of the enemies within his party, and immediately called out the masquerades to stop misleading the president. Governor Nasir El Rufai of Kaduna State went further to state their nefarious agenda to foist another northern candidate on the country, after eight years of Buhari’s presidency.

The president also believes that the disconcerting monetary policy would tame vote buying, demands for ransom by kidnappers and sundry crimes which his regime has been unable to deal with in nearly eight years. But as he would have seen, the policy is turning Nigerians to maddening behaviour with some going naked in the banking halls, in acts of desperation to get their money from the banks. Many banks in the past week were not giving out cash, whether new or old currency and money deposit banks have no explanation for this crazy decision to serially break their contractual obligations to their customers.

To further make a fool of the federal government, the bandits for whom the majority of Nigerians are being punished have made videos displaying bundles of the new naira notes to shame the country they terrorise. While the ordinary Nigerians cannot access cash to service their basic needs, the bandits have displayed bundles of the new naira notes and recently a kidnapper has reportedly demanded to be paid in the new currency, thereby defeating one of the touted benefits. Again, to embarrass the country, money-miss-roads as we call them in local parlance, are recklessly spraying new naira notes and matching on them in parties.

President Buhari should also know that it is preposterous to think that the former Accountant General of the Federation who is accused of stealing N109 billion while serving his government, could have been dissuaded from his nefarious activity if all the cash in possession of ordinary Nigerians are deceptively collected and warehoused in the banks. All the money he stole most likely never went through any cash transaction, and so depriving Nigerians of their hand earned monies to tame public sector corruption in a jiffy is brainless.

While they may be marginal decline in inflation and increase in the value of the naira, it should be clear to monetary policy novices that the gains are artificial, as the current policy is unsustainable. Many companies are having challenges with maintaining their production lines, as workers are unable to go to work. Small and micro businesses are also shutting down, as many of them cannot produce, and where they produce, nobody is buying. As the APC governors told Buhari, farmers and traders of perishable items are losing heavily  from this hare-brained monetary policy.                           

As if to confirm Tinubu’s conspiracy theory, fuel scarcity which was tamed for better part of the Buhari presidency has returned with vengeance. Now to buy fuel, Nigerians have to first buy naira from the black market and then buy fuel at exorbitant costs. What the American would call a double whammy. Those who cannot access their monies to buy naira from the black market are left with no money to pay for basic essentials and in the beguiling mind of the CBN governor and his backers, inflation is being tamed.

President Buhari must realise that history would hold him accountable if Nigeria tips from this poor implementation of basic monetary policy of redesigning a nation’s currency. The changing of Nigerian’s currency should not subject the citizens to the harrowing experience people are going through. As Sen. Shehu Sani counselled, you cannot set the forest on fire to catch a few rats. If Emefiele and his gang are incapable of using modern monetary policies to tame inflation, corruption and money laundering, they should not spill the blood of innocent Nigerians to achieve whatever nefarious projects they have in mind.

Enough of these Stone Age monetary policies.

The reasoning in the judgement of the Osun State Election Petition tribunal which relied on Bimodal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) to set aside the election of Governor Ademola Adeleke, though subject to appeal, deserves attention. While the legal battle has shifted to the appellate courts, it is safe to assume that the grounds of appeal will not seek to impugn the finding of the tribunal that where over voting has been established in a polling unit, the result will be cancelled.     

Furthermore, it should be safe to assume that where the votes cast in an election is higher than those accredited by BVAS, the result of the election would be deemed as over voting by the courts. These are far reaching improvements in our electoral process, and going forward, this column urges free-election activists to concentrate their efforts to ensure the sanctity of BVAS, prior and post elections. Prior elections, to ensure that only validly imputed data is made into BVAS, and post-election, that all imputed data remain safe and verifiable until the final determination of any dispute that may arise.

To entrench the use of smart card reader in our electoral process was a long drawn battle between the rest of Nigerians and public office holders. Of course, the reason for preferring the manual procedure is because it allowed the candidates, especially the incumbents, the opportunity to engage in over voting, stuffing or snatching ballot box, inflating election results and similar bizarre electoral malpractices, without dire consequences. Under the old order, election results can be inflated merely by addition of a number behind the last figure, and dispute therefrom will linger forever in court.

But all those malpractices appears to have become history with the advent of BVAS, particularly if that part of the judgment of the Osun Tribunal on the exclusive reliance of smart card is further affirmed by the superior courts. No wonder legislators and even presidents resisted the battle to entrench card reader into our electoral laws. Even President Muhammadu Buhari resisted the clamour in the run-up to his second term election, but whether because of local and international pressure or patriotic instinct, he signed the 2022 Electoral Act.

Section 47(2) of the Act provides: “To vote, the presiding officer shall use a smart card reader or any technological device that may be prescribed by the Commission, for the accreditation of voters, to verify, confirm or authenticate the particulars of the intending voter in the manner prescribed by the Commission.” Sub-section 3 further provides that where the card reader fails to function, “the election in that unit shall be cancelled and another election shall be scheduled within 24 hours” if the Commission is satisfied of the need in clearly stated circumstance.

The new Act also expressly stated in Section 51(2): “Where the number of votes cast at an election in any polling unit exceeds the number of accredited voters in that polling unit, the Presiding officer shall cancel the result of the election in that polling unit.” Sub-section 3 provides: “Where the result of an election is cancelled in accordance with subsection (2), there shall be no return for the election until another poll has taken place in the affected polling unit.”

Perhaps the appellate court would be asked to determine what decision the courts should make where the cancellation as in Adeleke’s case is made by the court after the result had been declared and a winner returned, instead of at the polling unit by a polling officer as expressly provided by section 52(3) quoted above. But what is clear from the Electoral Act is that wherever there is over voting, the result from that polling unit must be cancelled.

These are interesting developments for our electoral process, considering the mess that politicians made of elections in the past. But since both parties in the Osun election petition acknowledged over voting, albeit disagreeing on the number of polling units affected, it is important to ask, how come it is still possible to over-vote when BVAS was supposed to be the gate keeper? So, for those polling units where over voting is not controverted by both parties, how come the polling officers allowed those not accredited to vote, to constitute the over voting?

Unless the answers to the above posers are provided by INEC, there would still be lingering doubt that election malpractice has not been totally conquered by the BVAS technology. Indeed, if the nation is determined to deal with the monster of electoral malpractice, a forensic audit of the voters could reveal those who voted without accreditation, and such persons and the polling officers should be investigated for electoral malpractice.

Where a case of malpractice is established by the commission against either a voter or an electoral officer, the commission could use those involved to test the provisions of the Act on electoral offences. But while awaiting the final verdict of the Supreme Court on the Osun election, and the possibility of dealing with the various outcomes, there is no doubt that BVAS has given new confidence to the electoral process. And the result is increased belief that each election would reflect the will of the electorate.

Though the judgment of the Osun State Election Petition may have put a question mark on those assumptions, it is important to note that the contending parties in the petition and even INEC agreed that there was over voting in some polling units in the election, the difference being the number of the affected polling units. So, there is public excitement with the introduction of BVAS. To further buoy public confidence, INEC should institute an administrative enquiry to understudy the gaps in the electoral process that dubious persons are still exploiting.

From casual observation, one can say that some individuals, who in the past would have considered participating in the elections a waste of time, are showing interest because of the introduction of the BVAS card reader. And many of such persons are contesting for elective positions, unlike in the past when seeking elective position was left for ardent party faithful and their godfathers. Now, there are some ordinary Nigerians who sought and gained the tickets of fringe parties and are enthusiastically canvasing for votes and hoping to win.

While some of them may not win, they would be satisfied if they lose transparently, unlike in the past when election results could be written in the sitting rooms of the big guns in politics, and the beneficiaries declared winners. If the electoral system stays on course in terms of credibility, increasingly, serious minded persons would throw their hats into the ring, and the nation would be the better off for that. Perhaps, it is better to wait for the performance of BVAS in the upcoming general election, before it is renamed the game changer?

Former President Donald Trump of United States of America and his counsel were fined nearly $1 million for filling a frivolous law suit against the former presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, Senator Hilary Clinton.  According to media report, Southern District of Florida Judge Donald M. Middlebrooks held: “This case should never have been initiated. Its inadequateness as a legal claim was immediately apparent.” The judge went on: “No reasonable lawyer would have filed it. Intended for political purpose, none of the counts of the amended complaint stated a cognisable claim.”

He further held: “A continuing pattern of misuse of courts by Mr Trump and his lawyers undermines the rule of law, portrays judges as partisans, and diverts resources from those who have suffered actual legal harm.” He decided that former President Trump, “is the mastermind of strategic abuse of the judicial process, and he cannot be seen as a litigant blindly following the advice of a lawyer.”

I have quoted the report extensively because the words of the judge are instructive for our judiciary as we march down to the general elections.   

No doubt we have many who like Donald Trump use the courts to achieve political purposes. Indeed, some have alluded that our courts have become a veritable way to gain political position, just like the ballot box. Some have gone as far as openly referring to a sitting governor as a Supreme Court governor. So, it is instructive that judges heed the advice of their learned brother and come down hard on litigants and lawyers who prosecute cases that could depict the court as partisan.

Filling frivolous suits is a form of abuse of court process or abuse of judicial process. In Sheriff v PDP (2017) 14 NWLR, abuse of court process was explained to mean that “the process of the court has not been used bona fide and properly. It also connotes the employment of judicial process by a party in improper use to the irritation or annoyance of his opponent and the efficient and defective administration of justice.”

Again, in Ikine v Edjerode (2002) F.W.L.R Pt. 92, the Supreme Court held: “For an action to be declared frivolous, vexatious, oppressive and an abuse of the process of court, it must be shown quite clearly that there are two or more actions between the same parties in respect of the same subject matter in one or more courts at the same time.” This type of abuse is common when a plaintiff is in undue haste to stop the happening of an event, especially of a political nature. 

In Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited v Greenbay Investment & Securities Limited & Ord (2019) Legalpedia (SC) 11661, it was stated: “The common feature of abuse of court process is the improper use of judicial process by a party in litigation the most common one being multiplicity of action on the same issues between the same parties and instituting different actions between the same parties in different courts.” The court further held: “Abuse of the process of court, where it occurs, constitute a fundamental defect the effect of which results in the dismissal of the abusive process.”

In Nwosu v P.D.P (2018) 14 NWLR (Pt. 1640) 532, it was held: “The court reserves the prerogative and the inherent jurisdiction to protect itself from an abuse of its process and any case which is an abuse must go under the hammer so as to halt the drift created by the abuse.” In Nigeria, one of the commonest forms of abuse of court process is what is described as forum shopping, and courts in federal capital, Abuja, appears to be most targeted.

Politicians would conveniently approach the Federal High Court in the capital city for disputes that arose several hundreds of kilometres away, on the premise that the court has Nigeria as a single jurisdiction. Another form of forum shopping that is common is the desire by litigants to seek for malleable judges who would do their bidding. That is usually done in connivance with the registry, which knows the sequence in assigning cases that would push the case to a preferred judge.

One of the commonest reasons for frivolous suits is the use of courts for delay tactics. Persons who have no cause of action file cases or make applications knowing that the courts are under obligation to hear any matter before it, before it can declare it as frivolous or meritorious. While the process is on, time and money is lost by the innocent defendant. In cases where the issue at stake is time bound, unimaginable losses usually occur while the cases or applications are pending in court.

As the elections draw closer, some of the candidates have been under litigation-siege, as all manner of cases are filled to frustrate their participation in the electoral process. Amongst the presidential candidates, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressive Congress (APC) is perhaps the most exposed to the highest number of litigation, principally to stop his participation in the electoral process. While there have been different plaintiffs, most of the cases have been on the same subject matter, to compel the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to disqualify Tinubu from the race.     

Interestingly, while the plaintiffs abandon some of the cases, the rest are usually dismissed, wherein the courts described the plaintiffs as meddlesome interlopers or busy bodies. Perhaps because the plaintiffs are usually different persons, even though the subject matters of the cases are similar, the courts have not descended heavily on the plaintiffs as in Donald Trump’s case in the United States. So, while most of the cases have been used to the “irritation, annoyance and harassment” of Tinubu, yet they fail to qualify as abuse of court process.

One imagines what would be the reaction of litigants should a Nigerian court summon the courage to impose an equivalent of $1 million on a litigant who has made filling of frivolous application a past-time. In Professor Ayodele Awojobi v Dr Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia (1983) 8 SC 92 at page 96, the Supreme Court as per Justice Aniagolu, JSC, stated thus: “I consider the frequency with which this appellant goes in and out of our courts as bringing him dangerously within the meaning of a vexatious litigant who should be restrained by the courts on the principles laid down in Lawrence v Norreys (1890) 15 App. Cas. 210 and Haggarg v Felicier Frerres (1892) AC 61.”

In Trump’s case it is interesting to note that the court made the order to pay a fine of $1 million against the plaintiff and his counsel. Victims of frivolous suits will surely wish Nigerian courts would summon courage to make such an award.

Who is after the Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Godwin Emefiele? Until few months ago, the beleaguered governor was so cocky that he was the beloved successor to President Muhammadu Buhari that he told Nigerians who condemned his attempt to run for the office of president of Nigeria while perched at the CBN headquarters, to go hit their heads on the rock. He was so sure-footed that he added some springs to his gait.

Tales of hundreds of branded cars and promotional articles of the great achievements of Emefiele as governor of Central Bank so filled the air that many foreswore that he was the chosen one. There were tales of conspiracy between the governor and the famed kitchen cabinet cabal running the show at Aso Rock that Emefiele had been promised the presidential ticket of All Progressive Congress (APC) and indeed the presidency of Nigeria, in exchange for the trillions of Naira that he was sharing to their cronies, by way of economic interventions in any area of the economy that caught their fancy.

Indeed, as insightful Nigerians and some members of the National Assembly have recently realised, Emefiele presided over the sharing of about this years’ federal government budget without appropriation or oversight from the legislative arm of government. A whooping N22.7 trillion from the coffers of the Central Bank was expended by the federal government without any budgetary oversight, with Godwin Emefiele as the Father Christmas. Few days after Christmas, the senate was thrown into chaos when President Buhari’s letter to the senate to normalise the abnormal expenditure was read out by the senate president in the chambers.

In his letter, the president said the expenditure was a funding option to the federal government to take care of short-term fiscal deficit or emergency finance to fund delayed government expected cash receipt. The president wrote: “I have approved the securitisation of the ways and means balances along the following terms – Amount, N23.7 trillion; Tenure 40 years; Moratorium on principal repayment, three years; Pricing interest rate, nine per cent.” Some lawmakers expressed shock at the way and manner the Way and Means fiscal policy of government have been abused by the ill-mannered CBN governor and his cohorts in the executive arm.

Expectedly, the senate could not attend to the president’s request as the chamber turned rowdy, forcing the senate president to call for a closed-door section. At the resumption, the letter was stepped down, and as a form of compromise the Senate Committee chairman on Finance, Adeola Olamilekun, asked that the N22.7 trillion of the Ways and Means advances be stepped down for further legislative action, to enable the executive provide appropriate documents. It is a surprise the senate did not immediately summon the Governor of Central Bank to appear before the committee it set up to explain CBN’s involvement in the sharing of unbudgeted funds.  

Still on his hey days as a beautiful bride of the Aso Rock cabal, even after his presidential ambition had gone up in smoke, Emefiele could look at power princes and princesses in the face and tell them to go to hell. For many, it was an attempt to get at those who scuttled his presidential ambition, that Emefiele late last year announced the redesigning of the naira. With perhaps only the president taken into confidence, the sure-footed Emefiele told bewildered politicians and economic players that he was acting within his exclusive powers.

Fellow ministers and presidential advisers, leaders of the National Assembly and whoever thought he ought to be pre-informed, were told to go and hang. According to the governor, the redesigning of the naira was to address four main issues, namely: tame currency fraud; deal a blow to the growing kidnapping and ransom industry; lower the rate of inflation and control the amount of currency in circulation. While the verdict is still out on how far the redesign has dealt with the named challenges, it appears that kidnapping for ransom and inflation are still on the run-way enjoying the limelight. 

Following public pressure, the governor tinkered a bit with the amount that an individual or corporate body can withdraw in a day, but the major policy of a redesigned naira was rolled out as scheduled. Going forward, the Central Bank has ominously warned that the old currency would be phased out by the end of January, and there would be no extension. Unfortunately, there has been worries about the quality of the new naira notes, with many claiming that it washes off like fake clothing.

Surprisingly, as last year drew to a close, the peacocked Emefiele was suddenly gasping for a breath to remain alive. Not just to survive as the CBN governor, but to enjoy his freedom as a free citizen. About December 19, 2022, there was news that the Department of State Services (DSS) approached a Federal High Court in Abuja for a warrant to arrest Emefiele for sponsoring terrorism. Civil society group, allegedly hired, has been fighting to save the beleaguered CBN governor, whom some reports claim has been in hiding outside the country since then.

Luckily for the embattled governor, the court refused the application for an order to arrest him. But his friends in the kitchen cabinet know that they need President Buhari to save the governor; so there are reports of power tussle in the inner sanctuary of the presidency over the faith of the CBN governor. Since it is unlike President Muhammadu Buhari to come after his appointee, in the way and manner the beleaguered Central Bank Governor is being threatened, it is legitimate to ask, who is after Godwin Emefiele?

There are conspiracy theories that those who feel threatened by the knee-jerk approach of the CBN with respect to the redesigning of the naira are after the governor. Some civil society groups fighting the cause of the governor have publicly demonstrated based on this claim, and they are asking Nigerians to rise up and save the governor and his policy reforms. Some others claim there is an agenda to force the governor out, so that a preferred candidate is put in place, with the regime of Buhari coming to an end in May.

At the height of the indiscretion of Godwin Emefiele to contest for the presidential primaries of APC, while sitting pretty as CBN governor, this column condemned that manifest abuse of his privileges and the statute establishing the CBN. This writer felt scandalised when Emefiele called those cautioning him unprintable names. But regardless of those indiscretions, President Buhari should not allow the hawks around him hound the CBN governor out of office. To allow them ride roughshod over the laws of the land is a further dent on his regime’s record on rule of law.

Sartorial designers are making it big in the New Year. Thanks particularly to the five semi-break-away PDP governors, otherwise called the G5 governors led by Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State; fancy dresses have become another way of peppering political opponents. Perhaps, another stanza in the Wike’s musical hit would be – ‘as we dey dress fine, it dey pain dem, and as it dey pain dem, we dey dress fine.’ Unarguably, the five governors have become like five fish bones that left the oesophagus and lodged in the thoracic spine. 

Ordinarily, a fish bone lodged in the oesophagus can give a great discomfort. But as we were taught back in the days, one heavy mould of garri without soup could force the bone down the abdomen, even if it causes severe pain going down. Again, licking salt or gulping large quantity of water can also deal with that terrible discomfort. Of course, mothers would give doses of soft blows at the back to aid the descent of the bones.

Any of the above methods would see tears roll down the cheeks, and the pain accompanying the exercise would be a constant reminder for one to be careful the next time one is licking Ogbono soup, with pieces of bony fresh fish. There is little doubt that Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, has turned the PDP to his private estate which he returns every election cycle to lick the Ogbono soup, by way of a presidential contest. Unfortunately for him this time, he was careless with the fish bones in the soup.    

As part of their unity pact, Governors Nyesom Wike (Rivers), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu), Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia) and Samuel Ortom (Benue), have become the five fish bones that left the oesophagus and lodged in the thoracic spine of Atiku Abubakar and his PDP. A thoracic pain is a dull, aching pain. It is sharp, stabbing and intermittent. And since the cause of the pain is difficult to access, it is also difficult to self-diagnose and determine how to deal a blow to the source.

To aggravate the sensational pain, the governors now deck-out in fanciful uniformed attires to dance on the political grave of the PDP’s presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. The dressing antics of the five fish bones reminds one of the youthful days when ‘dressing to kill’ was every child’s dream at Christmas and the New Year. To add salt to injury, the governors, fully robed gyrate in the opposite direction of Atiku’s presidential campaign train.

But the governors’ gambit is beyond sensational dressing. Apologies to Lanny Wolfe’s “dancing on the graves of my enemies” lyrics; at the end of the election cycle, will the five fish bones be rescued as the Israelites were from Egypt? Will they on February 25, cross over on dry ground and look back to see their political enemy drowned in the presidential election tsunami? Will they after the election be dancing on the troubles that have been troubling their political life since the PPD presidential election was hijacked by the Atiku forces?

Read Also: PDP refutes report on Atiku’s health

This column believes they will, even if they miss their mark on who to support for the presidential race. No doubt, making a group choice of the presidential candidate to support may become an albatross for the G5 governors, especially for Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, Okezie Ikpeazu and Samuel Ortom. With Atiku Abubakar of their party thrown under the bus, the group is left with supporting either Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressive Congress (APC) or Peter Obi (Okwute) of the Labour Party (LP).

In Enugu, Abia and Benue states, there are many potential voters who may desert any of the governors who openly canvass for any other presidential candidate other than Peter Obi of the LP, regardless of whether he is likely to win or not. The backlash against Governor Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra State, when he said that Peter Obi has little chance of winning the presidential election would be a pointer for them. The same abuse has been the lot of Arthur Eze, for openly denigrating the ambition of Peter Obi and canvassing for Atiku Abubakar.

But inevitably, all the music lyrics, the dances, the dressing to kill, the junketing and holidaying and partying, indeed all the scheming and trade-ins would amount to political disaster and waste of public funds if the G5 are unable to ensure that Atiku Abubakar fails at the presidential poll. They would also be in a damp squalid political situation if they support a presidential candidate that is unable to win at the polls. As the chickens come home to roost, the G5 is therefore in a political dilemma.

Interestingly, the leader of the group has boasted that the governors are in strong positions to determine the choices of the majority of electorates in their respective states, and would direct them on their presidential choice. How true that boast is would be tested at the polls. But from some indicators, Rivers State appears to be more politically cohesive than Abia, Enugu and Benue. However, Wike’s control of Rivers State politics and state choice about the 2023 presidential election will soon be tested at the polls.

Enugu State which would have been a walk-over for Governor Ugwuayi who is contesting a senatorial seat, and the PDP, has one of its leading gubernatorial aspirant now heading the Labour Party threat. While Ugwuanyi may have done enough to secure an easy passage to the red chambers, can he afford to support the potential emergence of Asiwaju Tinubu, damn the political backlash? Interestingly, his filial relation and political associate Chijioke Edeoga, is the governorship candidate of the state LP.

On his part, Governor Ortom of Benue State will have to deal with the fog of contesting for a senate seat in PDP, having sympathy for Peter Obi of Labour Party, and having political heavy weights like David Mark and Gabriel Suswan canvassing for PDP. Making a dispassionate decision may even be more difficult for Governor Ikpeazu of Abia State, a senatorial aspirant also, as the state is even more volatile than Benue and Enugu states, with the pro-separatist groups operating heavily in that axis.

Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State has lesser stress, with making a decision. With Atiku out of the way, he can easily align with Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progress Congress (APC), who has the brightest chance of winning the presidential election, and not suffer much backlash like his brother governors of Abia, Enugu and Benue. No doubt, Wike and his brother governors have so far taught Atiku Abubakar some political lessons, about political betrayal and the law of Karma. But will a disagreement over the choice of a common presidential candidate not dissolve the five fish bones lodged in Atiku’s thoracic spine?

By Gabriel Amalu

I have heard Nigerians disillusioned with the epileptic supply of electricity claim that our neighbouring Benin and Togo have far better regular electricity supply than our country. Indeed, those who claim to know about those countries give the impression that their peoples have far better life than our country men and women, including children. While the assertion about the general quality of lives in the two neighbouring countries may be debatable, what caught my attention was the claim that Nigeria supplies electricity the countries.

According to a report by the auditor general of the federation which the House of Representatives are considering, “external auditor’s report showed that Nigeria has international bilateral agreement on electricity energy delivery and sales with Republic of Benin, Togo and Niger.” The headline in most newspapers last week claimed that between 2018 and 2022, the international consumers owe about N4.014 trillion to the Nigeria Bulk Electricity Trading Plc (NBET), which as the name implies is the body responsible for selling electricity to these countries.

While there may be good bilateral reasons why Nigeria is supplying electricity to those countries, there are no reasons why they should be allowed to owe. The situation is made uncanny since the report indicated that the NBET depends on public funds to survive, which implies that Nigerians who don’t have regular electricity supply is at the same time subsidizing those who use the electricity generated in their country. A kind of double whammy for Nigerians.

But it is not only in the supply of electricity that charity begins abroad in Nigeria. Not long ago, there was the revelation that President Muhammadu Buhari gave $1 million to Afghanistan, when university teachers in Nigeria were on strike for paucity of funds. Again under Buhari, the Nigerian Railway Corporation chose to build standard gauge from Katsina to Niger Republic when the former Minister Rotimi Amaechi was justifying the narrow gauge to the eastern flank of the country.

But seriously there is no doubt that regular supply of electricity is a major determinant of the quality of life of people. So, as Nigeria marches to 2023 general election, apart from curbing insecurity, banditry and other forms of criminality, the next president must be a person with the abundant capacity to solve the lingering electricity challenge in our country. Unfortunately the partial privatisation of that public utility which the government of former President Goodluck Jonathan did, seems to have compounded the problem.

So, we need a president who has the capacity to resolve the lingering electricity and other energy crisis to galvanize Nigerians to greater productivity. I strongly believe that if the energy crisis is solved, the GDP of the country will double in a few years. As I have argued on many occasions on this page in the past, electricity is a major factor of production in modern times, and a resolution of that challenge would unlock the great economic potentials of the country.

The problem of insecurity would be positively affected if the problem of electricity is solved in our country. With a huge youth population, the availability of electricity would keep them engaged instead of the abundant idleness that tempts them to criminality. Interestingly the Buhari government has invested a lot of resources in conceptualising the importance of Nigeria’s own Silicon Valley. But while the youths of our country has shown great potentials, it can only materialise if they have access to uninterrupted electricity supply.

To create a centre for high technology and innovation remains a dream unless the energy crisis is resolved. Again the industrial hubs that have been of interest to the Buhari and some state governments can only get the necessary boost if electricity supply is resolved or at least substantially improved. As should be obvious to governments at all levels the only solution to massive youth unemployment which fuels insecurity, is the proliferation of small scale industries, since government jobs are very scarce.

Electricity would also boast agricultural production, both farming and agro-allied industrialisation. One modern way of farming which electricity could boost is greenhouse and indoor farming. If our governments have organisational ability most of the states in the north with abundant solar energy would use that for massive greenhouse and indoor farming. Of course, electricity would also aide the creation of basic agro-allied industries, so that agricultural products are processed and preserved for local use and even export.

One of the greatest challenges faced by farmers is waste associated with harvest season. A product like tomato shouldn’t be seasonal if there is regular supply of electricity. Even for the rural farmers improvement in supply of electricity would boost their income, as off-takers of their farm produce would pay better prices if they are assured of preservation throughout the year. The same preservation opportunity would encourage consumers to buy farm produce in bulks and preserve them for use.

Electricity would also aide transportation, as the upcoming Lagos Blue Line which would be operated on Electric Motor Unit which is nearing completion would show. The reports indicate that the multiple-unit train consisting of self-propelled carriages would use electricity as the motive power. As the world moves towards electric chargeable vehicles, constant supply of electricity across the country would encourage Nigerians to embrace the migration. Instead of fuel stations, Nigerian businessmen would build charging stations, if they are assured of constant electricity supply.

Should Nigeria have improved electricity supply, medical entrepreneurs would be comfortable to build and equip hospitals with cutting edge facilities, most of which would damage from epileptic power supply. Apart from conserving scarce foreign exchange, an improved health facility would produce a healthier workforce for the much needed economic revolution, which our country badly needs. Constant supply of electricity would also lead to improvement in the quality of public hospitals, and such facilities as blood banks which have become extinct would rebound in our public hospitals.

It is therefore important that the money owed NBET be recovered and ploughed back to the production of the scarce products for Nigerians. After all, what is good for the goose is also good for the gander. In this instance, while the holy book enjoins us to love our neighbour as ourselves, it didn’t say we should love our neighbour and hate ourselves. And the standard behaviour is that charity should begin at home, and not abroad, as we seem to practising.

Those whose responsibility it is to give Nigerians better life should wake up from their slumber, as long-suffering Nigerians are beginning to lose hope in the Nigerian project. To make matters worse, Nigerian professionals whose cost of training were subsidized by Nigerian taxpayers, are relocating abroad in droves to fill up the manpower needs of the already developed countries, at the grave detriment of our underdeveloped country.

By Gabriel Amalu

Thanks to President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the National Council on Education through the Nigeria Education Research and Development Council, NERC, has returned history to primary and secondary schools curriculum. Unlike former President Olusegun Obasanjo, under whom the obnoxious policy of banning the teaching of history in schools was effected in 2007, Buhari may not be afraid of the verdict of history. The ban according to rumour mill was to forge national unity from the furnace of ignorance, believing the newly minted Nigerians totally ignorant of the history of their various ethnic nationalities would love Nigeria more.

But instead of walloping in ignorance of their ethnic history, a segment of the new Nigerians create their imaginary history, adumbrated with hateful scorn of opposing ethnic groups. Again, since publication of written materials has become an all comers affair, jaundiced essays are published without borders by disgruntled writers and purveyors of hate and these are passed on to gullible readers as authentic history. After all, for many, whatever is published is gospel truth.

So, as should now be obvious to those afraid of the teaching of history in schools; the writing and interpretation of history is going on, regardless of the official ban. To compound the matter for the fearful, the internet and the stormy social media platforms have made the writing and dissemination of history much easier. Unlike in the past when ones thoughts and writings could only disseminate amongst a few persons directly associated with the thinker or writer, internet and social media platforms have put the world at the purview of everyone who has an android phone.

Without reflecting, many churn out or disseminate what is euphemistically referred to as fake news, without knowing that sometimes they are writing and disseminating fake history. Perhaps it may be to combat the scourge of counterfeit history that the National Council on Education has decided to allow the teaching of official history. Of course, what will be taught may sometimes be moderated facts, as government officials would not approve the teaching of history that could impassion our diverse nationalities.

But while we worry about what impact the teaching of the history and exploits of the Binis, Banza Bakwai, Hausa Bakwai, Kanem-Bornu, Sokoto Caliphate, Oyo, Itsekiri, Igbo and hundreds of other empires and mini-empires would have on our national unity, most of our leaders do not appreciate that their actions and inactions are history in motion. When for instance, President Buhari flagrantly abuses the 1999 constitution in the composition of important offices in our diverse country and thereby endangering national unity, he forgets that history will record it against him.

Conversely, as the history of infrastructure development in the present democratic era is written, President Buhari would receive accolades. While it will record that some major infrastructure projects were ignored by presidents produced by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in their 16 years in power, it would praise President Buhari of the All Progressive Congress (APC) for his exploits in eight years. Thanks to Governor Nyesom Wilke of Rivers State, it will also state that the 13% derivation fund due to the oil producing states which the PDP administrations failed to pay, was paid by President Buhari of the APC.

History would also record how the governors of the oil producing states spent the wind-fall from Buhari’s tenacious obedience to that provision of the constitution. On that score Governor Wike will receive historical accolades for his giant strides in infrastructure development to justify the windfall. It will also record his challenge to his colleagues from the Niger Delta region who received huge pay-outs to show what they have done with their own money. The states of Akwa-Ibom and Delta which like Rivers received hundreds of billions of naira would be held accountable by history.

Definitely those who think that history is only about ancient stories of how Usman Dan Fodio overthrew the Hausa kingdoms of Banza Bakwai and Hausa Bakwai or the Yoruba wars or the republican status of Igbos should realise that the actions and inactions of the present time are history in motion. For instance, history is recording the seeming inability of the governors of the Igbo states to organise an efficient regional security outfit to deal with the challenges of insecurity pervading the region.

While history of Nigeria-Biafra civil war is open to further perspectives and interpretations by historians, trained or untrained, the ongoing conflicts that has rendered several communities in the southeast unliveable is a historical development, and the dramatis personae involved would be subjects of interrogation by history. The local chiefs, local councillors and chairmen, governors, none-state actors like IPOB, ESN and others are therefore making history by their actions and inactions.

The resurgence of kidnappings and attacks in Enugu State would also be subjected to historical analysis in the future. Could it be true as claimed in some circles that the presence of a new General Officer Commanding 82 Division of the Nigeria Army, who is Fulani, is the major cause of the resurgence, or is the officer being profiled negatively merely because of his ethnic origin? Considering the ability of the state governor, Ifeanyi Ugwanyi, to navigate peace for the state amidst the crisis of the past few years, are there persons bent on tarnishing his good works or is he dropping the baton as his tenure nears its end?

Among the history makers that would rue their actions in the future are those who profess hate in their social media handles, forgetting that such posts are indelible. Most of them ignorantly think that because they use pseudo names and are indifferently punching away on machines they remain incommunicado. Such ignorant persons carelessly launch scurrilous attacks on other ethnic groups or individuals with such passionate intensity that one is left wondering about their metal balance.

As I tell the young ones around me, the internet is a mean archive, and what you carelessly post could become an albatross many years to come. And interestingly history on the internet and other social media platforms unfurls at great speed. That perhaps explains why President Buhari sometimes takes on the responsibility of writing his own history, instead of waiting on his media handlers. His recent devastating historical anecdote about a governor who steals from the local government under his care has been reverberating, such that some governors are asking him to name the culprit.

Regardless of past efforts to curb dissemination of official history of our various ethnic nationalities, or the modern history of bad governance meted on Nigerians, unofficial history unfolds at great speed. To be on the good side of history and to avoid fake history subjugating accurate history of our peoples and culture, Nigeria needs trained historians to collate, interpret and disseminate history.

By Gabriel Amalu

The recent guidelines issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on campaign expenditure may tame extravagant campaign expenses if strictly followed. While for smaller parties the limits on expenses indicate that party politics is still an expensive venture, for bigger parties it would be a big hurdle to keep within the limits of expenditure. The guidelines are based on the Electoral Act 2022, which in sections 85-90 detailed the limits on campaign expenses by parties and their candidates, as well as sanctions for any breach.

Section 88(2) states: “The maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate at a presidential election shall not exceed N5,000,000.00” while sub-section 3 provides: “The maximum amount of election expenses to be incurred by a candidate in respect of governorship election shall not exceed N1,000,000.00”. The expenses cascades down to councillorship candidates. Interestingly, Section 98(2) left the limits of campaign expenses of a political party in the hand of the commission in consultation with the parties.

In exercise of that mandate, the commissioned has issued electoral guidelines which provided as follows: “The election expenses of a political party for management of party primaries shall not exceed two-third (2/3) of the limits prescribed for candidates expenses in the Electoral Act 2022 for respective elective positions.” It further provided: “The election expenses of a political party for conduct of elections shall not exceed two-third the limit of election expenses of each candidate multiplied by the number of candidates the political party shall sponsor in a particular election for elective positions.”

By the above provision, the candidate and the political party shall not spend up to N10 billion for presidential campaign, and less than N2billion for gubernatorial campaign. While those sums are humongous for a smaller party wishing to campaign for big positions, it would not go far for the big parties wishing to dominate every part of the country or a state, for the presidential or gubernatorial campaigns as the case may be.

Read Also; We’re ready for 2023 general election, says INEC

The challenges for candidates and political parties are compounded by poor infrastructural development, and insecurity plaguing the country. For a presidential candidate seeking to connect to different parts of the country for campaigns, such candidate has to substantially rely on private transportation arrangement. That would include hiring private jets, and helicopters, instead of riding in a regular flight to a close-by airport and driving to the venue of a political rally. If train services were a feature of our public transport, it would even make it cheaper for candidates and their parties.

Another huge hurdle which would increase the campaign expenses is the prevailing insecurity across the country. Most of the candidates and their parties would be paying huge costs on security for their campaigns across the country. When private candidates are forced to make expensive security arrangement for marriage ceremonies and communities pay heavily for protection from bandits and terrorists, the costs to protect campaign grounds would be much higher. For gubernatorial candidates who may need to go into the hinterland, there would be no-go area, unless accompanied by a battalion of soldiers.

But an interesting guideline is the ceiling on campaign donations from individuals and the requirement for financial records and publications. As stated in reports: “the maximum amount of money or other assets that an individual or an entity can donate to a political party or aspirant for an election shall be N50 million .” Section 90(3) of the Electoral Act provides: “A political party shall not accept any monetary or other contribution which is more than N50,000,000.00 unless it can identify the source of the money or other contribution to the commission.”

The above provision is particularly worthwhile, so that no single individual would use his or her resources to buy up a party, and dictate the tune should such a party win the election. The Act in subsection 4, as a follow up provides: “A political party sponsoring the election of a candidate shall, within three months after the announcement of the results of the election, file a report of the contributions made by individuals and entities to the commission.”

A strict observance of the provisions of Section 89 of the Electoral Act on election expenses of political parties would bring control and sanity to the conduct of political parties, even though some may argue it can also be used to witchhunt parties. Sub-section 3 provides: “Election expenses of a political party shall be submitted to the commission in a separate audited return within six months after the election and such return shall be signed by the political party’s auditors and countersigned by the chairman of the party and be supported by a sworn affidavit by the signatories as to the correctness of its contents.”

Sub-section 4 provides that “a political party which contravenes sub-section 3 commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a maximum of N1,000,000.00 and in the case of failure to submit an accurate audited return within the stipulated period, the court may impose a maximum penalty of N200,000.00 per day on any party for the period after the return was due until is submitted to the commission.” These provision if substantially applied would bring sanity to the administration of political parties.

No doubt, for a political party to grow organically, transparency in the management of its resources is key, and so the submission and publication in national dailies of the audited accounts of political parties as required by the Electoral Act is important. In the present dispensation, we have seen leaders of political parties run them like a private enterprise, and when such bad leaders are tired, they move on to another party. Again, allegations of corruption no doubt undermine the integrity of leadership and growth of political parties, and hopefully the new law will stem it.

While many have canvased for the creation of special electoral offences court, Section 145(1) of the act however provides that trial of offences contained in the act shall be by Magistrate or High Court of a state in which the offence is committed, or the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Sub-section 2 further provides that prosecution of offenders shall be undertaken by legal officers of the commission or any legal practitioner appointed by it.

There is no doubt that Nigeria is making incremental progress with regards to securing the electoral process, particularly with respect to curbing electoral expenses. The challenge remains getting the political actors to adapt new electoral behaviours, and imbibe the culture of seeing politics as a vocation instead of a business. Those who join political parties mainly for material gains, instead of an avenue to serve, may have to suffer the consequences of the offences listed in the Electoral Act 2022, before they learn their lessons.

The politics of football has berthed a world cup in winter for Europeans and North Americans, instead of their beloved summer season. When the idea was mooted that the world cup would be played in the middle of European football season, many dismissed that as impossible. Many wondered which power could put on hold, the English Premier League, the Spanish LaLiga, the Italian Serie A, the French Ligue 1, or the German Bundesliga, in the middle of a season.

When the all-powerful FIFA in 2010 awarded Qatar the hosting rights of the world’s most watched sport, there was the outrageous idea that all the stadia can be air-conditioned, so that the match could be played in the summer, which is unbearably hot in the Arab desert. But while that could be possible, presently there is no technology to air-condition the entire Qatar atmosphere, even with all the money in the world.

Many believe that it is the strong Qatar’s financial muscles playing in the background that made FIFA officials succumb to award 2022 world cup hosting rights to the country. As the years rolled by and it became evident that the world cup cannot be played in the summer in Qatar, there was no other choice than to move the tournament to winter, when it was somewhat bearable to move freely in Qatar without being baked by the sun.

But the western world would not allow Qatar host the world cup without a dent. Virtually on the eve of the tournament, the Human Rights Watch released the human rights records of Qatar, which depicts the country in bad light. While the country may not be bothered about the tar on their human rights records, the FIFA president, Gianni Infantino, understood the politics of the report, and has asked those concerned to eat their sour grapes humbly.

Unfortunately, Nigeria is missing out in the Qatar world cup tournament, despite the promises made by the immediate past Nigeria Football Federation (NFF), led by Amaju Pinnick. There are many including the sacked Super Eagles Coach Gernot Rohr, who believes the federation’s actions cost the country her participation in the Qatar tournament. This writer was surprised that as the final qualification games for the tournament were around the corner, NFF sacked the coach, without considering the implication on the Super Eagles.

Amidst the self-inflicted confusion, Pinnick invited his friend Augustine Eguavon, to take charge of the Super Eagles. Unprepared and lacking the technical savvy, Eguavon was overwhelmed by the task trusted to him, and he blew the chance of qualifying Nigeria for the Qatar world cup. Expectedly, Pinnick knew that his politics of ‘paddy paddy’ had cost Nigeria the world cup, and he shamefacedly did not run for another term as NFF president.

Of course, like their parent body, FIFA, the football federations are afflicted by national politics. With northern power influencers lurking around the corridors of power, expectedly a northern candidate Ibrahim Gusau, emerged as the new NFF president. Even though the Minister of Youths and Sports Development, Sunday Dare, can be allowed to influence other bodies governing lesser sports organisations, there was no way he would be given a freehand to steer the NFF away from the power brokers’ preferred candidate.

After all, there is so much at stake in the football business. So much money and so much enjoyment. But while influence peddling can get one the job of NFF chairman, delivering on the job requires administrative capacity and competence. How far the new chairman would go will depend on his personal competence, and he should better gird his lions and go to work. Unfortunately for him, the departing federation officials had hired a new coach before leaving the scene, to scurry the benefits that go with such hiring.

So far, the matches the new coach, Jose Peseiro, has overseen did not show him as technically savvy as Nigerians were told before his recruitment. The most recent match against the world cup bound Portugal, which this writer watched, showed the players as listless and grossly unprepared for big games. There was no spark in the team, despite the injection of new players, and while this writer is not an expert in football, the national team was completely outplayed by the Portuguese in all the departments of the game.

With the world cup beyond the national team, let us hope the new coach has capacity to build a new team that would qualify for the next nation’s cup and possibly win the tournament. Nigerians hope he was not hired because of what those in charge would gain from hiring an expatriate coach. If that was the motivation, then Nigeria may be in another dispute resolution quagmire. After all, Nigeria may yet pay heavily for sacking Coach Rohr unceremoniously.

The new NFF would therefore face a big challenge if the coach is incompetent and they need to sack him. Perhaps for selfish reasons, the football administrators usually sign up to very harsh conditions whenever they sack a coach before the end of his contracted tenure. If Coach Peseiro does not perform well, would Nigeria be exposed to payment of heavy damages if they sack the coach? One wonders why competent lawyers are not consulted to vet the recruitment contracts, to ensure that performance clauses are enshrined in the employment contracts for the coaches, so that a coach is well remunerated when he performs well, and can be sacked with minimal liability to the federation, when he fails on his job. It would be a double jeopardy for Nigeria to miss participation in the 2022 Qatar world cup because of the wrong choice of the football administrators, and be liable to pay heavy fines or damages to the sacked coach, because the administrators sacked him without following due process.

Regrettably, the politics of football in our country has not only gifted Nigeria poor football leagues, not worth much compared to their contemporaries, it has stymied the development of referees, such that no single Nigerian referee is participating in the Qatar world cup. Without transparency in the administration of football, there can be no transparency in the referee committee. And without transparency in the refereeing of matches, the league is stunted, and such league drives quality players away, and discourages the big money from advertisement and television rights.

So while some of the Northern and Southern African leagues are developing fast, the Nigerian league is stunted, and even regressing, despite the possibility that our country may have greater number of quality players locally and internationally. As the world savour the world cup in Qatar, our football administrators should be interested in raising the quality of the game, instead of the politics of football.