The Nation Newspaper

Category: Gabriel Amalu

  • As Fubara returns

    As Fubara returns

    All appears set for the return of Sir Siminalayi Fubara to his exalted position as governor of Rivers State. The six month’s state of emergency imposed on the state by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT), on March 18, will expire on September 17. According to reports, the president had met with Fubara apparently to discuss his impending return before departing for his 10-days working leave outside the country. Neither the presidency nor Fubara’s camp issued statement with respect to what transpired at the meeting.

    Unlike in the past, the vile supporters of the governor have kept mum. They have not gone on to condemn the visit, excoriate the president, and analyse what they consider the constitutional impediments a president has, with respect to the rights of a sub-national government. For many of them, the president acted ultra vires in suspending Governor Fubara, and they are disappointed that the Supreme Court has not gone ahead to declare the state of emergency in Rivers State a nullity.

    It is not unlikely that many of them would be nursing the ambition and waiting for an opportunity to exert their pound of flesh on the governor’s opponents. Since they cannot do it by themselves, except perhaps at the polls, they may be waiting for the governor to return to his seat, before pilling pressure on him to return to the trenches. Many of them, from what transpired before the state of emergency was declared are averse to political reasoning. They prefer the “oshobe” approach, which the wiser Fubara, has now decried.

    Fubara, who when he was goaded on deceptively by inexperienced activists, had declared that the jungle has matured, eventually discovered that the political jungle is not for amateur pugilists. The governor, obviously a featherweight political combatant made the error of taking on his mentor and godfather, Nyesom Wike, a tested political warrior without first developing the muscle and capacity to fight in heavyweight category. Fubara, who was drafted from the urbane civil service into the combustible arena of political combat needed to develop the muscles first.

    To attempt to move straight from featherweight to heavyweight, showed the naivety of the suspended governor. In the boxing arena, there is no known person who moved from featherweight to heavyweight, because it requires a pugilist to gain a lot of weight for such a transition. If Fubara had good advisers, he would have first developed the muscle to move from amateur to professional, and as a professional, gently move from bantamweight to featherweight, to lightweight, before contemplating heavyweight categories.

    Perhaps, Fubara, was misled into thinking that the allegory of boxing in political duels, was on all fours, with political weight categories. For if Fubara was to be in real boxing fight with Wike, he would certainly match him grit for grit considering their near real weight categories. And should Wike make the grave error of punching above his weight, Fubara would have dueled him effectively. But, alas, fights in political duels are not measured by the real weight of combatants on a measurement scale.

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    Fubara, also made the grave mistake of opening another warfront by declaring the mediatory intervention of President Tinubu as meddlesomeness. This column recalls that in October, 2023, merely five months after Fubara was sworn in, Rivers was already in turmoil and President Tinubu had called a meeting of the two major gladiators, Fubara and Wike, and other leaders in the state to agree on a peace deal. Even after agreeing to implement the deal, Fubara was misled into badmouthing the agreement as merely political, and not constitutionally binding on him.

    As I argued in my piece: Fubara versus Wike on May 14, 2024: “while constitutionally he (Fubara) does not serve at the pleasure of the president, he needs the friendship of the president to serve pleasurably…. For his own success as governor, Simi must project respect, even when displaying strength, in dealing with Nigeria’s presidential behemoth.” Less than a year after the dire warning, the crisis in Rivers compelled the president to exercise his powers as provided for, in section 305 of the 1999 constitution (as amended).  

    But like a person whose spell had been cast off, after the state of emergency was declared, Fubara was all thanks to Tinubu, less than two weeks after the state of emergency was imposed. Admitting that he had come down from his high horses, he effusively thanked the president for his intervention, and said but for the intervention, the story in Rivers would have been different. Indeed, but for opening a war front with the president in his speech, after his Abuja trip, the story may have been different.

    The burlesque of unlimited power by an elected state governor was what led Fubara to the six-month suspension. Hopefully, he has lent his lessons, and he will spend the next 20 months trying to etch his name in the sands of time in Rivers State. He could do that by efficiently and effectively using the enormous resources of the state for the benefit of the people. No doubt, Rivers State is one of the richest states in Nigeria, both with respect to earning from the federation account and internally generated revenue.

    By several accounts, Rivers is the second richest state in Nigeria, after Lagos State. Fubara should concentrate on touching the lives of the people, not through the unsustainable populist programmes he was doing when he was fighting Wike, but through sustainable legacy projects. With his second term foreclosed, except a miracle happens, the temptation would be to ape his brother governors who engage in white elephant projects, to siphon money for their unborn generations. But Fubara, must realize that he will be under intense monitoring, for the remainder of his tenure.

    Unfortunately, he would have to work with a state legislature that is his sworn enemy. So, he has to plead for every approval and should he bare his teeth, they would knock it off, without warning. He will also not get the best cooperation from the newly (s)elected local government councilors and chairmen. Since they are products of a political compromise to save what is left of his governorship tenure, they would treat him, as a lame-duck governor. Even his appointees will work with caution.

    How he manages the remainder of his tenure, will be a study in political survival. While the trust between him and Wike has been damaged, he could with an obvious sense of humility, do a lot of damage control. More so, Wike, needs his cooperation to deliver on his political promises, to his benefactors. Because, even in his brokenness, it is still Fubara, that will give final approval for the release of state funds, for projects and other benefits. And while Wike, may have won now, the future is ever pregnant.

  • Dessert for El Rufai

    Dessert for El Rufai

    Last Saturday, the petit enfant terrible that governed Kaduna State for eight years, from 2015 to 2023, Malam Nasir el-Rufai, raised alarm that his successor, Governor Uba Sani, whom he called his godson, was responsible for the political violence that marred a rally he organized to foster the opposition parties in the state. According to media reports, thugs invaded the ceremony, for the official inauguration of the transition committee, jointly set up by opposition parties in the state. El Rufai accused the state governor of sponsoring terrorism.

    While not sympathetic to El Rufai considering his past records, this column condemns all forms of political violence. But we must recall that as governor of Kaduna State, El Rufai ruled like a sovereign potentate, and he treated his victims worse than subjects. The former governor confessed that he paid cross-border herders from neighbouring countries to stop killings in southern Kaduna, instead of bringing them to account. According to him, he told his emissaries to inform the criminals that one of their own, a Fulani, the late President Muhammadu Buhari, had become the president and they should stop the killing.

    But did the killings stop? It didn’t. In fact, it got worse, and instead of showing empathy to the victims, he criminalized them, and made them look like the aggressors. He framed the killings as reprisals and revenge attacks, especially in Kajuru and Kachia local government councils. But interestingly, since Governor Uba Sani took over, the killings have stopped, and even markets closed for many years have been reopened. So what could have led to the return of peace in the communities after the exit of the former governor?

    While the crisis lasted, many indigenes of the affected communities viewed El Rufai as an enabler of the crisis. The Southern Kaduna People’s Union (SOKAPU) on the eve of the 2019 general election raised such alarm. In February, 24 hours to the 2019 polls, they said “The attention of the Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU) has been drawn to a report credited to Governor Nasir Ahmad El Rufai over alleged killing of 66 Fulani in Kajuru Local Government Area.”

    They went on: “We are at a loss as to the real motive behind the governor’s disclosure, made public less than 24 hours before the commencement of national polls that were postponed by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).” They continued “We are of the view that El Rufai’s comments over Kajuru killings was deliberately orchestrated to inflame ethnic and religious sentiments to produce yet another cycle of bloodshed.” The leaders accused El Rufai of lying about any killing of Fulanis, and accused him of being silent about the actual killing of Adara natives in Ungwar Barde, in Kufana District of Kajuru Local Council.

    The leaders didn’t spare the former governor. In their words “Arising from the above, SOKAPU is shocked at the deliberate falsehood by El Rufai who found it convenient not to inform the world of an earlier attack that claimed lives of 11 Adara natives. SOKAPU is convinced that Governor El Rufai is on an irrevocable journey of inflaming ethnic conflagration that has always been in line with his deliberate chronicle of profiling Southern Kaduna people as favorably disposed to violence.”

    The group claimed that El Rufai was instigating the crisis for political gains. While on one of his visits to the scene of the killings, El Rufai promised to set up a judicial panel of inquiry, which he later did after several months, and sounded sympathetic. He said “It is very sad that people that had lived together side by side for hundreds of years have suddenly started killing one another.” He went on “It is not in our culture, our religion to permit anyone to kill. All those who engage in these are not godly people but godless people, they are neither Muslims nor Christians.”

    Hearing El Rufai sound sanctimonious, one would think that his regime was driven by fairness while he governed the state. That indeed, he had regards for all citizens of his state, regardless of their tribe or faith. But far from that, El Rufai governed the state as a very divisive person, who cared more about winning election at all cost. While justifying his choice of a fellow Muslim as deputy, when all previous governors had shown concern for religious plurality in the state, he spoke derogatorily about the people concerned.

    Speaking to Channels Television, el-Rufai said “what if I tell you that no matter who I choose as my running mate, even if I choose the Pope, 67 per cent of Christians in Southern Kaduna have made up their minds that they will never vote for me.” Clearly el-Rufai was a very reckless and insensitive fellow, who cared not, whose ox was gored. Yet by some accounts, the Christian population is about half of the population in the state.     

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    In the eyes of the law, El Rufai can be properly prosecuted for aiding and abetting terrorism while he was governor of Kaduna State. Some of his opponents who are of the same faith with him, suffered similar abuses like southern Kaduna Christians. Renowned activist and former senator Shehu Sani, calls El Rufai a very divisive fellow, and he believes that the state is safer since his tenure ended. He accused the former governor of engaging in mass sackings, property demolitions and flagrant disobedience of court orders.

    Shehu Sani, wrote El Rufai off, as a “midget professor” and said that “out of power, he is sanctimoniously preaching democracy to the country he helped to wreck, plundered, and persecuted”. He went on: “He demonized the opposition when in the palace and now embraces them in the wilderness.” No doubt, El Rufai is a shifty politician, when it comes to loyalty. He was brought to limelight by former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, but when it suited him, he aligned with former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, to persecute his former benefactor.

    When last week, El Rufai accused his successor of sponsoring terrorism, many waited for a bombshell of evidence. Rather, he said he would submit the evidence to the police if given the chance. One hopes it is not his usual bluff, otherwise why would he wait to present the evidence before the court of public opinion. If he could make such a weighty allegation, without waiting for police investigation, he ought to present his evidence bare, without hesitation.     

    The people of Southern Kaduna, and others, who bore the brunt of several alleged terrorist acts, linked to the ill-tempered governance of El Rufai, as Kaduna State governor, must be amused that the hunter has become the hunted. They would call it, his just dessert. It is also alleged that his poor records as governor, made President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, drop him as a ministerial nominee. Clearly, El Rufai will still pay a lot more price for his time in power as Kaduna State governor.

  • Dilemma of Governor Mbah

    Dilemma of Governor Mbah

    The 2027 general election has become like a sword of Damocles dangling on the head of some key actors whose political parties are in disarray. Thanks to the brinkmanship of key leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), whose former chairman Vincent Ogbulafor once boasted would rule Nigeria for 60 years, the party has become a gargantuan shadow of itself. The dire condition of the party resulted in the exodus of state governors, former presidential candidates and several bigwigs who felt that the PDP’s political boat may soon capsize.

    Former vice president, Atiku Abubakar who has always treated the PDP like a special purpose vehicle for his presidential ambitions, has already jumped out of the troubled ship. While he has not ported at another political party, perhaps out of fear of the unknown, there are strong indications he may join the African Democratic Congress (ADC), whose leadership has been hijacked by former senate president, David Mark. 

    The governor of Delta State, Sheriff Oborevwori, and the entire PDP structure in the state moved over to the All Progressive Congress (APC) in August 2024, a development that shook the PDP. Ten months after, the governor of Akwa Ibom State engineered a wholesome movement of the PDP structure in his state, to the APC. Of course, several other bigwigs have left the old warhorse, for the ADC which many are now taunting as a damp squib, after its abysmal performance in the recently held by-elections across several states.

    With the PDP doddering, Governor Peter Mbah who got elected by a controversial razor tin vote advantage in 2023 must be weighing his options, as the race to the 2027 general election dominates the political landscape. Mbah’s challenge is made worse by the fact that the politically conservative Enugu State voters, appears to have shown inflexibility with the recent result of the Enugu South Urban Constituency reordered election.

    Apparently, to the shock of Mbah and his supporters, one Bright Ngene, who originally won the state legislative assembly election in 2023, again won the reordered election after postponements arising from repeated disruptions. To make it more embarrassing for the ruling party in the state, Ngene of the Labour Party, who was sentenced to seven-years imprisonment for a community related dispute, won the election from the prison. It remains to be seen whether he will serve what is remaining of his tenure from the prisons. 

    From the whiplashing the PDP received in the 2023 general election in the state in the hands of the Labour Party (LP) and the recent mud on its face in the Enugu South Urban Constituency reordered election, the PDP on whose platform Mbah was elected is seriously in decline. The PDP which dominated the state like a colossus, making it nigh impossible for any other party to breath in the state must be wondering what happened to her glorious days in the sun.

    The PDP produced Governor Chimaroke Nnamani, who after eight years of reign handed over to Sullivan Chime. Sullivan after eight years in power handed over to Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, who also ruled for eight years. During the reign of the three former governors, the state House of Assembly, the federal House of Representatives and the Senate were dominated by the PDP. The stranglehold on the state was so strong that the contentions for the PDP primaries were more contentious than the general elections that followed. During that era, to be in the good books of the governor and be chosen as the party candidate was the main coronation that party members fought for, not the general election that will follow.

    The domination was so annoying that this column spent considerable space and time canvasing that other parties, should be allowed to breathe. Back then, to contend that the All Progress Congress (APC) should be embraced by politicians was considered a mortal sin. Each time this column comes out with a piece considered favourable to the APC, relations and friends would throw tantrums alleging that one has sold out to haters and hegemonists. The challenge faced by the APC continued even when some big wigs, like former Sullivan Chime, joined the party. 

    But what is commonly called the Peter Obi tsunami untangled the PDP stronghold in a most dramatic manner. Even the amiable immediate former governor, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, was shellacked, as he could not win his senatorial seat, after completing eight years as governor. Out of the three senatorial zones, PDP got one, while the LP got two. In the House of Representatives, LP got seven out of the eight slots for the state. As for the House of Assembly the PDP won 10, while Labour won 14.  

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    With such a clean sweep, it remained contentious about who really won the governorship race. But with the performance of Governor Mbah as governor, can one say that such upset is now in the distant past? One would have been tempted to say so, if not for the recent success of the LP candidate, in the Enugu South Urban Constituency election. No doubt, Governor Mbah is arguably one of the best performing governors in terms of infrastructure development. Within two years he already has few legacy projects tucked in his sleeves.

    One such legacy project, the International Conference Centre, Enugu, is currently hosting the Nigeria Bar Association Annual General Conference. There are others like the modern bus terminals at strategic places across the states and the CNG buses adorning the state roads in their ecstatic beauty. There is also the Enugu Air, not to talk of the incomparable state security network that has made the state one of the safest destinations in the country. The governor is also reportedly resuscitating the palm oil and cashew industry state owned agro-allied industrial base.

    So, what is responsible for the poor midterm political assessment of the governor by the people of Enugu South Urban Constituency, as shown in the recent reordered election? Again, is that result a reflection of how the ordinary people elsewhere across the state, feel about Governor Mbah, despite his high performance in the development of infrastructure across the state? Furthermore, could the sins of PDP before he took over as governor, be so entrenched and nauseating that it obfuscates the governor’s performance so far?

    There is the unconfirmed rumour that Governor Mbah may move over to the APC in the coming months. This column has written a piece on the similarities between President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Peter Mbah, in January this year, titled “Two Ideas Men”.  So, moving over to APC may indeed be helpful to his political future. But he must not do it in such a way to engender a backlash. As we await Mbah’s political manoeuvre, this writer thinks he has two major challenges, which will be explored at another time.

  • Refining NNPCL fraud

    Refining NNPCL fraud

    A popular definition of insanity arguably attributed to Albert Einstein is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results. While in law, insanity exculpates an offender from criminal responsibility since the defender is deemed to be afflicted by severe mental illness at the time of committing the crime. The insanity referred to in this piece, is that of the popular highway. So, could it be that Nigerian leaders are afflicted by insanity, for repeatedly plunging billions of dollars to turn around the moribund NNPCL refineries?

    The last leader afflicted was former president, Muhammadu Buhari, who approved nearly $3 billion for the turnaround maintenance of the NNPCL refineries at Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna. A report by Punch indicates that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is probing the sum of $1,559,084.36 allocated to the Port Harcourt refinery, $740,669,600 spent on Kaduna refinery and the $656,963,939 earmarked for the Warri refinery. Despite the humongous resources expended, the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries barely worked, while Kaduna is still in works.

    President Buhari was not the first to engage in turnaround maintenance of the refineries in recent times.  While the first Port Harcourt refinery was commissioned in 1965, the second one was commissioned in 1989. On its part, the Kaduna refinery was commissioned in 1980, while the Warri refinery was commissioned earlier, in 1978. The refineries which were operating optimally years after commissioning started having challenges, when corruption and politics overwhelmed the turnaround maintenance programs in the 1990s.

    The challenge reportedly arose when the military government of President Ibrahim Babangida, ordered NNPC to transfer its account to the Central Bank of Nigeria. With that, NNPC lost its autonomy, and political interference determined who does the turnaround maintenance, and the release of funds for such technical works. Again, political actors were in position to determine when to do the turnaround maintenance. Available statistics shows that the capacity utilization of the 445,000 capacity refineries plummeted to abysmally low levels following the poor maintenance of the refineries.

    Because of such interference, the turnaround maintenance which ordinarily should be between two to three years, happened only when the political actors wished, or after the refinery has completely packed up, for lack of maintenance.

    After failed turnaround maintenance efforts by the regime of President Olusegun Obasanjo, the majority shares in the refineries were sold to a consortium of Nigeria businessmen, led by Aliko Dangote. The special purpose vehicle known as the Blue Star consortium on May 17, 2007, paid $561 million for 51 percent stake in the Port Harcourt refinery and $160 million for 51 percent stake in Kaduna refinery. Obasanjo sold despite protests by the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN). 

    President Musa Yar’Adua who succeeded President Obasanjo wasted no time in cancelling the sale to the popular acclaim of many Nigerians. The civil society groups which alleged that Obasanjo had hidden stakes in the consortium were over the moon that nemesis had caught up with the former president, despite the fact that he handpicked his predecessor. Obasanjo vehemently protested the cancellation, imploring his successor not to succumb to blackmail, since he had done due diligence, before concluding that the refineries were irredeemable in the hands of NNPC.

    The government of Yar’Adua, which was succeeded by President Goodluck Jonathan following the former’s ill-health and death went ahead to spend $396 million in turnaround maintenance of the refineries between 2013 and 2015. President Jonathan, whose government was dismissed as clueless, was succeeded by President Muhammadu Buhari, a former Federal Commissioner for Petroleum and Natural Resources under Gen. Obasanjo’s military government. With a reputation as a no-nonsense former military leader, his promise that the refineries would finally be turned around was taken to the bank by many of his admirers.

    According to media reports which prompted this piece, nearly $3 billion was spent on that mother of all turnarounds. Yet, as my people will say, that thing crying, is still crying. After spending $1.5 billion on turnaround maintenance of the Port Harcourt refinery, the NNPC shut down the plant in May, barely six months after the turnaround, which happened after several years of abandonment. There is no verifiable news whether the so called ‘planned maintenance’ estimated to last one month has ended.

    The Kaduna refinery is reportedly still a work in progress, while the Warri Refinery which started after the turnaround, was shut down over safety concerns in May. There are however conflicting reports as to whether it has restarted again. Instead of exciting results after the humongous expenses, what we are getting is that the EFCC has busted scams committed by the sacked senior officials in the name of the turnaround maintenance. The commission is reported to have recovered N5 billion and $10 million from contractors and government officials.

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    The news report indicates that the commission was working to recover another N10 billion and $13 million linked to bloated contracts by the erstwhile officials. One hopes the economic tragedy associated with the corruption spangled turnaround maintenance of the NNPC refineries would end with the new Board painstakingly assembled by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.  The team inaugurated on April 2, is headed by Engineer Bashir Bayo Ojulari as Group CEO and Ahmadu Musa Kida as non-executive chairman. The two major actors had stellar experiences under multi-nationals in the oil industry, and one hopes that would come to play in the slippery terrain of corruption in NNPC.

    Nigerians wait to see, how they would deal with the monster of corruption that turnaround maintenance constitutes in NNPC. Will they like their predecessors give Nigeria the false hope that the refineries would be up and running once billions of dollars are budgeted for their maintenance? Or will they show courage and slay the monster that has caused Nigeria several billions of dollars with nothing to show for it.

    Between 1995 to 2020, Business Day newspaper estimates that about $25 billion has been spent on turnaround maintenance of the three refineries in Nigeria. To compound the near worthlessness of our refineries now, the man who led the Blue Star consortium to pay for the Port Harcourt and Kaduna refineries in 2007, has gone ahead to build a private 650,00 barrels per day capacity refinery at a total cost of $19 billion.

    This column has confidence in the competence of President Tinubu to understand and analyse the challenges facing the NNPC refineries. As a political leader, the challenge will be what he will make of the contending monster of political factors which many times trump sane economic decisions. Will the oil industry trade unions, the National Assembly and the presidency, show courage, and slay the monster of corruption that the NNPC refineries have become?

  • Governors’ wrong priorities 

    Governors’ wrong priorities 

    The recent scathing remarks by the United States Mission in Nigeria about the preferences of some state governors should help refocus the governors. The Mission referred to the report showing how some state governors were spending billions of naira renovating or building new government houses, while the socio-economic conditions of their people are deprecatingly disgraceful. The social media post read: “while Nigerians are urged to endure economic hardship ‘like labour pains’, some governors are splurging billions on new government houses.”

    While the criticism may be undiplomatic, that jab should help refocus the state governors on things that should be more beneficial for those they govern. The mission referenced the complaints from the civil society organizations. One of them, BudgIT, had warned that “instead of funding schools, clinics, or agriculture, leaders prioritize buildings they barely use.” The effect of these bad choices is that the living conditions of majority of Nigerians get worse, despite the increased revenue accruable to the state governments.

    The World Bank estimates that more than half of Nigerian population are living below poverty level, and this is worse in the rural areas, where 75 percent of the population are living below poverty line. The World Bank report, read “multiple shocks in the context of high economic insecurity have deepened and broaden poverty. Since 2018/19, an additional 42 million people fell into poverty, so that more than half of all Nigerians (54 per cent) are estimated to live in poverty in 2024”.

    The report acknowledged the impact of the macroeconomic policies of the present administration. It said “although recent macroeconomic reforms have begun to stabilize the economy, inflation remains high, dampening consumer demand and continuing to undermine the purchasing power of Nigerians.” The report however acknowledged the effort by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration to ameliorate the poverty levels, including the rollout of temporary cash transfers targeting 15 million households. This column urges similar measures at the subnational levels, if the monster of poverty is to be dealt a blow. 

    Statistics indicate that the poverty level is worse in the northern part of the country compared to the southern part. It is estimated that 87 per cent of the poor in the country live in the northern part. The situation is even worse in the north western states of Sokoto and Jigawa states. So, the challenge facing the country deserves the urgent attention of the national and subnational governments. Nigerians expect that improvement in the resources available to the states and even the local governments should translate to better life for the people.

    Perhaps, because the people are easily misled that their economic challenges lies squarely in the hand of the federal government, the national debate have been to blame the Tinubu administration, and to look up to the federal government for solutions. Clearly, most state governments enjoy that revelry of lies. But, this column agrees with the member of the North East Development Commission (NEDC), Sam Onuigbo, who said “The governors are getting money, more than three times of what they got when I was Commissioner for Finance. The local governments are also getting money after the removal of subsidy. They should be transparent and make sure that they support Mr President in trying to move the economy in the direction that Mr President is driving it.”

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    At the resent two-day interactive session with the theme “Assessing Electoral Promises: Fostering Government – Citizen Engagement for National Unity” organized by the Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation (SABMF), the Minister for Budget and Planning Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, lent credence to the fact that states have received more money following the removal of fuel subsidy. He said that total net statutory revenue and Value Added Tax (VAT) allocation to states and local governments increased to N991.81 billion in June 2025, from N458.81 billion in May 2023.    

    The minister said: “By ending the fuel subsidy, President Tinubu made a hard but necessary call – liberating trillions of naira to expand federal allocations by over 340 per cent. States now have the means to invest in their future.” In the past, most states had resorted to short term loans to even pay salaries and many of them had to go to the stock exchange and multilateral institutions to borrow money for capital projects. But all that had ceased since President Tinubu took the bold initiative to end the fuel subsidy. 

    To save the majority of the Nigerian poor, the states and local governments must develop their own poverty alleviation schemes instead of concentrating resources on projects that add little value to the socio-economic well-being of those that elected them to govern. To keep doing otherwise is to be endangering our fledgling democracy. While it may be politically expedient for them to let the president take the flak for the socio-economic challenges facing the country, it is foolhardy to think that the president alone will bear the brunt of the reaction of hungry Nigeria should the situation not improve.

    While the opposition northern politicians are busy politicking about the alleged neglect of the north by the Tinubu administration, the sincere ones have told the northern elite that what is eating the kola nut lives inside it. President Muhammadu Buhari, the celebrated friend of the northern talakawa, despite his best intentions could not alleviate the poverty ravaging the north. The best he could do was to dash them money while he was in power. Even while that was on, the poverty index did not change. What will change the north and indeed every part of Nigeria is the difficult but necessary structural changes President Tinubu is pushing through.

    While taking steps to temporary assuage the hunger in the land, the nation’s economy must enjoy diversification. The northern Nigeria is potentially rich, but without an educated and skilled workforce, not much can be achieved. The vast expanse of agricultural land and mineral resources, instead of turning to an advantage would remain a curse. As evident, the vast forests that should be an advantage, have become homes to vagabonds and miscreants, who feed from the resources, extracted from the illegal mining across the region.

    While the other regions are a shade better, they are not immune from the crisis of poor leadership across the land. Many of them indulge in the misapplication of public funds, including building useless edifices which some use to siphon public funds. The governors like their northern counterparts must invest in policies to improve the deplorable economic challenges facing their people. The level of poverty in some states in the south is enough to cause upheaval in those states. The end SARS riots few years ago support that view.

    The federal and state governments must therefore set their priorities right, to ameliorate the gruelling poverty ravaging the Nigerian people. A significant portion of the resources should be channelled to make life more abundant for the poor.

  • Renewal of local councils

    Renewal of local councils

    The Supreme Court judgment that granted autonomy to local government councils in Nigeria has seen a bumpy ride to its full implementation. For this writer, who participated actively in the recent local governments’ election in Lagos State, the feedback on the election was a mixed grill. While a number of persons claimed that elections did not hold in their polling booths, it went smoothly were this writer voted. What is not in doubt is that the election was very peaceful, even though the turnout of voters was very poor.  

    Yet, we must commend Lagos State for consistently conducting local government elections when many states were afraid to conduct same in their states. Governors are afraid that council chairmen can undermine their grip on party politics and the resources that pass through the local governments in their states. Indeed, some governors in the past merely hand over monies for the recurrent expenditure to the local government chairmen, and go ahead to appropriate the rest as they please.

    But on July 11, 2024, the Supreme Court in the case of A.G. Federation vs A.G. Abia and 35 Ors, SC/CV343/2024 effectively stanched that unlawful enterprise by the states. The landmark decision declared as unconstitutional, the practice of state governors, who withhold federal allocations due to local councils, dissolve elected local government officials or appoint caretaker committees to manage the affairs of local governments. The judgement declared that governors cannot withhold or tamper with allocations for local government from the federal government.

    Many have argued that portion of the judgment is ultra vires the provision of section 162 (5) & particularly sub-section (6) of the 1999 CFRN (as amended) which provides that “Each state shall maintain a special account to be called “State Joint Local Government Account” into which shall be paid all allocations to the Local Government Councils of the state from the federation account and from the government of the state.” While clearly the apex court lacks the power to amend an existing law, it has the power to interpret laws, and such interpretation can have far reaching consequences on the application of such laws.

    In the interpretation of section 162(5) & (6) of the constitution, the Supreme Court held that reading the constitution together, the intention of the legislature has been defeated by the erstwhile practice of federal government paying the allocation into State Joint Local Government Account, and ordered that such monies should be paid directly to the local government authorities. Of course, there is lesser ambiguity with respect to section 7 of the 1999 constitution which provides: “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils is under this constitution guaranteed: and accordingly, the government of every state shall, subject to section 8 of this constitution, ensure their existence under a law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and functions of such councils”.

    Since the provision on democracy at local councils is not controverted by anyone; every state in the country has chosen to obey. The Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, has indicated federal government’s determination to enforce the judgment of the court. Osun State, which is presently at logger heads with the federal government, is defending an application to refund money earned, allegedly unconstitutionally. While it is prejudicial to comment on the matter before the court, the determination shown by the office of the AGF in that matter indicates what awaits any state that ignores the provision of section 7 of the constitution, on democracy, at local councils.

    While Lagos has been consistent in conducting elections every four-year cycle in the state; with the recent autonomy, one wonders what will happen to the state created 37 councils, should any of the chairmen of the constitutionally named 20 Local Government Areas, seek to stretch the independence of the local council to its limit? This is because, the monies may in future, as held the apex court, be paid directly to the account of the constitutionally named local governments.

    I have used the word constitutionally named advisedly, because in A.G. Lagos vs A.G. Federation, (2004) CLR 12(A) (SC), the Supreme Court did not declare as invalidated, the creation of 37 local council development areas by the Lagos State government, under then governor, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. It however stated that there must be legislative action by the federal legislature as provided in section 8(5) and (6) of the 1999 CFRN (as amended). Interestingly, while the constitution in section 8(3) places the responsibility for the creation of local governments within the purview of the state legislature, the required federal legislative action, if stretched, may require the amendment of the constitution to list the state created local government councils, which is a very difficult endeavour.

    Read Also: Open Letter to His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria

    The 1999 constitution makes it extremely difficult, to alter the provisions of the requisite section 8 and portions of section 9. Section 9(3) provides: “An Act of the National Assembly for the purpose of altering the provisions of this section, section 8 or Chapter IV of this Constitution shall not be passed by either House of the National Assembly unless the proposal is approved by the votes of not less than four-fifths majority of all members of each House, and also approved by resolution of the House of Assembly of not less than two-third of all states.” 

    While watching the swearing in of the local government chairmen by Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, as obtainable in other states, I wondered at the propriety of state governors swearing in local government chairmen, if truly they are autonomous. The governor also went ahead to read out what the chairmen cannot do. As the leading state in the country, this writer and I believe many Nigerians, would be watching how Lagos will navigate the autonomy granted the local governments, by last year’s judgment of the Supreme Court. 

    Despite the judgment of the apex court, the information in the public space is that most governors are seeking ways to circumvent the judgment. Anambra State government passed a legislation which many have argued, seeks to circumvent the judgment of the apex court. Edo State, whose governor, from All Progressive Congress (APC), defeated the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was welcome by hostile local government administrators elected few weeks earlier on the platform of PDP. He has been battling to realign the reality with his wishes, as a member of a different party.

    No doubt, the expectations from the newly elected local government chairmen and councillors, in Lagos are high. Governor Sanwo-Olu mentioned that they have autonomy at the swearing in ceremony and most Nigerians know that they will have more money in their coffers, courtesy of the economic reengineering of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. So, the expectations are much higher than in the past. As the saying goes, to whom much is given, much will be expected.

  • Pilgrims to Daura

    Pilgrims to Daura

    This writer believes there is a good time to die especially if one is to judge worldly. After all, Shakespeare in Julius Caesar, said “when beggars die, there are no comets seen; the heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes.” No doubt, the political firmament blazed forth at the passage of former President Muhammadu Buhari. And like the biblical wise men who saw the stars and went in search of the new king, politicians have been journeying to Daura, Katsina State, to pay homage at the grave of Buhari.

    Of course, while Buhari had his genuine followers, many of the pilgrims detested him while he lived. The former president would be full of mirth as erstwhile political foes and friends turn to Daura for political gains. Even known former foes pretend as if they have lost someone so dearest to them. For Buhari’s genuine friends, “this passion, and the death of a friend, would go near to make a man look sad,” as Shakespeare said in his Midsummer Night’s Dream.

    If Buhari had lived two more years beyond the 2027 general elections, it is doubtful if he would have gotten the kind of eulogy that followed his death, whether from the state or private individuals. But with the 2027 general elections starring politicians in the eyes, potential candidates are trying to outdo each other in positioning themselves to reap from the famed 12 million voters Buhari left to mourn him. No doubt, those who rode on the back of Buhari to state power in the past would wish he live a little longer.  

    The governor of Katsina State, Dikko Umar Radda, wept openly, at the state funeral. We will never know whether he was so sad over the death of the man who influenced his electoral success in 2023, or his anguish is magnified by the fears of the 2027 re-election battles. Of course, the tribe of former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, looked the most pitiable of the pilgrims. Apart from the presidential election in 2015, when circumstances forced Atiku to fight together with Buhari, after failing at the All Progressive Congress (APC), party primary, he has always been in the opposing camp against the man.

    Yet, since the death of Buhari, the former vice president has been acting as a pretender to the political throne left behind by him. Despite all the pretences, Atiku and Buhari are not hewed from the same type of wood. In that same corner, is the former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el Rufai, who after riding on the back of Buhari at two successful governorship elections, fell out with the man in the run up to the 2023 general elections. El Rufai, who spectacularly betrayed all his former masters, including Atiku, whom he followes about, is another pretender to the throne of Buhari. Ever querulous, El Rufai, called Buhari’s presidency a failure, but since the man’s sudden death, he has given the impression that he has always been Buhari’s best man.  

    The pilgrimage to Daura since the burial of Buhari became even more urgent since President Bola Tinubu was able to outflank Atiku and his men during the burial. With the former president, a beneficiary of a state burial personally overseen by President Tinubu, Atiku and his men were practically denied the opportunity to grandstand at the burial of a man they never agreed with politically, but were hoping to gain from his death. Like many others, they watched as outsiders.

    That development may have informed the three-day pilgrimage offensive Atiku and his men performed to gain some mileage in the media. But how the Atiku tag team would convince the northern talakawas that they are from the same chink as Buhari, who they regarded as the honest one, Mai Gaskiya, remains to be seen. For until Buhari’s death made Atiku his follower, they never shared similar world view. While Atiku retired from the Nigerian customs in stupendous wealth, Buhari retired poor from the army, despite being a former governor of North-eastern State, from 1975 to 1976, and Federal Commissioner for Petroleum and Natural Resources, from 1976 to 1978.

    While Atiku has ran unsuccessfully for the president of Nigeria in 2007, 2011, 2019 and 2023, each as a candidate of a major political party from his private financial war chest, Buhari was propelled with resources, which can be regarded as other peoples’ money. While Buhari was originally hated by the northern power elite, because he was opposed to their ways and means, Atiku, a top wheeler-dealer amongst that elite is despised by the talakawas. While Buhari was at home in company of the ordinary northerner, Atiku one of their masters, is a contributor to their state of affairs.

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    Again, while Atiku is reputed to have enriched himself while in government, and stands accused of corruption by his former boss, President Olusegun Obasanjo, Buhari is acclaimed by those he has worked with as being honest and incorruptible. While after serving in several public capacities, as head of state, and president for eight years, Buhari lived austere and frugal, Atiku, after serving in customs and as vice president, is reputedly so wealthy with uncountable private assets. So, it would be a herculean task, for Atiku to inherit the Buhari political persona.

    But the pilgrimage to Daura would continue for some time to come. We will see many followers of Buhari lie that before he travelled to London for the last time, he had prayed and laid hand on them, as the potential successor to his throne. Some would even swear, that he had told them to continue his work, in one form or another. Others would claim that they were told to protect the interest of the north which Buhari loved so much. Some would lie that they provided resources for the political advancement of the late leader.

    Those who have sinned and come short while in government would easily claim that they are being prosecuted because of their love for Buhari, whenever they are called to answer for their sins. Some when asked to render account, would claim that their unlawful conducts were sanctioned by the leader. A few may even claim that the monies they stole were given to the man to keep. In the days ahead, his followers, many of them fake, would want to hide under his babaringa, to save themselves from answering for their delinquencies while in office.

    The days ahead indeed would be interesting as the scramble to fill the void created by Buhari begins in earnest. Would Atiku and his political ensemble be able to take the prize and run away with it, or would the several potentates carve up the political kingdom left by Buhari into small fiefdoms and rule happily thereafter? President Tinubu and his followers should be on the watch out.

  • Buhari’s many colours

    Buhari’s many colours

    Former president, Muhammadu Buhari, who died on Sunday, at 82 years, would make an interesting piece of painting if Nigerians, were asked to represent him, in technicolour. Taciturn and stern faced, the older generation of Nigerians would remember Buhari, the military general, for his mantra on war against indiscipline (WAI). As a military dictator, Buhari was considered ruthless in the prosecution of the war after he became a military head of state, following a military coup that overthrew the corrupt civilian regime of President Shehu Shagari.

    That coup and its aftermath were interpreted in different ways by different interest groups. While majority viewed his actions against politicians as deserving, politically conscious minority interpreted his follow-up actions as discriminatory. One of such was the treatment meted to the deposed President Shehu Shagari who was placed on house arrest, while his vice, Alex Ekwueme, was thrown into the prison, with other politicians. His critics believed the preferential treatment, was because Shagari was of similar tribe and religion.   

    But in fairness to Buhari, the war against indiscipline resonated well with majority of Nigerians, who had suffered immeasurably, under the wasteful years of Shagari’s corrupt civilian government. At bus stops, banks, airports and other places where people struggle for spaces, decorum returned as people willingly queued up. To deal a blow to the politicians who many believed had stashed away millions in false pits, Buhari changed the national currency with such a frenzy that many were caught unawares.

    While his action resonated with the majority who believed that the politicians deserved their comeuppance, there was the issue of the smuggled 53 suitcases which allegedly contained the same looted funds, belonging to a northern oligarchy. Under his watch, the national economy suffered recession, and experts attribute that the chaotic economic policies he championed. But he remained populist because he cleared the national landscape of the much hated politicians, who were swimming in splendour, while the majority were afflicted by scarcity of basic commodities and untrammelled inflationary pressure on goods and services.

    Buhari’s immediate constituency were apparently unimpressed with his frugality, and less than two years after he took over, he was removed in a palace coup organized by Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (IBB). While Buhari’s highhandedness was the reason given by his colleagues for his overthrow, there are tails of other underlying reasons. One was his war against hard drugs, which allegedly affected a prominent member of the cabal that ousted him. But the more plausible reason for some was that he was merely a placeholder, after the overthrow of President Shagari, a fellow Fulani.

    There is also the belief that the coup was timed to ensure that a southern president do not emerge after Shagari’s second four years in power. That theory gained traction on the premise that vice president, Ekwueme, whose ethnic tribe fought a civil war barely a decade to his emergence, would be in a pole position to succeed Shagari. After the coup that ousted Buhari, and the house arrest which ironically the political elites celebrated, the Daura-born general literally went into oblivion until Sani Abacha happened to Nigeria.   

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    Under the regime of Abacha, Buhari surfaced again, as the chairman of Petroleum Task Force (PTF), which was a de facto alternate federal government. Obviously, with IBB and Abacha seen as buccaneers and spendthrifts, Abacha needed a person of integrity, to prove to sceptics that the monies coming from the increase in fuel price will not be wasted. So, he poached forcefully, the retired Buhari. In military style, and devoid of bureaucracy, the PTF became a ministry and parastatals joined together. The agency engaged in massive infrastructure programme across the country, but again, Buhari was accused of concentrating the projects in the north.

    Emotionally, and perhaps financially rehabilitated, after his work as chairman of PTF, Buhari joined politics, and amassed a cult following. Through his speech and action, he was able to connect to the downtrodden, especially across northern Nigeria, like Aminu Kano, in old Kano State. He was seen as different from his fellow elites, regarded as leeches afflicting the resources of the country. They referred to him as mai gaskiya, the one who speaks the truth.

    But in the south, he was hampered by the adverse image of a sectional leader and religious extremist. Some of his past actions while in office, his statement inferring that the early stunt of Boko Haram was his people, and his stern religious piety, were considered evidence of his religious extremism. But luck smiled on him, when his political part crossed with Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the current president. Tinubu’s men were able to cast Buhari in a new persona, as pictures of him wearing bow-tie surfaced, and his positive exploits as a general who could defeat Boko Haram were successfully promoted.

    Buhari, went ahead to win the 2015 general election and the next election in 2019 as a civilian president. While he made significant effort to tackle the Boko Haram menace, the insecurity in his northern region remained intractable. A new security challenge, posed by those regarded as bandits, metamorphosed across north west and north central, sending shivers down the spine of hereto safe states, of Zamfara, and Sokoto, the seat of the Caliphate.  Also, armed herdsmen gained heft, in attacks on farmers, especially in the middle and southern part of the country, under his watch.

    As civilian president, Buhari did a lot on infrastructure development, and amongst the most iconic, was the 2nd Niger Bridge, considering his infamous slip on 97/5 percent. Buhari, untinctured and unapologetically frank, had said those who gave him more votes would get more infrastructure than those who gave very insignificant votes. For this writer, the claim that he hated Igbos does not hold water, for on two unsuccessful presidential elections, he had Chuba Okadigbo and Edwin Umezoke, as vice presidential candidates.

    Sadly, the national economy again suffered recession under his watch. Perhaps he thought that because he had good intentions, the economy would obey his poor economic policies. Notably, he allowed his ministers to borrow unwieldly, to pursue his infrastructure programmes. The Central Bank, instead of remaining the government lender, became a direct lender to all manner of enterprises. With a dubious intent, Godwin Emefiele, his CBN governor, combined his duties with that of the ministry of finance, agriculture and whatever he fancied.

    Buhari’s sudden death has made many politicians, who were hoping to ride his back in the 2027 elections orphans. There are already questions, about who will inherit the famous 12 million votes in Buhari’s babariga. Undoubtedly, none of the pretenders to Buhari’s throne has shown his uncanny connection to the masses in the north. As we bid former President Buhari eternal rest, the political landscape of northern Nigeria, will never be the same again.

  • Dilemma of coalitionists

    Dilemma of coalitionists

    The coalition of disparate altars at the temple of the seemingly reinvigorated African Democratic Congress (ADC) can be described as a dilemma. Last week, notable factions of the aggrieved political elites, cutting across different political parties, gathered at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, to announce a coalition aimed at ousting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT), in the 2027 presidential election. David Mark, who seized the chairmanship of the ADC, with Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as secretary, until the political palace coup, would have been framed as diverse arch-conservative, and arch-progressive, respectively.  

    But, hurray, in pursuit of the coveted seat of their common political enemy, the two claim they have coalesced to cure all that is ailing Nigeria. Until this marriage, Aregbesola, would have dismissed Mark, as one of the reactionary forces that has kept Nigeria underdeveloped since this republic. On his part, Mark would also have called Aregbesola, a liberal ideologue, with leftist tendencies. But here they are, ironically, accused of seeking to undemocratically commandeer other people’s party, the ADC, as a special purpose vehicle, to achieve a democratic agenda.  

    Among the major gladiators, at the launch of the coalition was former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi (Okwute), former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El Rufai, former governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, and several others, including Chief Tom Ikimi, Nigeria’s foreign minister during the inglorious years of Sani Abacha. What beguiled this writer most was the video of El Rufai and Peter Obi, holding hands like political love birds. El Rufai, whom many of the followers of Peter Obi would describe as a political Lucifer, was seemingly in a coalition with the arch-angel Peter, to wrought salvation for mankind.

    El Rufai, who openly rebuffed a significant section of the state he governed for being of different faith as the majority which he belongs, was now in a happy relationship with Peter who has been framed as the guardian angel of the faith of that same dishonoured people of Southern Kaduna. Instead of a clash of the extremists of different faith, as many would expect, we now have a coalition. Interesting times. This writer wonders what El Rufai, who has preached and practiced exceptionalism of his tribe and religion, would tell his followers, he was doing holding the hand a vilified enemy of the recent past.

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    Peter Obi, surely is not an archetypal politician, otherwise he would not be in the company of El Rufai, talk less of holding his hands like a long lost lover. Another intriguing drama in the theatre of the absurd is the coming together of presidential candidates who must be president, in 2027 or never. Atiku Abubakar’s chance of becoming president is in 2027, or never. Presently 78 years, Atiku, would be 80 in 2027, and if he misses the chance, would be 84, in 2031, when the next election would hold. On his part, Obi is 63 years, and would be 65 years by 2027.

    If Obi misses the presidency in 2027, he would 83 years, by the time, the presidency returns to the south in 2035 all things being equal. So, for Obi, like Atiku, he must have the presidential diadem in 2027, or never. That explains why after all permutations, he has offered to do only one term, as president, to gain the confidence of his coalition partners. Of course, his greatest obstacle to that aspiration would be Atiku, whose time is also running out. The wily El Rufai would agree to Obi’s deal, more than an Atiku’s presidency.

    El Rufai, would hope that a four-year term for Obi with him as vice president would enable him become a president in 2031. Of course, he believes he can explain away to his people, why Obi, whom he had vilified as a religious extremist, during the 2023 presidential campaign, should now be trusted by the same north he had alarmed in the past.  The other presidential wannabe, Rotimi Amaechi, at 60 years, has age on his side. But he has no cache of votes to bargain with, amongst his fellow gladiators.

    While he came second, during the All Progressive Congress (APC) party primary, he has not been tested on the national scale, like Atiku and Obi. In the coalition, he would likely support Atiku, hoping to be picked as the vice, when Obi departs with his Obidient family. Even if he is not picked, he would have a chance of contesting as candidate for president, after an Atiku presidency, whether one or two terms. So, while El Rufai would be supporting Obi, Amaechi would be angling for Atiku in the presidential primary, should ADC fly.

    But all these permutations would only happen if the invaders are able to pacify the landlords of the ADC to birth the coalition. No doubt, the price for such pacification would be very high, probably higher that what they must have paid, for the present hitch hike ride.  With the provisions of the ADC constitution clearly marking David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola out as illegal occupants of the offices of the party chairman and party secretary respectively, it is absurd that despite their pretentious astuteness, they could jump, without looking at the ground. Clearly, the antecedents of the two men may have been over exaggerated.

    When PBAT referred to the coalitionists as ‘political IDPs’, many did not give credit to the political correctness of that acronym. Now, without doubt, the wisdom in that statement has come to the open. The foremost political IDP, amongst the coalitionists are David Mark, Rauf Aregbesola and El Rufai, who already left their political parties to roam in the wild. Unlike most IDPs, who are usually welcomed by host communities, these ones have been declared persona non grata by majority owners of the party they jumped into.

    Atiku, whose soul has already left the PDP and is wandering in the wild may remain in limbo for some more time to come. Obi, who is fighting not to be internally displaced in the Labour Party, would not smell the presidential ticket of the party, if those opposed to him, outwit his faction in the party. One wonders how these hitherto thought political juggernauts, became enmeshed in this theatre of the absurd. Could it be that the capabilities of these men are overrated?

    How can these men with the enormous resources at their disposal, fail to do basic due diligence, before placing the purchase order for their special purpose vehicle? Could it be that they were hoodwinked into buying a lame horse for a horse race? If they cannot manage their respective political plans to contest in the 2027 general elections, how would they convince Nigerians that they have the capacity to manage the complexities of the Nigerian nation?

  • Wike as an asset

    Wike as an asset

    The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, a former governor of Rivers State, lawyer and member, Body of Benchers to boot, has shown himself a man beloved by the god of politics. That may explain his triumphs in many fronts. But while appreciating his bright stars, perhaps the Wike personality may be a very vital factor in his successes. The man chooses his fights, and when he takes a position, he sticks with it, through thick and thin.

    From available records, he supported the emergence of Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, as the gubernatorial candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in 2007, in Rivers State, against the wishes of federal forces and stood by his conviction, even when Amaechi allegedly ran away to Ghana, for safety. The legend had it that Wike sold his father’s property to fight the legal battle for Amaechi. From the recent interview Amaechi granted a national television, it can be deduced that Amaechi did not fully appreciate the sacrifices Wike made.

    When Amaechi fell out with President Goodluck Jonathan, Wike choose to be on the side of Jonathan, and with the bravura of Mama Peace, Dame Patience Jonathan, the first lady, Wike became the governorship candidate of the PDP, when his former principal, Amaechi, moved over to the All Progressive Congress (APC), to help President Muhammadu Buhari get elected in 2015. That decision paid off, as Wike got elected as governor, despite the opposition of the departing governor, and since then, he has been on the ascendency.

    As governor, Wike endeared himself to Nigerians and even to President Buhari of the opposition party, with his flamboyant celebration of his numerous projects. Again, after completing his tenure and failing at the presidency project, he chose to align with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, of the APC, while rejecting overtures from Peter Obi of the Labour Party, and former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, the man who defeated him at the primary and refused to pick him as vice presidential candidate.

    Wike rallied the governors of Benue, Enugu, Abia and Oyo states, to trenchantly oppose the presidential candidate of his party, and played roulette with the candidate of the LP, while extracting promissory notes from the APC, under the nose of his estranged former boss, Amaechi, an APC stalwart. In a manner akin to eating your cake and still having it, Wike delivered his preferred gubernatorial candidate, Similayi Fubara, and the candidates of the national and house of assembly, to PDP, while handing over the presidential poll to the APC, to the consternation of both his APC and PDP opponents.

    In the ensuing fight in the National Working Committee, of the PDP, Wike and his friends aligned with Samuel Anyanwu, the party’s secretary, against the more powerful forces in the party. Anyanwu had gone to contest for the governorship of Imo State, and after losing to Hope Uzodinma, of the APC, returned to the party to reclaim his position as secretary. Despite the misgivings of other party stalwarts who want Anyanwu out, Wike chose to back Anyanwu to retain his seat, on the premise that the PDP constitution and 1999 constitution allows party officials to contest elections without resigning.

    The efforts by those opposed to Anyanwu to get the courts to determine his tenure failed at the Supreme Court which held that the courts lack the jurisdiction to interfere in the internal affairs of a party.

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    Instead of putting their house in order, the PDP crisis is increasingly becoming intractable, with the PDP governors divided as to the way forward. The Board of Trustees, instead of bringing neutrality to the dispute, chose to take a stand that has further polarized the party. The party’s National Working Committee, already divided down the line, seems determined to fight to finish. When some party members insisted that the National Executive meeting must hold, despite the issues raised by INEC, one wonders whether the entire party leadership is under a form of spell.

    While everyone in PDP seems to be losing their heads, Wike is insistent that Samuel Anyanwu, remains the party’s secretary, and he appears to be winning over some of his former foes like the governor of Bauchi State, Bala Mohammed. Over the weekend, Wike toasted Anyanwu, at his 60th birthday celebration, at the recently refurbished International Conference Centre, renamed after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Wike advised Anyanwu to remain steadfast to his conviction and not be afraid. He told him to remain calm as those he defeated will come to seek his face, and not for him to go in search of them.

    That fearless capacity to confront political opponents may be one of the factors that endears Wike to President Tinubu, himself a fearless political warrior. When President Tinubu describes Wike as an asset, he may not just be referring to his stellar performances at the minister for federal Capital Territory, but his inner core, as a person. As Chief Obafemi Awolowo, is reputed to have said, only the deep can connect to the deep. Wike, showed himself an intractable political warrior, in his battle with his now reconciled political godson, the governor of Rivers State.

    Wike, who fought many political battles to make Fubara governor, fought even greater battles, to reclaim him, from his opponents, who wanted to reap where they did not sow, as he put it. Instead of running scared or capitulating, Wike stayed his cause with his supporters, until the battle was won. This writer had advised Fubara months before the hammer of emergency rule fell on his executive duties to obey the rules of the game he freely and willingly entered.

    Wike’s greatest fan, who has referred to him as an asset, remains President Tinubu, a veteran of political roforofo. Through uncommon capacity to deliver on his mandate as a minister, Wike has gained the confidence of the president and even majority of Nigerians living in Abuja. For more than two weeks, the president has had the honour of commissioning landmark projects that will endear him and his party to the masses, as he celebrates his second year anniversary as president and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.           

    No person in the shoes of President Tinubu, would not be happy with the achievements of Minister Wike. From roads, to water works, to fly overs, to bus stations, it has been celebration time for the president. The projects are so many that one wonders how Wike, was able to execute such projects in less than two years of his appointment as minister. Such capacity to deliver on an assignment, is truly an asset, as President Tinubu has reiterated many times.

    What remains to be seen is whether Tinubu, would be able to lure that asset to his party, as he has wished.