Category: Gabriel Amalu

  • Amuwo Odofin stakeholders task LG aspirant

    Amuwo Odofin stakeholders task LG aspirant

    Lagos State has been agog with campaigns, for the upcoming local government election, slated for July 12 and Amuwo Odofin, home to the famous FESTAC TOWN and its alluring neighbourhood is not left out of the political fiesta. The ruling party in the local government and the state, the All Progressives Congress (APC), has the Labour Party (LP), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and some mushroom parties to contend with, at the polls.

    After a highly contested party primary, the chairmanship candidate of APC, Prince Lanre Sanusi (PLS), and his deputy, Maureen Chika Ashara, are not leaving anything to chance in their campaign for votes. In the past two weeks or so, this writer has thrice witnessed the candidates speak on their vision and mission for the local government area hence this piece. The first was an evening with Amuwo Odofin Stakeholders Forum, of which this writer is the legal adviser. The candidates were clear on their mission to build an all-inclusive local council, regardless of tribe or religion.  

    The Amuwo Odofin Stakeholders Forum has Sir Benson Abalogu as chairman Board of Trustees with Sir Chidolue Levi Chidinma as vice. The key officers are Chief G.C. Ochie, chairman, Chike Okonkwo, vice chairman, Barrister Chidi Njoku, Secretary, Chief Emmanuel Orjichukwu, Treasurer and Chief Kenneth Ntong, PRO. In the interactive section, at Benny Hotels, the business moguls, professionals, residents and dignitaries who make up the nascent group told the candidates that the sole aim of the group is to promote good governance in Amuwo Odofin and by extension the state. They pledged funds and campaign materials to the team. 

    At another well-attended meeting with the general Amuwo Odofin Stakeholders, organized by the local government at the Festival Hotel, the young and ebullient Sanusi, who goes by the acronym PLS, showed promising prospects in political rapprochement, which this writer hopes will crystallize into an enduring political relationship with indigenes and non-indigenous residents of the local government area.

    Considering the infrastructural challenges facing the local government, particularly the dilapidated roads and blocked drainages within FESTAC TOWN, this writer was initially apprehensive how the evening would go. With who is who in Amuwo Odofin seated in the hall, with the incumbent chairman of Amuwo Odofin Local Government Area, Valentine Braimoh, it turned out an evening of honest conversation. Despite the rains and traffic bottlenecks at the apple junction road-about, intersecting Festac Town, Amuwo, Ago and Jakande Estate/Apapa expressway, which need a fly-over, the hall was filled to capacity.

    Gathered were the representatives of the business class, land owners, professions, leaders of residential estates, landlords and tenants’ associations, market men and women, and the ubiquitous traditional rulers. Amongst the APC leaders in the local government council, were the party chairman, Apostle Ayodele Ogungbiye, the councillorship candidates, and those who contested for the chairmanship ticket with Prince Sanusi. After introductions, the chairman of the occasion, Chief Igbokwe George Orji (Okosisi Nnewi), in his introductory remarks delved into the two major reasons for the gathering. The first is to lay bare the challenges facing Amuwo Odofin Local Government.  

    He mentioned three major challenges facing Amuwo Odofin Local Government, namely, roads, roads, and roads. His presentation resonated well with the audience, since all the roads in FESTAC town are in ruins. The chairman made a handsome donation towards the fund raising. Another speaker raised the issue of discriminatory taxes and rates within the local government, asking for equity and equality in assessment for indigenes and non-indigenes alike. The next speaker urged Prince Sanusi and his team to collaborate with estates to maintain the roads and other infrastructure within the local council.

    This writer who spoke on behalf of the Amuwo Odofin Stakeholders Forum, urged other stakeholders, especially non-indigenes to collaborate with Prince Sanusi who has made strong impression as a detribalized candidate in the forth-coming local government election, with an impressive manifesto. Another impressive outing by Prince Sanusi and his deputy was the meeting with the leadership of the Catholic Men Organization, Festac Deanery, led by its coordinator, Sunday Dim. After an evening of frank conversation, the consensus was that the APC candidates should be given a chance in the forthcoming local council election, unlike the voting pattern in the past.  

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    At each of the meetings Sanusi, didn’t disappoint his guests. In the event at the Festival Hotel, Sanusi before delving into his presentation, first removed his jacket and folded his long sleeves shirt, like a manager set to confront a big task. He gave a brief resume of himself, tracing his ancestry to the first Oba of Amuwo. He reminded his audience that he started small in the nearby market, like an Igbo apprentice, where he cut his teeth in business and established strong relationships. He subsequently travelled to the United States of America, where he bagged a BSc in Business, and an MBA, from Dallas Baptist University.

    Sanusi spoke eloquently on his blueprint for economic growth and expansion and laid before the assembly his five core values of integrity and accountability, excellence and innovation, inclusivity and equity, sustainability and stewardship, and collaboration and partnership. Thrice he has promised that within the first 100 days in office, he would make motor-able the 2nd Avenue road, a major artery into FESTAC town, which has become a death trap. Sanusi, urged residents of the local government to vote for the APC in the forthcoming local government election, to give him a bargaining power to attract state and federal support to the local government, with a peculiar status.

    He promised to seek collaborative partnership between Amuwo Odofin and County Councils in the USA. He reminded the audience that FESTAC town estate belongs to the federal government, even though it is the seat of the Amuwo Odofin Local Government Area. Indeed, FESTAC town is like a goat owned by many, which is left hungry, as each part-owner leaves the others to make provision for the hungry goat. At each session, the stakeholders contended that what will endear APC to the residents of Amuwo Odofin local government area are good roads, whether done by the local government authority, state government or the Federal Housing Authority (FHA), in the case of FESTAC town.

    As a stakeholder, this writer hopes Prince Sanusi will live up to his mission statement. On it, he wrote: “My mission is to build a vibrant, inclusive, and diversified economy where every individual has the opportunity to thrive.” He continued: “I am committed to fostering lifelong opportunities that uplift social welfare, ensuring that prosperity is shared by all, not just a few.” The Amuwo Odofin Stakeholders Forum, and indeed other stakeholders, earnestly look forward to a new era of political rapprochement, for the benefit of all and sundry.

  • Bursting custodial centres

    Bursting custodial centres

    Most Nigerian custodial centres are bursting at the seams, thanks to our ailing criminal justice system. According to a newspaper report, the number of awaiting trial inmates across custodial facilities in the country has increased from 48,900 in January, to 53,178 detainees in June 2025. The report indicated that out of the over 80,879 inmates in our custodial centres, only 27,701 inmates have been convicted. By another account, the number of inmates stands at 81,011 as at end of May, 2025.

    The Nigerian Correctional Services puts the current capacity of the custodial centres at 58,278. So, clearly from these accounts, Nigeria’s custodial centres are overpopulated by about 37 percent. Of course, the more popular centres like the Kirikiri Maximum and Medium Custodial Centres in Lagos, have higher percentage of the overpopulation than the far flung centres in other parts of the country. Sadly, the number of awaiting trial inmates continues to rise, despite several advocacy programs of non-governmental groups.

    This anomaly of what in some cases amounts to indefinite detention of persons awaiting trial, clearly contravenes the 1999 constitution (as amended), which made an elaborate provisions on the right to personal liberty of citizens and persons in Nigeria. Section 35(1) provides: “Every person shall be entitled to his personal liberty and no person shall be deprived of such liberty save in the following cases and in accordance with a procedure permitted by law – (a) in execution of the sentence or order of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty”.

    Sub-section (c) provides: “For the purpose of bringing him before the court in execution of the order of a court or upon reasonable suspicion of his having committee a criminal offence, or to such extent as may be reasonably necessary to prevent his committing a criminal offence.” A significant proviso to section 35(1), says: “Provided that a person who is charged with an offence and who has been detained in lawful custody awaiting trial shall not continue to be kept in such detention for a period longer than the maximum period of imprisonment prescribed for the offence.”

    Section 35(4) provides: “Any person who is arrested or detained in accordance with subsection 1(c) of this section shall be brought before a court of law within a reasonable time, and if he is not tried within a period of – (a) two months from the date of his arrest or detention in the case of a persons who is in custody or is not entitled to bail,; or (b) three months from the date of his arrest or detention in the case of a person who has been released on bail, he shall (without prejudice to any further proceedings that may be brought against him) be released either unconditionally or upon such conditions as are reasonably necessary to ensure that he appears for trial at a later date.”

    This writer is of the opinion that a combined reading of the sections quoted above should lead to one conclusion by our courts, if so moved. That any deprivation of liberty, save under the circumstances clearly provided for in our constitution is unlawful, illegal and voidable. The provision of section 35(1) is mandatory. It provides that every person SHALL be entitled to personal liberty, and no person SHALL be deprived of personal liberty save as permitted by law (emphasis mine). 

    In Obafunso vs I.N.E.C. (2019) All FWLR Pp 597-598 paras H-B, the Court of Appeal held thus: “The word “shall” when used in a statutory provision imports anything must be done. It is a form of command or mandate. It is not permissive, it is mandatory. The word SHALL in its ordinary meaning is a word of command which is normally given a compulsory meaning as it is intended to denote obligation.” That court further went on to hold that words used in a statute are to be given their ordinary and unambiguous meaning.

    Even on issues of bail, pending trial, it is strange that our courts in flagrant disobedience to the provisions of our constitution and other subsidiary statutes have condoned the illegal detention of offenders, sometimes in practice, indefinitely. Section 162 of the Administration of the Criminal Justice Act, 2015, which many states have domesticated provides: “A defendant charged with an offence punishable with imprisonment for a term exceeding three years SHALL, on application to the court, be released on bail except in any of the following circumstances: (a) where there is reasonable ground to believe that the defendant will, when released on bail, commit another offence; (b) attempt to evade his trial; (c) attempt to influence, interfere with, intimidate witnesses, and or interfere in the investigation of the case; (d) attempt to conceal or destroy evidence; (e) prejudice the proper investigation of the offence; or (f) undermine, jeopardize the objectives or the purpose of the functioning of the criminal justice administration, including the bail system.”

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    Section 165(1) provides: “The conditions for bail in any case shall be at the discretion of the court with due regard to the circumstances of the case and SHALL NOT BE EXCESSIVE.” In Uduesegbe vs FRN (2014) LPELR 23191, Ekanem J.C.A, Pp 11-12, paras F-B, excoriated the lower court thus: “The lower court ought to have realized that the conditions of the bail granted by it were stringent. A proper exercise of discretion would have been shown by a grant of the application to vary the conditions. This is especially so since the appellant had earlier been granted bail before the charge before Bello J. was withdrawn and struck out and he did not jump bail.”

    This writer is usually saddened each time he visits the prison through one of the advocacy groups that have made custodial centres decongestion their business. Just like going to the hospital and morgues have a sobering effect, it is advocated that public officials especially those charged with the enforcement of Nigeria’s criminal justice system, make annual visits to the custodial centres their business. It is hoped that with increased advocacy, custodial centre decongestion would become a campaign point for legislators and members of the executive. A gubernatorial or a legislative candidate should be coerced to include in his/her campaign manifesto, the decongestion of custodial centres.

    But all said and done, in my humble opinion, the authority with the most influential power to decongest our custodial centres is the judiciary, especially at the lower bench where the hoi polloi are charged for one infraction of the law or another. Most of those languishing in the jails were charged before the magistrate courts, and with utmost respect, the magistrates, more out of worry for attendance at trial, on behalf the state, set stringent bail conditions that the poor are unable to meet. The judiciary of forward-looking states should outline reasonable standard bail conditions, which magistrates SHALL apply.

  • Ejeagha as a philosopher

    Ejeagha as a philosopher

    Gentleman Mike Ejeagha, the exponent of the popular, gwo gwo gwo ngwo, was a man who saw his tomorrow. He foretold his glorious end, in one of his folklore, “uwa ngbede ka mma” which can be translated as, “the good eventide is the best”. That song enjoins patience and orderliness in life. He narrates that after a child is born, it takes caring to nurture the child to begin to sit, to crawl, to stand and to take the first step. And eventually, to walk, and before long, to work for the parents.

    He intones that from the ground we begin to climb. From counting one, we move to two, three and eventually to a billion. He juxtaposed life with the two types of palm tree, which produces a variety of palm wine. While Ngwo when harvested produces a lot of wine, like a broken dam; it however dies off within a few days. After, the tree trunk dries up, and at best the owner can only use it as fire wood, to cook.

    But conversely, the Nkwu, which gives out a little wine, every day, produces for many years. It lives very long, productively. Ejeagha, prayed to God that his life should not be like that of Ngwo tree, but rather should be like the Nkwu. He prayed for long life and of course to be perennially productive like the Nkwu. He admonished everyone to note that it is more sensible to first secure a land, before one puts up any structure on it.

    He philosophizes on the planting process. When one gets a land, the first step is to cut the bushes and gather the rubbles and burn them. Then the farm space is cleared and heaps of mounds are cultivated, after which the yam, is sowed. The owner keeps watch and continues to clear the weeds, nursing the yam until maturity. After the harvest, the owner decides how to enjoy the harvest. He exercises what in law is referred to as acts of ownership. He can choose to cook, roast, pound or do whatsoever pleases him, with his yams. The owner enjoys the revelry of a feast, as he takes his snuff after a munificent meal.    

    The law maxim which says quicquid plantatur solo solo cedit, which means, he who owns the title to the land, owns what is permanently affixed on it is applicable to the philosophy expounded by Ejeagha. Should a trespasser without settling the ownership of a land, go ahead to build on it; when the rightful ownership is determined, the owner owns what is on the land. Ejeagha calls for the virtue of patience, as anyone who lives by the sword dies by the sword, and if one acquires hastily, one may dispense hastily.

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    Ejeagha, lived to be 95, and remained a veteran of highlife music, till the end. Like the Nkwu, he continued to be productive, even in his nineties. Last year, one of his hit songs, Ka esi Le Onye Isi Oche, was re-popularized with the gwo gwo gwo ngwo challenge by, Brain Jotter, a content creator. Ejeagha, through a satirical fable, sang on the consequences of greed. The song tells the story of how the tortoise tricked the elephant into submitting itself as a gift to the king to enable the tortoise marry the king’s daughter.

    In the story, the king first called a democratic assembly, of his entire household, to know why the Princess, Adaeze refused requests from suitors, for her hand in marriage. Ejeagha, enjoins leaders to once in a while call such an assembly, so the governed could air their views and any displeasure, as to how they are being governed. At the meeting, was the queen and all the siblings of Adaeze. The king asked the princess to tell them why she has refused all marriage proposals.

    The princess, explained that whoever wants to marry her, must present the king with an elephant, as a gift. So that whenever, there is a ceremony, she will climb the elephant to showcase to all and sundry, that she is a princess. The tortoise, who was interested in marrying the princess, went to his friend, the elephant, and cajoled him that the king has set a date for a festival in commemoration of his enthronement as a king, and that he has requested the elephant to be the chairman at the occasion.

    The elephant who has been thinking of how to endear himself to the king, so he could marry the daughter saw that as an opportunity to get close to the king. He accepted the offer and got himself ready for the occasion. On the big day, the tortoise deliberately came late to take the overexcited elephant on the trip to the king. The elephant kept urging the tortoise to hasten up, so they don’t miss the ceremony. Cunningly, the tortoise told the elephant it may be better for him to climb on the back of the elephant, who has a faster pace.

    Without thinking, the elephant asked the tortoise to climb on his back. Again, the tortoise, asked that the elephant put a rope on his neck, so that he can use it, to hop on the back of the elephant. Again, the elephant agreed, as his mind was set on the big occasion where he was going to be the chairman. Approaching the king’s palace, the tortoise raised a song, my lord the king, I have brought a present, the elephant. When asked by the elephant what he was singing, he said he was praying for long life for the elephant, who will be the chairman of the ceremony, but it sounded as if he was saying, he was making a present of the elephant to the king. 

    With pomp and pageantry, in the giddy atmosphere of music and dance, the tortoise led the elephant to the king, and handed him the rope, and intoned that the elephant is a gift to marry the king’s daughter. As I listened to the music again and again, my mind searched the dramatis personae, in the many gwo gwo gwo ngwo dances, in the political scenes. The more I look, the more the various role plays in the political arena, is increasingly bearing some resemblance to Gentleman Mike Ejeagha’s folklore.

    Ejeagha, who hails from Umuagba Imezi-Owa, a stone throw from Amofia, Ogwofia-Owa, where this writer comes from, must be chuckling in his grave, as fiction is comingling with reality in the political sweepstakes. As the All Progressives Congress (APC), engages in unending harvests and thanksgiving, I have been trying to decipher the role-players. Who is the tortoise and who is the elephant, in each of the harvest? Of course, it will be silly, to ask who is the king.

  • Courageous at two

    Courageous at two

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) celebrated the second anniversary of his administration on May 29th, and he had a lot to brag about, even though his political enemies tried to dampen his enthusiasm. A neophyte president on May 29th, 2023, PBAT exhibited the courage of a well-entrenched president, and slayed the economic monster of fuel subsidy and multiple exchange windows. Expectedly, the impact of that economic policy has been far-reaching, which perhaps explains why PBAT’s predecessors were afraid to slay that dragon.

    PBAT courageously released a thunder at his inaugural, and the sound has travelled as far as other countries in West Africa. Fuel subsidy is gone, he said, and the immediate impact was an unprecedented inflationary pressure on goods and services. From a worrisome headline inflation rate of about 21.34 percent as at December 2022, according to one account, it ran up to 33.9 by June 2024. To put it in perspective, the average rate of inflation for goods from March 2021 to July 2022 averaged 9.2 percent in the PCE price index.

    Comparatively, over the two decades before Covid19, being 1999 to 2019, the inflationary pressure had averaged 0.4 percent. But the inflationary rate for 2020 was 13.25 percent, an increase of 1.85 percent. It went up to 16.95 percent, in 2021, a 3.71 percent increase. By 2022, it hit 24.66 percent, a 5.8 percent increase. By December 2023, according to the National Bureau of Statistics, the headline inflation rate increased to 28.92 percent. From there it jumped to 34.19 percent by June 2024.

    While many, especially those who never believed in the wisdom of the removal of fuel subsidy, may expect that by the second anniversary of PBAT’s administration, the headline inflation would be chasing the 50 percent mark, the inflationary pressure has done an about-turn. By March 2024, the headline inflation eased to 24.23 percent, and by April 2025, it further eased to 23.71 percent. With the current economic trajectory, and the apparent improvement in the macroeconomic indices, there is the chance that the headline inflation will continue to ease.

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    The latest data on GDP shows a growth rate of 3.84 percent, the unemployment rate dropping to 4.3 percent, a positive balance of trade, a stable interest rate and easing of inflation. So, the PBAT administration has every reason to be upbeat at its second anniversary with respect to macroeconomic indicators. Interestingly, as the national economic indicators are rebounding, the sub-nationals are also doing better than the early days after the bold economic reforms were initiated. Many states in the federation are signing the Hallelujah Chorus for the Tinubu administration.

    A news source indicates that many states in the country are paying down their debts. According to a report, Delta has reduced its debt by over 50 percent, having repaid N265.83 billion out of N465.4 billion. Jigawa paid N41.8 billion out of N43.13 billion, which is about 96 percent of the debt. Ondo reportedly paid N61.6 billion out of N74 billion, amounting to about 82 percent of the debt owed by the state. Without doubt, the improved capacities of states is an outcome of more resources received by the states from the federation account.

    According to the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), the Federation Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC) disbursed an unprecedented N15.26 trillion to federal, states and local governments in 2024. The report indicated that the increase in revenue is attributable to sustained fiscal reform policies of the Federal Government, particularly the removal of fuel subsidy and the unification of the foreign exchange window. It is interesting that many states now engage in massive infrastructural development without resorting to the capital market as in the past.

    A breakdown showed that states recorded the highest percentage increase of 62 percent, from N3.58 trillion to N5.81 trillion. The local governments had a 47 percent increase. The Federal Government had a modest increase of 24 percent from N3.99 trillion in 2023 to N4.95 trillion in 2024. The report also indicated that FAAC allocation increased from N9.18 trillion in 2022 to N10.9 trillion in 2023, and N15.26 trillion in 2024.

    The PBAT administration, despite the initial vehement opposition, is working hard on tax reforms. The administration has indicated that the tax reforms would benefit businesses in the country, even as it expects that the efficiency the reform would wrought will increase the general income potentials for the country. The bill now awaiting the assent of the president is deemed the most comprehensive tax reform in decades. It is expected to streamline tax administration, simplify compliance, promote equity, and improve revenue generation across all tiers of government.  We will see how the apprehension about over-taxation in the public space will be doused when the new tax law kicks in.

    The Tinubu administration has also engaged in significant infrastructure development within the two years of its life. The flagship, the Lagos to Calabar coastal highway, is bold, positively disruptive and unprecedented. Cutting across Ogun, Ondo, Delta, Edo, Bayelsa, Rivers and Akwa Ibom states, that highway, when completed, will significantly change the economic fortunes of the affected states. The Lagos end of the highway has, however, left many property owners affected by the development weeping and gnashing their teeth. It is hoped that adequate compensation would be paid to those whose properties were affected.

    Another challenge which the administration must address is the impact of its economic reforms on the poor and the vulnerable. The challenge, however, is that a federal bureaucracy is not close enough to determine those who actually need the stipends it shares. The result, as always, is that the bureaucracy takes a higher share of the available resources than what actually gets to the downtrodden. The statistics about the level of poverty in Nigeria is scary. The World Bank projects that over 54 percent of Nigerians will be living in poverty in 2025, and within that,

    75.5 percent of rural dwellers live below the poverty line.

    As should be obvious, poverty is a significant contributor to insecurity in Nigeria. The PBAT administration must begin to execute policies that would significantly reduce poverty where it is most prevalent in the country. Northern leaders should be persuaded to discard the old tactics of keeping their population uneducated and uninformed, some argue, for political reasons. The World Bank report indicated that 15 out of the 17 states with poverty rates above the national level are in the northern part of the country. It says that Sokoto and Taraba states have the highest poverty headcount ratio at 87.8 percent.

    No doubt, the Tinubu administration has taken bold and drastic measures to return Nigeria to a path of sustainable growth. The old tactics of subsidising fuel and borrowing to sustain and stabilise the value of the naira were never sustainable.

  • Elasticity of a shadow

    Elasticity of a shadow

    The proposed Big Tent Coalition Shadow Government by erudite Professor of Political Economics, Pat Utomi, has elicited a lot of interest, such that the State Security Service (SSS) has threatened to bring an action in court against him, to stop what they consider a subversive endeavour. Prof. Utomi, a well-sought public intellectual, must have rankled some nerves to warrant such attention. Many public commentators have critiqued the proposal, some arguing in favour and others against what they regard as a shadowy enterprise.

    No doubt, a shadow government or cabinet is clearly strange in a presidential system. In the parliamentary system where Prof Utomi may have borrowed the concept, what they have in Britain is a shadow cabinet; and in some other jurisdictions like Canada or New Zealand what they call Opposition Critic or Spokesman. Usually, it is the elected members of the opposition parties in parliament that constitute their representatives into a shadow cabinet, and as Sam Omatseye pointed out in his piece on the subject matter, they are referred to as the loyal opposition in Britain.

    Considering that in a presidential system of government, the winner alone forms the government, it is strange to constitute a shadow cabinet. If as Prof. Utomi proposes, unelected members of opposition parties can form a shadow cabinet, it may create chaos. One imagines what would be the outcome if as many political parties as we have decided to create a shadow government. Again, for a presidential system, where the opposition do not sit in parliament with the elected government, there will be no opportunity for a robust debate between the real thing and its shadow.

    It must be noted that a critical benefit of the Westminster shadow cabinet is the opportunity for a robust debate of proposed programmes in the parliament. When the substantive minister proposes a programme, the shadow minister knowledgeable in that area of state affairs would counteract him or her with facts and figures, or even propose an alternative policy. With such robust interactions, the policies of the state are chiselled through an anvil. The robust debate also presents the public with alternative views from the opposition party.

    Again, the robust interaction helps members of the parliament, even of the ruling party, to know when the government is veering off course; and when a major policy is defeated in parliament, a snap election is usually called. So, both the ruling cabinet and the shadow cabinet made up of elected members have interest in the survival of the system, and having sworn their oaths as parliamentarians, they owe allegiance and loyalty to the institution which they belong to as well as the larger interest of the country.

    The challenge with Prof. Utomi’s proposal is that members of the shadow cabinet would not be elected, would not take any oath and so would owe no allegiance to any institution or the country. Without such institutional checks and balances, not even the Big Tent Coalition proponents can vouch for the integrity of the purpose of the shadow cabinet, or have the ability to bring them to account, if they chose to fly off the wheel. If they even chose to engage in subversive actions, the coalition would have no way to bring the shadow cabinet member to account.

    Again, without the opportunity for the Westminster type of head-to-head heated debates, what benefit would the shadow cabinet serve? The best we would have is a cacophony of voices in the media, of persons who claim to hold alternative views to that of the government in power, without the interrogation the parliamentary system provides. Again, with the indiscipline that politicians across political parties have been exhibiting, is the Prof. not worried that his shadow cabinet members would disagree in the public glare and ridicule the coalition for private political gains?

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    The presidential system is structured for periodic elections as the only legitimate way to sack a government in power. The periods between the elections give opposition parties the time to organise, criticise and prepare for the next election. Commendably, Nigerian democracy has matured enough, and the government in power does not openly muzzle opposition as we see in some countries. As I write, there is no opposition figure in jail or undergoing trial for one trumped-up charge or the other. And that is the way to grow democratically.

    The opposition figures are freely meeting and canvassing one form of coalition or another, geared to unseat the government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 general election. However, the challenge facing them is the capacity to agree amongst themselves, as it seems every one of the leaders wants to be the presidential candidate in 2027. Former vice president Atiku Abubakar, who is in the twilight of his political career, as I wrote weeks ago, is desperate, and will do anything to run in the 2027 presidential election.

    The candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 presidential election, Peter Obi, obviously understands that he cannot work with an Atiku who sees 2027 as his last chance to contest the presidency, when his own last chance may be the same 2027. It is such a clash that leaves the coalition talks that Atiku claims to be championing in tatters. Without the two working together, the rest of the interests masquerading as coalition are mere jokes.

    Without the Atiku and Obi factors, the much-touted Big Tent coalition will amount to mere political shadows of no import. So, Prof. Utomi, instead of dispensing energy over forming a shadowy shadow cabinet, should use his intellectual and organisational ability to form a coalition capable of giving the ruling party a run for their money at the polls. No matter how fanciful the name may sound, or even the idea may seem, building a political coalition with the momentum to oust a sitting government is a big task.

    Even the coalition that Atiku and his unhappy brethren from ADC, SDP, PDP and Labour parties are talking about has a lot of shadows masquerading as interested parties in it. All the four parties have splinters and who knows which splinter will enter into the coalition. From what is going on, there is the likelihood that such disagreement may be carried into the new coalition. Without trust amongst the founding parties, the coalition would be filled with shadows.

    Like a little child running away from his shadow, the shadow follows him as he runs. Even more worrisome is that the shadow turns to a scarecrow. The members in the various opposition parties need to examine the challenges facing their various parties, and unselfishly find solutions to them. If they keep running from one party to another like a little child, from his shadow, fear and trepidation will be their lot.

  • Dollar trumps kinship

    Dollar trumps kinship

    Historically, the ancestors of the white citizens of the United States of America came mainly from western Europe. The majority of the immigrants came from the big powers around the 16th century, like Spain, France, and Great Britain. According to Wikipedia, Donald Trump’s father was a son of a German immigrant from Bavaria, while his mother, Mary Anne MacLeod, was a Scottish immigrant. His predecessor, Joe Biden’s ancestors came primarily from Ireland and England.

    That common ancestry, perhaps, explains why the foreign policy of the US has been Eurocentric. As the 45th president, Trump followed the tradition of making Europe his country’s foreign policy thrust. But as the 47th president, it appears as if ancestry and all such emotional indulgences are damned, as Trump has instead embraced those with shiploads of dollars. Many have dismissed him as a transactional president, what we may refer to as ‘a buying and selling person,’ in our street lingo.

    But Trump has shown he is unperturbed by such claims, as he pushes what he refers to as his America First policy. By that policy, he will rather pursue a foreign policy that will economically benefit America than police the world in the name of expanding democratic freedom across the world. With a federal budget deficit of $1.8 trillion in 2024, equal to 6.4 percent of gross domestic product, America has strong economic challenges.

    Again, with a trade deficit of about $918 billion in 2024, Trump as a businessman has been paranoid about how less endowed countries are doing better economically than his country. Perhaps looking at the financial bottom line of his country, and with his buying and selling mentality, he fears that his country could become bankrupt if drastic measures are not taken. As Trump sees it, in the rat race for economic survival, there should be no traditional friend or pity or sympathy for the weak countries.

    In pursuit of what benefits America, Trump does not care whether you are practising democracy, or you are a dictator, or even engaged in terrorism. As long as your actions do not impact America negatively, he is fine. Drawn by dollars, Trump chose the Middle East countries of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and United Arab Emirates, all awash with dollars, for his first major foreign trip as the 47th president. In fairness to Trump, the visit had yielded bountiful harvests, and he has been triumphantly gloating about it.

    From the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Trump triumphantly secured an investment package of $600 billion. Included in the deal is an arms deal worth nearly $142 billion, which the White House dubbed the largest defence cooperation agreement. Of course, unlike some of his predecessors, there was no talk about whether the kingdom is a democracy and what the weapons can be used for, when supplied. Such a gag, as we heard, was placed on the Tucano fighter jets Nigeria bought from the US under former President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Interestingly, the Saudis got Trump to openly surrender America’s pretences or moral high ground about making sacrifices to advance democracy and fight terrorism, in defence of so-called western ideals. The Saudi royals requested, and Trump had no scruples to receive in audience the Syrian leader, Ahmad al-Sharaa, a member of al-Qaeda, and on whose head was a $10m reward for his capture. Trump also announced that based on the request from Saudi Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince, he would ensure that sanctions against Syria are lifted.

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    According to reports, the defence deals cover air and missile defence, air force and space, maritime security and communications. The agreement between Trump and the crown prince reportedly covers energy, defence and mining, among others. Trump is also pushing for a better diplomatic relationship between its Gulf partners and Israel. Such a relationship, he touts, will help fight the spread of terrorism by Iran and its allies. But while purportedly fighting for Israel’s interest, the country was not on the list for his visit, obviously because there are no bounties of dollars to reap.

    The next country on his business visit was Qatar, and according to Aljazeera, he was the first US president to make an official visit to the country. The White House claimed that the two countries had signed an agreement to generate economic exchange worth at least $1.2 trillion. A total of $243.5 billion was announced by Trump over a wide range of activities. The next stop was the United Arab Emirates (UAE), where he secured $200 billion in deals. Trump did not fail to talk about the $1.4 trillion promise in investment over the next 10 years, made by Sheik Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, a brother to the UAE leader Sheik Mohamed, when he visited Washington recently.

    While Trump is gloating about the success of his visit to the Gulf region, and the millions of job opportunities the deals will guarantee for his country men and women, his opponents and the western world are worried that the free world, under Trump’s leadership, may be in regress. While Syria may have turned the bend with the defeat of Bashar al-Assad, after his 24-year dictatorship was toppled, they are concerned about the unmeasured warming up to the new leader.

    While warming up to his new friends, Trump’s commitment to his old allies appears to be waning. The kinship and mutual defence commitment with European countries, which led to the establishment of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), in 1949, in Washington, may suffer under Trump. While he is legitimately demanding that European countries increase their defence spending so that they can have the capacity to fight should Russia attack, there are genuine fears that Trump may ignore Article 5 of the NATO treaty, which provides that an attack on one member is deemed an attack on all.

    Across the Americas, Europe and farther off, China and even Africa, Trump’s Sword of Damocles had been tariff, and more tariff. The economy of the rest of the world has been in turmoil since Trump began his trade war. Her close neighbour, Canada, had to reciprocate the imposition of tariff to regain its composure, after Trump threatened to make it the 51st state of his country. China, on its part, showed determination to match the US, with respect to the trade war,

    and it appears the world is merely having an interregnum, as Trump firms up his new relationship with the Gulf states.

    Those who are worried that the Trump era will set a new world order may be right. It appears that in his world view, what matters more than any other thing is economic prosperity. And to make it even more worrisome, Trump has no scruples about how the end is achieved, as long as his country would earn more dollars from any deal, whatsoever.

  • Tinubu’s promises

    Tinubu’s promises

    This writer has always been worried about the unfair distribution of national developmental assets across the regions, in our country, Nigeria. He has argued that if Nigeria is vertically sliced into two, the north-west, western side of the north-central and the south-west have more developmental assets than the other half, made up of the north-east, the eastern part of the north-central and south-east. Until the 1999 constitution provided for 13% derivation, which made Cross River and Akwa Ibom states economically prosperous, the eastern part of south-south was in the same boat as other easterners.

    This became glaringly so after the fall of the First Republic and the consequential civil war. There are variegated causative factors, but what is important is for the Federal Government, which has the bulk of resources and the power to determine where to allocate the national resources, to understand the need for balanced development of all parts of the country. As I have argued, what eventuated into the Boko Haram insurgency is substantially economics. With minimal infrastructure and industrialisation, the north-east quickly degenerated into insurgency as Lake Chad, which provided resources for food, agricultural activities and sustenance, receded.

    With poverty steering the youthful population in the face, they became more aware and more agitated over the failure of governance, and so more receptive of the doctrinaire solutions to the economic challenges. As the initially localised insurgency metamorphosed, the economic challenges exacerbated and got out of control. The little resources available are presently being used to fight an unwinnable war. Of course, as the consequences of poor governance spread farther, the infrastructure and industrial advantages in the north-west could no longer sustain their burgeoning youth population.

    And today, the banditry and criminal activity in that region seems to compete with the consequences of insurgency in the north-east. Similar or worse fate as happened in the north-east could have befallen the south-east, but for the sheer luck that her people are sojourners. Being an itinerant race, the full impact of the low level of infrastructure and industrialisation in the region has not been felt as much as it ought to. The agitation in the region is, of course, traceable partly to those challenges.

    So, the promises of gas, road and railway infrastructure, made by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) during his recent visit to Anambra State, where he was honoured with the title of ‘Dike si mba,’ if fulfilled, will help to address the yawning gaps that have fueled the separatist agitation in the south-east region.

    In a message signed by PBAT’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, titled: “In Anambra, President Tinubu pledges to tackle erosion, reactivate gas plant and integrate state into the national rail system,” the message of hope resounded.

    PBAT had promised to review the railway master plan to incorporate Anambra State. He said: “I am standing before you to say that the Ministry of Transportation is aware and will include the connection in the Master Plan and give it attention.” He also promised on completing roads linking Anambra to Kogi State, to facilitate easier access to Abuja, thus: “abandoned federal road projects that link Anambra to Kogi can then become the fastest gateway between Abuja and Anambra south and south-south. I agree.”

    PBAT made other promising promises. He said: “with our progressive ideological alliance, we will continue to partner with your state and to deliver shared prosperity in Anambra and to all Nigerians.” He went on: “as your President, I have always said and am saying the same now: In our national anthem, we sing, ‘Though tribes and tongues may differ in brotherhood, we stand.” Philosophically, he enthused: “We will continue to be brothers. We are one family, a single family, diverse, living in the same house called Nigeria. We are only staying in different rooms. Our diversity must lead to prosperity. We must work together to be a united Nigeria.”

    This writer cannot agree with the president any less. And the significance of the president’s visit to Anambra State, where the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in 2023, Peter Obi, hails from, cannot be lost. The president persistently referred to Governor Chukwuma Soludo as his friend, and the governor in turn reminded his people and, by extension, the south-east that the people are progressive, and his party, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), is a progressive party, just like the party of the President, the All Progressives Congress (APC).

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    Governor Soludo, promised PBAT the support of his party, the APGA, and the people, in 2027, as is customary with the tradition of his party to support a ruling president seeking reelection. The governor intoned: “APGA is ideologically and strategically aligned with the centre.” He went on: “In Anambra, we are firmly and comfortably progressive. We are implementing bold, people-centric programmes, free education, healthcare for women, youth empowerment, and massive agricultural initiatives that align closely with the Renewed Hope Agenda.”

    He sang sweet tunes to the ears of PBAT: “For the sake of Nigeria and future generations, President Bola Tinubu must succeed. We are prepared to support him in every possible way, not just to succeed, but to excel.” This writer supports the strategic partnership of the government of Anambra State with the Federal Government, for the state to achieve the greatest good for the greatest number. He has called for strategic partnership between political actors in the south-east and Tinubu’s progressive political family.

    The ideology of now or never is anathema in politics. There was yesterday, there is today, and there will be tomorrow. While the majority of those who voted during the presidential election in the south-east states rebuffed PBAT in 2023, the reality is that today, he is the president, with enormous constitutional powers to share and/or influence the distribution of national resources. It, therefore, makes strategic sense for the leaders of the region to engage with him to attract his favours to their people.

    Looking at the current political landscape, and then imagining what the future portends, especially the 2027 presidential election, there is the likelihood that PBAT would be returned as president. Governor Soludo has sensibly keyed into that by declaring that his party has adopted him as its candidate. If his strategy pays off, as this writer projects it will, then the people of the state and the south- east will be better for it. A strategic alliance in 2027 can bear fruit when the presidency returns to the south.

    This writer urges PBAT to right the historical injustices by keeping the promises he made in Anambra State, last week. As I have argued, no part of the country will enjoy its prosperity if the other parts are disproportionately disadvantaged. The rich will not sleep, when the majority are poor, hungry and wailing.

  • Beneficiaries of terrorism

    Beneficiaries of terrorism

    The lamentations of the governor of Benue State, Fr. Hyacinth Alia, and that of Plateau State, Caleb Mutfwang, must have reached the ears of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT), who was recently in Katsina State on a state visit. The president had promised to reclaim the communities now occupied by terrorists, who invade and then occupy communities when they think the coast is clear. PBAT made the promise while addressing elders and leaders of Katsina State at a dinner held in his honour.

    While the forests of Katsina and other north-western states are in the throes of attacks and occupation by terrorists and armed bandits, their experience is slightly different from Benue and Plateau states. There, the nation is on war footing with the bandits who are holding up in the vast forests as the war rages on. The bandits remain legitimate targets to be neutralised, anytime they come in contact with our gallant soldiers, and they cannot under any guise become legitimate occupiers of the forests they are fighting from.

    But there is a difference from the situation in Benue and Plateau states, where after the attackers have wreaked havoc with their AK47 and AK49 rifles, the beneficiaries saunter in with their cows and packs, and sooner than later become legitimised occupiers. This writer urges the Federal Government to treat all those who are illegitimately occupying the communities of other people, whether as bandits, terrorists or armed herders, as the same. Those who are seeking to occupy, or are occupying communities, after their surrogates had done the fighting, should all be flushed out, for peace to reign.

    This writer was excited when PBAT promised to use technology to flush out these occupiers, who have turned Nigerians into internally displaced persons in their country. It is absurd that while the owners of the land are living as IDPs, herders are living in the abandoned communities, on the pretence that they are different from the invaders who chased the owners of the land away from their land. The latter-day beneficiaries may be the recruiters of the terrorists.

    PBAT was on point when, according to his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, he said: “investment is cowardly, and it will not go where there is banditry and terrorism.” I urge the affected governors to join hands with the president to deliver on the promise: “we will invest more in technology and take over the forests. Security is a national issue, not just at the local or regional levels. If we need investment in Nigeria, we must address insecurity.”

    The governors of Benue and Plateau must gird their loins, and stop lamenting like the biblical Rachael. The claim by Governor Alia that the invaders may have come from Mali does not disavow the fact that the beneficiaries are localised. Has the governor never heard of hired mercenaries? Governor Alia had said: “But these folks (the attackers) are coming in fully armed with AK-47s and 49s. They do not bear the Nigerian look. They don’t speak like we do. Even the Hausa they speak is one sort of Hausa.” He continued: “It’s not the normal Hausa we Nigerians speak. So it is with the Fulani they speak. There is a trend in the language they speak, and some of our people who understand what they speak give it names. They say they are Malians and different from our people. But they are not Nigerians—believe it.”

    While the governor may be correct in his analysis of the invaders who are terrorising Benue, clearly the local herdsmen benefit from the fallout of the attacks. In neighbouring Plateau State, Governor Caleb Mutfwang said of the terrorist attacks: “We have not less than 64 communities that have been displaced and their lands have been taken over by these terrorists.” And these shenanigans had been going on well before PBAT took over from former President Muhammadu Buhari. Without hesitation, those who are now on the land should be sent back to where they came from so that the owners of the land can return to their homes.

    Mutfwang described the modus operandi of the terrorists thus: “When people are dislocated from their villages and they have to run for shelter, now we are struggling to provide shelter for these people that have been displaced and dislocated from their communities.” He went on: “If they stay away from those communities for a sustained period of time, the terrorists would come in. As I am talking to you today, in Riyom Local Government Area, in Barikin Ladi Local Government Area, schools have been occupied by these terrorists for almost a number of years now.”

    It is strange that while the national army fights to displace the bandits and terrorists who have forcefully occupied the forests, those who have taken over the communities of our compatriots in the middle-belt states seem to be treated with kid gloves. They should be treated as accomplices to the mayhem and ethnic cleansing perpetrated by these terrorist invaders. The longer they are allowed to stay in the communities, the more complicated the situation becomes, and before long, the claim that they have become indigenous to the area will gain traction.

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    The nation cannot have peace if the same disease with the same symptoms is treated differently. PBAT should be encouraged by all well-meaning Nigerians, despite the distraction by political opponents, to hearken to the cry of Rev. Alia that his state is under siege. The governor said: “These terrorists are everywhere. We are under a siege. These people just come and hit and kill and run back. Where are they running to?” He provided an answer: “The terrorists have their own havens in Taraba, Nasarawa, and in border regions of Cameroon.”

    He said the attacks are well coordinated and the communities that share borders with Cameroon are very porous. Clearly, the nation’s army is getting more stretched. New frontiers of war are opening by the day. To further compound the challenges facing our country, and other poor nations, US President Donald Trump is doing every unreasonable thing within his power to precipitate another round of economic recession in the world, even as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s expansionist agenda is stoking world economic distemper.

    If Nigeria’s political elite could come to their senses, they would join forces to stem rising terrorism across the country that can upend our democratic journey. Governor Mutfwang ironically captures the need for collaboration. He had said: “Under the last regime, the feeling among people in Plateau State, particularly the victims of these terrorist attacks, is that it looks as if the terrorists were given official government backing to be able to terrorise them because little or nothing was done to repel these attacks.” So, what about now?

  • Atiku’s train allegory

    Atiku’s train allegory

    When serving governors elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), met in Ibadan, Oyo State capital, some days ago, and declared that the erstwhile behemoth would not join her immediate past presidential candidate, Atiku Abubabkar, on his journey to the wonderland, by way of merger or coalition with lesser parties, Atiku’s train allegory, in reply, caught my attention. I recalled with nostalgia, the story of my town’s man, one Uncle Felix, who used to wow our kinsmen, about his contribution to the running of train, in Enugu.

    Atiku had written on his X (twitter), “Indeed, the coalition train has left the station and would have multiple stops to bring on board Nigerians of all shades.” The former vice president was reacting to the communique by the chairman of the PDP Governors Forum and governor of Bauchi State, Bala Mohammed, who said: “Noting the nationwide speculations about possible merger of political parties, groups and/or association, the forum resolved that the PDP will not join any coalition or merger.”

    Not easily given to surrender, even when the stakes are stacked against him, Atiku bayed that his pet project is a Nigerian project and will go ahead with or without the governors. Like my kinsman Felix, driving the train on community work days, was always the reason he never participated in community service. In those days, maintaining the roads, drainages and bridges were done by direct labour, and every able bodied man living in the village, and the nearby Enugu town, must return for the manual labour. 

    My Amofia village men, usually hold their meeting on uka orie. At such meetings, the days for the community work will be agreed and every member that fall within the workgroup assigned to execute the project, would be expected to return on the Friday, preceding the Saturday, earmarked for the community service. The willy Felix, who was a mere fireman or stoker, would not return, and when the men meet subsequently at the village hall, he would say that he couldn’t return, because he was assigned to drive the train during that weekend.

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    A few, who knew that Felix was lying himself out of the hard work of community service would keep their peace while the ignorant majority elevated him to a bogeyman for lesser mortals. He was respected and feared, and while growing up, he became a sort of legend for the movement of trains. So, when Atiku threatened that his train had left the station with or without the governors of his party, I saw a Felix, lying himself out of the difficult task of building a coalition.

    I asked myself, whether, like my relation Felix, Atiku had been overrated as a political titan? Looking back at his trajectory in political contestation, Atiku has never been the driver of any political movement that succeeded. During his years in PDM, Atiku was under the apron of late Shehu Yar’Adua, the driver. He was merely a fireman, whom circumstance nearly elevated to a driver, when Ibrahim Babangida banned the driver of the movement, Yar’Adua.

    And even when Chief Moshood Abiola became the presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), in 1993, he was overlooked for Babagana Kingibe. Again, in the 1999 general elections, Atiku had contested and won the governorship of Adamawa State before Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, in honour of Yar’Adua, copulated him to the presidential ticket. Instead of rising to become the driver of the movement, he got himself entangled with Obasanjo, who literally threw him under the train.

    Ever since the debacle of a tainted public servant as portrayed by Obasanjo in his book, Atiku, has failed in every presidential race he participated in. Under the banner of the Action Congress (AC), he was a fireman, while Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu was the driver. When he returned to the PDP, he couldn’t hold his own and was lured back to All Progressive Congress (APC), where he was given a bloody nose in the party primary by former President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Seeing that the road was closed for him in APC, he returned to the PDP and despite gaining control of the steering, he could not drive the train to the destination in 2023, as some of his firemen refused to shovel in coal, to fire the engine. Five of the governors led by Nyesom Wike, then of Rivers State, were stoking the fire with wet wood. The smoky train didn’t get to the finishing line, until the incumbent President Tinubu, took the diadem.

    Instead of going into a dignified retirement, Atiku is steering his community that he has learnt new tricks that would enable him win the next presidential race. But even before the contest is declared, those who should be his firemen are saying that he has no capacity to mount the wagon again. While he is talking about a coalition with other parties, to gain the strength to contend with Tinubu, the entire governors of his party – the PDP, 11 of them, have said that they will not surrender their train to a man with dimmed eyesight.

    They must have asked themselves, if Atiku could not defeat Tinubu, when both of them contested as outsiders, how can he do so, when Tinubu has the benefits of incumbency? To further compound Atiku’s challenges, some of his important firemen have carried their coal to his opponent. While the governor of Akwa Ibom, Umo Eno, has publicly declared that he would support President Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election, the governor of Delta State, Sheriff Oborevwori, also of PDP, has decamped with all elected political office holders, all appointed and all elected party officials, to the APC. 

    Even more worrisome for Atiku and his sidekick, the former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El Rufai, members of the SDP, which has been advertised as a backup wagon for Atiku, to ride to victory, should PDP train leave without him, have ominously warned that their coach is not available to be hijacked, by angry men for dastardly acts. According to the Forum of Social Democratic Party chairmen, those coming to their party must not seek to hijack the party or attempt to change its leadership. A political pundit has even claimed that Tinubu owns the new coach, Atiku wants to drive.

    Clearly, the past few weeks have caused seismic tremor on the rail track of the coalition train which the loquacious El Rufai, has boasted would outrun President Tinubu’s train in the 2027 presidential election. This column doubts whether Atiku and Nasir El-Rufai have the skill to cobble a coalition with the discordant tunes emanating from their conclave. The way things are looking up, any contraption which Atiku puts on the track will likely derail. So far, President Tinubu’s political train is sturdier that that of Atiku.

  • Resurgence of killings

    Resurgence of killings

    The perennial killings in Plateau and Benue states over the years seem to have resurged. The killings, associated with herdsmen, allegedly seeking to conquer victims and their pastured lands, many thought, had petered. But from recent incidents, the murderers were lurking around, waiting for an opportune time. Again, on the eastern flank, the Boko Haram resurged their terrorist acts in Borno State, while Lakurawa, the new terrorist group, which we thought had been driven back to where they come from, are on the upswing in the northwest.

    Perhaps, the increased jostling amongst politicians for 2027 is the opportune time for the destabilization plots by these local and foreign criminal agents. So, we urge our armed forces to redouble their efforts to allay the fears that foreign forces working to bring Nigeria to her knees may succeed.  To further compound the challenges over our nation’s security, the economic difficulties associated with the federal government’s economic reforms have so pauperized many Nigerians that they can easily fall prey to misdiagnoses of the solution to our problems.

    For the avoidance of doubt, this column believes that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) administration’s economic policies would yield the desired result; but is that the case with the majority of Nigerians, under severe economic pressure? Even though we are already turning the bend, from the worst hyperinflation that came with the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of naira, many Nigerians are still finding it difficult to eat one full meal, a day. So, while vigorously pursuing the economic reforms, governments across the three tiers, must rev up their poverty reduction programs.

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    The local government administration across the country that ought to gain a new lease of life with the judgment of the Supreme Court, which granted them financial autonomy, is still doddering. Yet, it is the local governments, through the town unions, cooperatives, guilds of artisans, traditional institutions and similar grassroots based organs, that are best suited to frontally attack poverty at its root. Any organ of the federal government, like the ministry of poverty alleviation, should work through local councils, instead of the bogus federal bureaucracy, that ennobles corruption.

    The first lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, is showing how to apply resources from the far-flung federal centre to alleviate poverty at the grassroots. While engaged in her Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI), she is relying on the wives of state governors, irrespective of their party affiliation, to drive that pet project. She is also attacking poverty in the health sector, by attacking specific health issues and others through small scale enterprises. If the wives of the state governors wish to have greater impact in poverty alleviation programs, they can also rely on spouses of local council chair persons, to cascade the impact further downward.

    This column urges the wives of state governors to initiate their own pet projects to alleviate the simmering poverty in the states. The local government administrations should also have poverty alleviation programs at the local councils. As a matter of priority, significant portion of the resources accruing from the removal of fuel subsidy, which has significantly stabilized state and local government’s finances, should be applied to reduce poverty in the country. The pretence by some governors and local government administrations that the challenge of economic hardship in the country should be the headache of the federal government is ridiculous. As I have argued here severally, they cannot enjoy the benefits accruing from the removal of fuel subsidy and leave the federal government to solve the poverty lurking in their backyards.  

    I guess most Nigerians would have noticed that many state governments have been engaged in infrastructure developments without borrowing, either from the capital market or the financial institutions. This is because the governors now have more monies accruing to their states, after the fuel subsidy was removed. The same is applicable to the local governments which enjoy more income than before. As I have argued, those at the helm of affairs, at the federal, state and local government should join forces, regardless of party affiliation, to tackle the crisis associated with gruelling poverty in the country.

    The other issue that the PBAT administration should confront frontally is the crises associated with farmer/herder clashes. This column wonders what the newly created ministry of livestock development is doing to help solve this problem. Nigerians had heaved a sigh of relief, after the ministry was created, to help solve the problem of herder/farmer clashes. Those who know the newly appointed minister, Idi Mukhtar Maiha, said the man is fit for the job, and yet five months after his appointment, he is not offering new insights on how that major national challenge for which he was appointed, can be solved. 

    While he is not expected to proffer solutions to solve the farmer/herder crises overnight, five months is enough for the nation to gain a glimpse of what he has in the bag or what he is cooking for the nation in that sector. As many commentators have severally canvassed, the itinerancy associated with cattle rearing in Nigeria by the Fulani, is outdated. Those who argue that traversing from outside Nigeria or within Nigeria, southwards, in search of pasture, is a peoples’ way of life which must endure, are responsible for the bloodbaths we witnessed in Plateau and Benue states, recently.

    It is bizarre that while there are political actors who readily defend the rights of the herdsmen to go wherever they want in search of pasture and water, we don’t see them own up and apologize when those they defend, use mayhem to push the agenda they promote. For emphasis, those who promote the right of herders to walk into any community with their cattle should be associated with the killings going on across the country in pursuit of that practice. It is deceitful for promoters of that practice to claim that those responsible for the killings associated with it come from outside the country. They know that the killings are the natural outcome of the rights of herders to graze without restrictions.

    Again, that misbegotten right to live in the forest as herders have resulted in kidnapping for ransom as business. Across the country, criminal minded herders, in some cases with local collaborators, have resorted to kidnapping for ransom, as a more lucrative business than herding. Some have turned kidnapping to the main hustle, while herding is a mere cover up. It is ridiculous that when state governments use legislation to combat the emerging challenge, political actors in the north speak up against such legislation, claiming that the business of their people will be affected. But when their people kill and burn communities, the actors are mum on the premise that the killers are unknown to them, and may have come from outside the country.