Who are the criminals threatening our federal capital territory, Abuja, such that diplomatic missions, corporations, airlines, pubs and supermarkets were closing shop in the past week? The terror scare was so certain that schools closed down, and some diplomatic missions even asked their missions to scale down, giving the clue the terrorists were likely to strike anytime. As I write this piece, I am even scared the concerns raised in this piece may be read after the evil machinations of the enemies may have been carried out.

The past weekend may be the longest weekend for residents of Abuja, the government of Nigeria, and our security agencies, since diplomatic missions gave the impression that it was tailor made for terror. But how did the foreign intelligence agencies pick the scent of the terrorists, without their Nigerian counterparts knowing about the threat in advance? Is it that they are not sharing their information with our local intelligence agencies, or our agencies not collaborating with their colleagues?

On their part, the Nigerian government and her security agencies have dismissed the threats as unfounded. The Inspector General of Police (IGP) Usman Baba, through the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Olumuyiwa Adejobi, described the news as false and fake. According to him: “We still reiterate that the Federal Capital Territory is safe and there is no imminent threat, neither is the FCT being saturated with bombs as speculated in the news.”

He went on: “We therefore, urge residents of the FCT and Nigerians at large to disregard this fake news which was purportedly sponsored to create fear in our people and heat up the polity.” He also promised: “We will continue to adopt all effective operational strategies to decimate the activities of non-state actors and other criminal elements.”

If truly, the news of attack on Abuja is fake and contrived, then those responsible should be exposed and treated as enemies of the Nigeria and her people.

For while many odd things are done in the name of politics and international diplomatic chutzpah, it would be taking it too far for the leader of the world democracy, the United States of America, and her acolyte, the United Kingdom, to spread such ill-mannered and fearful rumour to create fear in Nigerians and heat up the polity. The fact that other respected nations, agreed with the terror prognosis further makes the claim of a false rumour by enemies of the state less believable.

This column recalls that there was a time the United States military claimed that Nigeria was compromising shared intelligence on Boko Haram, and there were media report that those sent to help train our military were pulled out. The country even refused to sell weapons to Nigeria, when President Goodluck Jonathan was in power and while different reasons were adduced for the unfriendly disposition of the US, Nigeria at a stage resorted to the black-market in search of military hardware to fight Boko Haram terrorists.

No doubt, a lot has happened since the emergence of President Muhammadu Buhari with respect to the disposition of US and her allies to sell arms to Nigeria.  The rapprochement under President Buhari made it possible for Nigeria to acquire sophisticated A-29 Super Tucano fighter planes to fight military insurgency, which has turned the tide against terrorists in the north-eastern part of the country. So, if the Buhari government is gaining the support of US in the terror war, why would they ignite a false alarm as claimed by the police, and even the Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Muhammed?

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Perhaps, the claim by the police and the government that the terror threat was false and fake may be to calm frayed nerves, instead of aggravating it. Regardless of the motive on either side, it is necessary for Nigerian security agencies to seek greater collaboration with their foreign colleagues to gain better information on the operations of the terror organizations plaguing the sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. It is common knowledge that the entire West Africa is under threat of armed insurgency.

Thankfully, there were media reports later in the weekend that indicated the help of the US intelligence in the crackdown on ISWAP, which reportedly led to the apprehension of five commanders and 30 fighters in the past week. The report also claimed that Nigerian officials said that they were on the trail of the criminals before the terror alert by the United States and United Kingdom intelligence. It also claimed that many more of such criminals would be apprehended in the ongoing crackdown.

While we praise the security agencies for their successes, it is important for relevant heads of the agencies to find out if their officials deliberately waited until the nation was internationally embarrassed before the crackdown? It is also reported that the terrorists relocated to Abuja, following the gallantry of Nigerian forces in the north-east where they were based. If that is true, it is hoped that every effort necessary is being made to ensure the terrorists don’t relocate to other parts of the country.

If this terror alert passes without any incident, it would no doubt be a plus for the capacity of our security agencies to deal with security threats within our country. Hopefully, our security agencies would also build on the experience garnered to deal with any subsequent threats across the country. This column will also importune the security agencies to spread their dragnet to a place like Lagos which has heavy concentration of people, and could provide soft targets for terrorist attacks.

It is also important that security alert is maintained across the country, while the anti-terror operations going in Abuja is conducted, since the criminals could strike elsewhere when all attention is fixated on Abuja. It is also important that going forward, security drills should form part of our public consciousness. Whether in schools, churches, mosques, market places, televisions dramas, or other social organisations, basic security drills should become part of the social menu. What should people do when there is a terror attack nearby?

Should people start running, or should they dodge? What should people look out for, when there is imminent threat of attack and what type of emergency response should those around engage in, to help victims? Perhaps, the school curricula should now include teaching pupils the basic emergency techniques to resuscitate a victim, instead of leaving such knowledge for members of the Red Cross and Red Crescent organisations. If our country has become susceptible to terror attacks, then, the psyche of our citizens must be skewed to be prepared always, like the Boys Scout.

Perhaps, embedding security cameras on all buildings should become part of the approval requirements for developers. Without equivocation, those surrounded by enemies must always be on their guard.

The judgment of the Court of Appeal discharging the leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) Nnamdi Kanu, of the surviving seven count charge, after seven out of the earlier 14 count charges had been struck out by the trial court, because of his extraordinary renditioning by agents of the federal government from Kenya, is unassailable. So, the attempt by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Abubakar Malami SAN, to give the federal government hope that Kanu can still be prosecuted in the present circumstance because he was discharged but not acquitted, is jejune.

While agreeably the charges pending against Kanu before he jumped bail, is not invalidated by the judgment, the challenge faced by the federal government is that because of the unlawful manner Kanu was brought into the country, no charge against him can be sustained until his entrance is legitimised. To argue otherwise is to say that beautifying a sepulchre can turn it to the abode of the living. Or that a faulty foundation can be rectified by building an edifice on it.

As we say in law, you cannot put something on nothing, and expect it to stand. The extraordinary renditioning of Nnamdi Kanu has rendered his trial, a legal quagmire. Since a lawful trial has become a cul-de-sac, perhaps it is time for President Muhammadu Buhari to consider a political solution to the imbroglio. Of course, the hawks around the president would argue that as an army General Buhari should not project weakness.

But this column once again remind President Buhari that willy-nilly on May 29, 2023, he will become a former president, and thereafter his tenure will face the judgment of history. On that score, he should remember that neither the defence chiefs, security chiefs, ministers nor the several hangers-on in the presidential palace will face the judgment with him. Perhaps President Goodluck Jonathan is a living example on how to become a statesman. Jonathan ignored the hawks after he lost the 2015 presidential election, and made a personal decision to concede power.

While Buhari has not lost power to Kanu, as in the Jonathan example, a decision to release Kanu would douse tension in the south-eastern part of the country, and restore national pride to majority of people from the region. It would also reassure the moderates in the region that there is no master-servant relationship in the Nigerian project.

With President Buhari on the final lap of his presidency, he should take steps to douse the exacerbated inter-ethnic tensions across the country.  For avoidance of doubt, while this columnist is not a sympathiser of the IPOB ideology, it has never hesitated to blame President Buhari for exacerbating the national fault-lines by his style of governance, especially his political appointments. So, now the end of the regime is in sight, Buhari should engage in rapprochement, to douse tensions across the country.

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If President Buhari agrees to apply a political solution to the crisis, it is expected that Nnamdi Kanu should be able to rein in those who have been committing atrocities in sympathy to his incarceration in the southeast. So, will Kanu be able to take charge of the ‘genuine members of IPOB’ who may have acquired power since he was incarcerated? No doubt, some miscreants have fed fat on the Nnamdi Kanu imbroglio, even though IPOB is claiming criminal elements have infiltrated their ranks to cause havoc in their name.

Regardless of the sources, the southeast has suffered enormously because of the incarceration of Nnamdi Kanu. They have lost human lives, they have suffered economically, as Mondays were turned to compulsory holidays, and many investors see the southeast as a hotbed of agitation. But as supporters of Nnamdi Kanu have argued, if their leader is making personal sacrifice in the interest of the region, then everyone else should also make sacrifice.

While it may sound logical to demand a commensurate sacrifice from the people, it is unreasonable to enforce it at the risk of physical harm or even slaughter of human beings as we have seen in some cases. Understandably the spokesman for IPOB has distanced the group from the mayhem going in the name of the organisation, and he has even lifted the enforcement of stay-at-home on Mondays. Yet the enforcement continues. Perhaps, the falcon can no longer hear the falconer, or are we faced with a faction of IPOB who do not take directives from the main leadership cadre.

But regardless of the challenge the IPOB leader could face to rein in his followers, or bring the renegades using his name under control, the Buhari regime should explore political solution to the crisis. While it is easy to claim that Kanu’s problem is a legal issue which only the courts can resolve, as Buhari did not too long ago when elders of the southeast led by Chief Mbazulike Amaechi asked for political solution, the delay in obeying the judgment of the court of appeal has shown the legal option is also limited.

As is obvious now, the AGF who boasted that the matter should be resolved by the courts is now dragging his feet to obey the clear order of the court of appeal. If he decides to go the Supreme Court, he is likely to receive an affirmation of the judgment of the court of appeal. If that happens, what would the federal government do? Will they then obey the court and allow Kanu walk away without extracting some promises from him to maintain peace?

Or would they engage in the shenanigans of security agencies who release detainees when they are ordered to do so by courts, only to re-arrest the person shortly after, on the claim that the subsequent arrest is different from the earlier one declared unlawful by the court? Such a tactics would amount to ridiculing the court of appeal, or the Supreme Court should the AGF push his luck that far. Or will the federal government return Kanu to Kenya and then formally request for his extradition to Nigeria?

Clearly, experimenting such other options would likely further expose the Buhari regime to accusations of persecution of Kanu and by extension the Igbos. This column urges President Buhari to show his fidelity to the rule of law and statesmanship by ordering his subordinates to negotiate the release of Nnamdi Kanu. I urge him to ignore those encouraging him to trample on the judgment of the court of appeal.

Perhaps the next administration after President Buhari would have the courage to decentralise power to the states, and hopefully bring to an end the agitation against marginalisation of the southeast, which is the oxygen for the Nnamdi Kanu-led IPOB.

It was celebration time for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, last week, as the latter turned 62 on Wednesday. In an emotion-laden tribute, Asiwaju paid glowing tribute to the love of his life, affirming that each time her birthday turns up, nothing else matters. Not even the pursuit of his ambition of becoming the president of Nigeria, nor serenading his teaming followers and supporters who throng wherever he goes.

Of course, everywoman who is a good wife deserves to be celebrated especially during her birthday. As the book of Proverbs 18:22 (NLT) proclaims: “The man who finds a wife finds a treasure, and he receives favour from the Lord.” The sagacious Asiwaju knows how a treasure is treasured, for as the Book of Matthew 13:44 (NIV) said: “The Kingdom of heaven is like treasure hidden in a field. When a man found it, he hid it again, and then in his joy went and sold all he had and bought that field.”

As Asiwaju affirmed in his eulogy, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, a serving senator, is one such treasure. There are so many who attest that Senator Tinubu is a treasure, for her generous support to charitable causes. But beyond being a treasure tome of a wife and charity, could it be that Senator Oluremi Tinubu is to presidential candidate Bola Tinubu, what Senator Hilary Clinton is to former President Bill Clinton, in their respective political odyssey?

Perhaps there has not been enough interrogation of the influence Senator Oluremi Tinubu brings to the table for the nationally acclaimed political strategy of Asiwaju Tinubu. Could it be that her influence and power in the political rise and rise of Asiwaju Tinubu has been subjugated under the effusive patriarchal system that is predominant in our political environment?  If Asiwaju makes the presidency, would it be apropos to say that Nigeria will have two-in-one president, as was said of Bill and Hilary Clinton, when Bill was the president?

With the presidential campaign for the 2023 general election kicking off tomorrow, perhaps it is appropriate in comparing the Tinubus with the Clintons to examine the chances of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, whose success at the polls would further make the comparison even more exciting. No doubt, Asiwaju Tinubu of the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) is the frontline presidential candidate, and unless there is a tectonic movement in the political landscape, he has the best chance of winning the 2023 presidential election.

Among other reasons, Asiwaju Tinubu, fairly regarded as a master political strategist, started plotting his presidential ambition many years ago, and as he boasted, would not throw his hat into the ring if he had no chance. This writer had the privilege of hearing directly from Asiwaju about his presidential ambition, four years ago, and while he stated clearly that he was not desperate to run, he expressed his determination to give it his best shot. And as a master strategist, he must have been plotting the contest for much longer time.

Strategy wise, Asiwaju’s game plan is unimpeachable. Since 1999, he has deliberately built a political coalition of surrogates, associates, friends and partners, which is unmatchable by any of the other contenders. Today, he can legitimately lay claim to helping the incumbent president and his vice ascend the throne. He can also train his political proboscis to the senate present, speaker House of Representatives, and of course, many serving and past governors, legislators, local government chairmen, and hundreds of other political leaders across the country. And such network of collaborators would have far-reaching impact in the election.

Experience wise, Asiwaju can legitimately claim to have performed outstandingly as governor of Lagos State. There is no doubt that amongst his peers, he stands tall, and can beat his chest that he performed well as governor. As a governor he was very innovative. Apart from raising the state internally generated revenue to a record high, he reinvigorated the judiciary, and initiated new programs like LASMA, LAMATA, BRT, and laid a solid development plan which his successors have built on.

As a political leader, Asiwaju has unmatched record. Love him or hate him, he successfully put in place a succession mechanism that even while some condemn it as god-fatherism, has gifted Lagos political stability and high performing governors and power elite that has made the state the envy of others. Even while some commentators complain bitterly about being left out in the scheme of things, the recruitment and preferment process he instituted in Lagos, with all its shortcomings has survived three political transitions and is alive and kicking.

Again Asiwaju has proved his mettle as a development strategist. Apart from his audacious human capital development strides, he has with his lieutenants turned Lagos State into the 6th biggest economy in Africa. Such audacious projects as Eko Atlantic City deserve all the accolades his campaign team are milking from it. The story of Eko Hotels and what it has become with his invitation of private capital is perhaps what is lacking in the management of wasting national assets across the country. The same can be said about the Lagos State Independent Power Projects, sabotaged by the federal government.

As the political campaign kicks off tomorrow, Asiwaju would need to calm the political nerves of those stringently opposed to his choice of Senator Kashim Shettima, a fellow Muslim as vice presidential candidate. Also, he has to tactfully deal with the anti-establishment discontentment that is driving the rise of Peter Obi of the Labour Party. As a political strategist, instead of abusing those angered by the choice of Shettima or enchanted by the promises of Obi, he has to wear the garb of an ingenious salesman.

There is no doubt that Nigeria needs a president who is a political and development strategist. A political strategist to mend the broken fault lines exacerbated by the Fulani hegemonic regime of President Muhammadu Buhari, and a development strategist to stem the haemorrhaging national economy and lay the plan to sustainable economic development. Amongst the three major gladiators, Asiwaju Tinubu undoubtedly has the best combination of the requirements. The job of his campaigners is to sell the right message to the electorate.

Expectedly, Tinubu would campaign as hard as any of the other gladiators, if not even harder. And at his tow would be his jewel of inestimable value, Senator Oluremi Tinubu. If the Tinubus make the presidency, they would once again be aping the Clintons in their political odyssey, when a list of the offices held by the couple are listed. Away from presidential politics, I join Asiwaju Tinubu to celebrate Senator Oluremi Tinubu, a dutiful wife and political titan in her own right.

With a sardonic smile playing on his lips, President Muhammadu Buhari last week urged his newly minted citizens to enjoy the trappings of being Nigerians and to make ‘positive and useful contributions to the advancement, progress and wellbeing of the different communities they reside.’ Playing the role of a father who has been blessed by new babies, he urged his ‘bundles of joy’ to “abide by the ideals and institutions of Nigerians national flag, anthem, pledge and respect for all constitutional authorities.”

President Buhari, indeed appeared a happy man as he conferred Nigerian citizenship on 14 Britons, four Americans, 86 Lebanese, and 182 other persons, in exercise of his powers under sections 26 and 27 of the 1999 constitution (as amended).

Section 26(1) provides: “subject to the provisions of 28 of this constitution, a person to whom the provisions of this section apply may be registered as a citizen of Nigeria, if the president is satisfied that – (a) he is a person of good character; (b) he has shown a clear intention of his desire to be domiciled in Nigeria; and (3) he has taken the Oath of Allegiance prescribed in the seventh Schedule to this constitution.”

Sub-section 2 provides: “the provisions of this section shall apply to – (a) any woman who is or has been married to a citizen of Nigeria; or (b) every person of full age and capacity born outside Nigeria any of whose grandparents is a citizen of Nigeria.” On its part section 27 (1) provides “subject to the provisions of section 28 of this constitution, any person who is qualified in accordance with the provisions of this section may apply to the President for the grant of a certificate of naturalisation.”

Section 28(2) went ahead to list what the applicant must satisfy to be successful. They include that the applicant must be of full age, be of good character, shows clear intention to be domiciled in Nigeria, and that the applicant in “the opinion of the governor of the state he is or proposes to be resident, acceptable to the local community in which he is to live permanently, and has been assimilated into the way of life of Nigerians in that part of the country.”

The applicant is expected also to be a person who has made or is capable of making useful contribution to the advancement, progress and well-being of Nigeria, has taken the oath of allegiance, and has resided in Nigeria for a continuous period of 15 years, or resided in Nigeria continuously for a period of 12 months, and during the period of 20 years immediately preceding the period of 12 months has resided in Nigeria for periods amounting in the aggregate to not less than 15 years.

No doubt, the procedure for acquiring Nigerian citizenship especially by naturalisation is tedious, and yet as many as 286 persons have scaled through, and are now deemed proud citizens of the country. Of that number, 208 persons became citizens by naturalisation. As I watched the wry smile of President Buhari, as he addressed the applicants, I imagined him also saying to those who are of the opinion that he has so badly misgoverned Nigeria that it has become a living hell, shame on you.

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In showing off his new nationals, he may be deriding those who are ready to give up everything they have to acquire the citizenship of the United States, Britain, Canada or tens of other country whose citizenship is coveted by Nigerians. And to add sweetener to the president’s happy moment, they were Americans, Britons, Italians, and Egyptians amongst the successful applicants. Ordinarily, it would be expected that only citizens of countries considered worse than Nigeria would apply to acquire something better.

So to the citizens of those countries, now Nigerians, which unsatisfied Nigerians consider as superior to their own country, the president effusively admonished: “no matter where you come from, or what faith you practise, this country (Nigeria) is now your country. Our history is now your history, and our traditions are now your traditions. Nigeria is your home and pride and joy.” What a proud moment for the president. But this column doubts, whether majority of his compatriots who are citizens by birth and who are living in Nigeria presently would join the excitement train.

For instance, except the new Nigerian citizens when travelling outside the country use the passports of their original countries, as they are entitled to retain them in defined circumstances as provided by section 28(2) of the 1999 constitution, how proud would they be if on presenting their freshly minted Nigerian passport they are subjected to humiliating conditions, which other nationals are not. Again, when applying for visa, or for tickets to travel outside the country, would they use the green passport and be subject to undue delays, or higher cost of tickets that their new nationality confers?

It would be interesting to conduct a survey to know the reactions of the young generation of Nigerians, over this interest in their country’s citizenship by persons from the countries they see as better off. It would also be interesting to know whether there are those among the applicants who paid to marry Nigerians, to acquire the legitimacy to apply for citizens by registration. After all, some Nigerian men marry persons much older than them, or work for years paying fees to persons who they married for the right to obtain foreign citizenship.

It would also be interesting to know the new local governments of origin of the new citizens, especially those on the naturalization list. How far have they adapted to the new culture as expected of them? Furthermore, Nigerians would what to know what motivated them to become Nigerians. While those who are spouses of Nigerians can be excused for love, this column is sure, many would want to know what other reasons could prompt an American, a Britain, or an Italian to apply to become a Nigerian.

Perhaps it is the same economic interest that pushes young Nigerians to throw in all they have laboured for in life, or dupe other persons, or submit to humiliating circumstances or commit other crimes to acquire resources to pay their way to these coveted countries that also play out when foreigners want to be Nigerians? Or perhaps there are opportunities in Nigeria which those coveting to be her citizens see that those Nigerians who are desperate to leave don’t see?

Regardless of the poor leadership that has made Nigeria very unattractive in the eyes of Nigerians, it is heartening that some ‘decent foreigners’ covet to be Nigerians. Whether they did so for economic exploitation or survival, or for love or self-hate, let’s join President Buhari to welcome our new country men and women.

 

 

This column wonders what Nigerians who are displeased with the practice of federalism in Nigeria, despite the provision of section 2(2) of the 1999 constitution (as amended), would say about the recent oil pipeline contract, gifted to the leader of Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND)? The section provides: “Nigeria shall be a federation consisting of states and a federal capital territory.” Some have justified what we practice “as our peculiar federalism”, but many are agreed that our model is miles away from the definition of federalism.

According to Professor K. C. Wheare widely regarded as an authority on federalism, federal principle is, “the method of dividing powers so that the general and regional governments are each, within a sphere, coordinate and independent.” Perhaps, it is in adherence to the principle of federalism and the need for diversity in governance that propelled the provision of section 14(3) of the 1999 constitution, albeit made none justiciable, by the provision of 6(6)(c) of the same constitution.

Section 14(3) provides: “The composition of the Government of the federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few state or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government or in any of its agencies.”

Unfortunately in law and in practice, the federalist principles have been relegated to the background, so much so that some nationals have recourse to arms to force the decentralisation of at least economic power. In the second term of Obasanjo’s presidency the youths of Niger Delta who have borne the brunt of the jaundiced federalism decided to force the federal government to give them greater control over the oil resources that have devastated their environment, even as it enriches the power oligarchs that are in charge of the country.

What the political authority initially dismissed as a crude joke, turned to an economic nightmare for the country’s crude oil supply, as various armed groups laid siege on the oil pipelines that crisscrossed the creeks of the Niger Delta. Bearing colourful names, like Gen. Boyloaf, the militant warlords proved a difficult kernel to crack, as the collateral damages that could follow an all-out war was potentially more devastating to the nation’s economy, than the cost of making peace. The lot to make peace with the militant warlords fell on the administration of President Umaru Yar’Adua.

The effort gave rise to the Presidential Amnesty Programme, which allowed the warlords to exchange their guns and bullets with a piece of the resources from the Niger Delta. Amongst the biggest beneficiaries of what cynics have dubbed bribe in exchange for peace, is the former creek general, now High Chief Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo. From a mere warlord, Tompolo has become a bargaining chip in the armour of Niger Delta leaders, especially his part of the region.

Whether the issue is the siting of federal institutions or amenities, or enforcing a fairer share of appointments, the people of the region are increasingly relying on Tompolo and associates to enforce a fair deal from a recalcitrant federal government. So, the ex-warlord has become a lightning rod of sort for the protection and promotion of the entitlements of his beleaguered people in our blighted federal republic. The latest benefit in exchange for peace is the oil pipeline protection contract, worth N48 billion.

Expectedly, the contract to protect the critical artery of the nation’s economy has drawn complaints from many people, including a distraught governor of Ondo State, Rotimi Akeredolu SAN. But the Buhari government has probably weighed the opportunity cost of the 400,000 barrels of oil it is losing to vandals, and came to the difficult decision to cede policing of the pipelines to the ‘local police’. While N48 billion is not a fair share to Tomopolo’s people were Nigeria practising a federal system of government, it is better than nothing.

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As part of the deal to make peace with the militant youths of the region, some other concessions have also been made to the people. They include the 13% derivation fund, which is a diluted form of federalism. Another forced benefit is the creation of the Niger Delta Development Company (NDDC), which as the name implies was set up to develop the region, but which has regrettably become a slush fund mainly for the benefits of the criminal minded elites of the region and their accomplices.

Far away from Niger Delta, as a consideration for the devastating war being waged by the Boko Haram in the northeast, the people of the region have also been bribed with the North East Development Company (NEDC) to be funded with resources from elsewhere. Of course, considering the threat posed by the dislocated youths of the northeast to the country, who have taken to arms, majority members of the national legislators with a little nudge were quick to establish the NEDC.

With the northwest under the suzerainty of bandits without borders, it remains to be seen what palliative the nation would offer the region to placate the youths. Perhaps the region would draw strength from their numerical advantage in the National Assembly to gain one form of economic advantage or another in addition to the sundry presidential intervention funds they are gaining from the eight-year presidency of Buhari. One other major gain from their militancy is the ongoing illegal exploitation of the minerals in the region, in violation of the Mineral and Mining Act 2007.

President Buhari was even at a stage lured into unlawfully sanctioning the illegal exploitation of the gold deposits in Zamfara by the state government. In parts of the northwest where state actors are lethargic, non-state actors, including the ubiquitous Chinese fill in the gap as miners, with the devastating consequences on security. The situation with respect to the exploitation of minerals in the northwest is no different from what is happening in the north-central region of the country.

With the north-central not constituting any serious threat to the national security, no economic concession has been made to the region, in lieu of a proper federalist practice. The fate of the southeast is not different from that of the north-central, as the security crisis in the region has not affected the nation seriously enough to warrant any concession. Luckily, the southwest is faring best in the convoluted federalism, partly because of Lagos. How far our peculiar federalism by arms would go before the nation stumbles remains to be seen.