Category: Wednesday

  • E don beg me

    E don beg me” or more appropriately, “I don beg am” or better still, “We don beg dem”, appears the grand strategy of Adamu Mu’azu, new national chairman of the embattled Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    “E don beg me” was inimitable Fela, the late Afro Beat king — one of his many indelible contributions to the running tragi-comedies of Nigerian politics and governance.

    The military had gaoled Fela for alleged currency offences. The fiery singer had maintained his innocence but was serving his term.

    But all that changed when Fela met Justice Okoro Idogu, the trial judge, in a hospital ward. Justice Idogu said the meeting was accidental. Fela countered it was deliberate: by the gaoler to “beg” the gaoled, for a rigged sentence.

    “E don beg me” had entered Nigeria’s popular lexicon!

    To Fela and his dismissive crowd, begging was laconic and sardonic humour. But to Alhaji Mu’azu, the man with the mission to save PDP from self-ruin, begging is serious business.

    That was why, it appears, the former Bauchi governor trumpeted it loud and clear, his first declaration as PDP national chairman: he begged all the defected PDP governors to come back. Tukur was gone. The problem was ended. The house is warm, friendly and inviting. The umbrella remains wide and solid!

    After that declaration, Alhaji Mu’azu has begun a begging sortie, with his first call at Abeokuta, where he privately, had gone to beg former President Olusegun Obasanjo; he, of the famous hyena laugh, the very angry godfather at a very naughty godson.

    Now, what might Mu’azu have told Obasanjo? That his presidential godson had turned a new leaf, renounced his right to run for second term because Baba, who savoured but did not get a third term, said so? Or that the now penitent godson had decided to sacrifice Buruji Kashamu, the way he sacrificed old man, Bamanga Tukur?

    Unfortunately, it was secret “begging”, so Baba’s reaction was not public. But for all you know, Baba, with his hyena laugh, could still dey laugh ooooo!

    But the duo of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Kano State Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso are not at all impressed; so, they are not in laughing mood.

    Alhaji Atiku declared flat: Mu’azu labours in vain. The stallion has escaped, so it is amusing folly securing the stable doors! Atiku should know: Baba could be so sardonically vengeful it would take more than begging — public or private — to placate him.

    Kwankwaso was no less dismissive. To him, PDP is a shell; or more appropriately, a mansion which pillars have crumbled. It is only a matter of time before the edifice comes crashing down. And from him, this golden advice: scram before you are buried under its rubble — and that includes the good, begging Mu’azu!

    But both Atiku and Kwankwaso could well suffer from sour grape complex. For all you know, the aggrieved — including the baleful Baba — could emerge and, like Fela, declare: E don beg me.

    PDP family, all is forgiven and forgotten.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • 2015: Every opinion is treasonable

    2015: Every opinion is treasonable

    One of the greatest tragedies of the Fourth Republic is the all-out assault on our national psyche. Each time we enter a new election cycle truth, reason and common sense become casualties. As the darker side of our leaders emerges it’s as if a wet blank has been dumped on the nation’s mood. There’s very little to uplift and all you read and hear depresses.

    We are ostensibly in a democratic dispensation, but never has there been a more anti-democratic temper in the land. Before our very eyes hard worn freedoms are being rolled back by temporary occupants of powerful offices, and Nigerians who are notorious ‘shock absorbers’ are casually taking it in their stride.

    Today, the most dangerous thing you can hold is not a gun but a contrary opinion. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo in his famous epistle to his erstwhile protégé, President Goodluck Jonathan, raised disturbing questions about the actions of this administration.

    Rather than limiting his response to the substance of the letter he received, he veered off into name-calling, bald insinuations and topped it by labelling Obasanjo’s missive a threat to national security.

    Several weeks before the letter-writing saga began this same administration accused the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) of treason – nothing less – over some statement the party issued!

    Ever since there has been no let-up in the flood of tirades and threats from ethnic champions and jobbers falling over themselves to attack anyone who dared criticise the powers-that-be. All this is coming at a time when even Popes are becoming leery of laying claim to infallibility.

    A few days ago, former Minister for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nasir El-Rufai, was hauled in by agents of the State Security Service (SSS) for making “inciting statements.” Apparently, at some forum in Abuja last week he had predicted that the 2015 elections could be bloody in parts of the country and many would lose their lives.

    With what is going in Rivers State today it is hard to see how that comment can faulted. Already, people are being beaten and bloodied for belonging to the “wrong political camp.” The continuing assault on gatherings of supporters of Governor Rotimi Amaechi by the police and hired thugs is a matter of public record. A senator, Magnus Abe, is recuperating in London after his body stopped rubber bullets allegedly shot by the police at one of the aborted rallies.

    Without any sense of shame, the Rivers State police command willingly provides security cover whenever the governor’s foes hold their own events. Mbu Joseph Mbu who presides over this partisan detachment of the “Nigerian Police,” is often quick with the mealy-mouthed response about Amaechi’s supporters not obtaining a police permit.

    The Police force is chock full of lawyers who cannot claim ignorance of the fact that both the Federal High Court and Court of Appeal have ruled that Nigerians do not need a police permit to enjoy what is their constitutional right. Lagos lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN) has written a treatise on this referring to the rulings of Justice Gloria Chinyere on a 2006 suit filed by the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), as well as a subsequent ruling on the same matter by Justice Olufunke Adekeye formerly of the Court of Appeal.

    This is supposedly a democratic dispensation yet court rulings are either ignored or disobeyed without consequences. This is the sort of sick system that our leaders are proud to preside over and bequeath to those who will come after them.

    Unfortunately, this lawlessness, this blatant rape of the constitution continues apace because the police carry guns funded by taxpayers on whom – in cruel irony – they are now turning them in groveling service of their current masters.

    Of course, it suits the Jonathan’s political agenda to destabilise his political foe and to keep Rivers in ferment until 2015 in the hope that this will enable him take the state. It is the selfish thing to do but is it the patriotic thing?

    The stakes are high and nothing short of outright victory will do for either side. That sets the stage for violence and bloodshed in a community with a background for militancy, and where there is mounting evidence that politicians are amassing arms for the coming showdown.

    The week the world mourned former South African leader Nelson Mandela, our own president was at his preachy best – flaying Nigerian politicians for not imbibing the virtues of the great statesman. Sadly, he too has not been preaching what he preaches. Mandela would not have allowed what is playing out in Rivers – i.e. giving winking approval for the police to abuse their powers in one corner of the country – just because it suits him politically.

    In reaction to the crisis in Rivers APC has now directed its lawmakers in the National Assembly to block budget passage and ministerial confirmation. The Presidency and PDP have responded by accusing the opposition of seeking to truncate democracy. Jonathan’s voluble Political Adviser, Ahmed Gulak, regurgitated the usual line about “playing politics with everything.” Talk about hypocrisy!

    What is Jonathan doing by allowing the situation in Rivers to fester if not playing politics? What is he doing with his new cabinet selection if not placing pawns on the 2015 political chess board? If the president as incumbent has power to manipulate the police and armed forces for his own ends, the opposition are within their rights to deploy their limited and new-fangled pull in the National Assembly to full advantage.

    It happens everywhere. Late last year the American government shutdown because the Republicans who controlled the House of Representatives used their numerical clout to frustrate a budget deal until the most powerful president on earth cut a compromise with them. American democracy was not demolished just because of the two-week plus showdown.

    In the same manner Nigeria’s faux democracy will survive any clashing of heads between the APC and PDP. Indeed, in an environment like ours where presidents want to reign like monarchs, only such confrontations can bring them to heel.

    If this is the only way to get Jonathan’s attention to sort out the mess in Rivers, then the opposition deserves the applause of all true patriots.

  • Komla Dumor; 8-hour day; Okada gift;  Oil blocks; Solar Fund?  Revenue Formula

    Komla Dumor; 8-hour day; Okada gift; Oil blocks; Solar Fund?  Revenue Formula

    We join the BBC in mourning the death at 41 of  Komla Dumor. May he Rest In Peace. He was a wonderful voice and presence to watch on BBC Inside Africa programmes and others. Death can occur at any time. However, I hope it was not from overwork. If everyone was forced to work no more than eight hours a day, salaries would go down but there would be work to go around and there would be many more jobs. Some offices will need to employ two or three people to do the 24 hours on call demanded of certain offices in power. The work madness in banks should stop. This would cut the unemployment in at least half. Just look at the case of the UK banker-trainees including the poor young man who committed suicide after a 20-hour work load. In years to come there will be a Gold Medal for eight-hour job compliance.

    Millions of Nigerians have been unable to exit the ‘Pit of Political and economic Hell’. Every time Nigerians work hard enough or accumulate sufficient funds, some government agent or agency fails to deliver water, electricity, trains, roads or education or else devalues the naira against the dollar forcing them all back into poverty.  This failure costs families funds and happiness the index now used by the UN to judge well-being. How many millions of Nigerians were injured, orphaned, maimed, killed and affected by the okada motorcycle -a political gift, a Trojan Horse, to the nation and double edged sword?

    Will the new political party APC, comprising progressives and plucked and fallen fruit mainly from the PDP, offer any different future? No doubt the experts are busy preparing the blueprints to be offered Nigerians as inducements to vote for them when the time comes. It requires a creative ‘Massive New Emergency Power Policy’ and needs to supply power in three months like Japan replaced the Fukushima nuclear plant with alternative emergency power. This will change Nigeria in one year. The new party should plan solar loans to millions. Under good leadership Nigeria will become the next big ‘Solar Country’ destination. Under Sanusi, or the next governor, CBN can secure N100billion for cheap long solar loans, reducing the power of the new generation of ‘Generals and Mandarins in Electricity Power’ like Abdulsalami. It will also use God’s gift to Nigeria and Africa -the sun. We saw on NTA this week that the Federal Government had used solar energy to light up four communities in the FCT using a German contractor and the President was there to launch the effort. Amen. Hopefully it is a pilot scheme and it will grow exponentially. May government which still has a year plus in power, multiply this effort by 10,000 times immediately. Please note that we have been appealing to each and every government to go solar. Solar will get cheaper as the cost of equipment has nosedived in the last two years and will get cheaper with the application of plastic solar panels cells. The governments need to have their experts on top of the solar and other power supply technology. Every government should take solar energy seriously and do something positive this year. The CBN could create a fund say $1billion soft loan for solar powering rural areas and even city citizens to bring immediate relief to millions of suffering.  Nigerians are used to maximum suffering with minimal survival.

    Do we sell oilfields outright and forever? Why not a 10 or 20-year lease with an annual rent fixed at 10% of the profit going to the local community, a tax for the state and the nation in an agreed formula? What is the community stake in any oil field what about the corporate stake in the community?

    Only when a politician is heckled will he think and listen. Look at what happened to Zuma during Mandela’s funeral.

    So there are only 700,000 slaves in Nigeria? I thought we were all slaves of the political class. Na wa O. Odumegwu and now Sanusi’s revelations, show that truth is dangerous to your ‘reputation’ and working health. The revenue allocation formula is the most potent of weapons of federal power in Nigeria. Some heads of state have walked away with 50% of the budget, leaving the rest to civil servants. Nigerians have witnessed the power of the state to destroy lives and delay development. Many Nigerians states are larger or have larger populations than 40 other countries and deserve to be given financial power to serve their people better and also deserve to be treated as nearly sovereign units within the Nigerian nation. The massive theft and incompetence at the centre is manifest by the appalling state of major roads and the inability to rapidly fund maintenance of such roads. Every region has roads and bridge failures. Properly funded roads and hospitals should never have a federal/ state dichotomy in quality or service delivery. The less the federal fiscal budget, the more for states and local governments and the happier Nigerians will be. A figure of 30% federal seems popular but 28% is better, with 40% for the states, 30% for LGAs if they must be kept, and 2% for compulsory savings and investments. The fiscal federation issue of the revenue allocation is the foundation of Nigerian happiness.

  • Tukur as sacrificial lamb

    Tukur as sacrificial lamb

    In the last few months, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, has been engulfed in crises. Every other day, new dimensions are added to the roiling crises. Most of the issues involved borders on contest of supremacy and arbitrary use of power through which many party faithful have either been emasculated or pushed to the back burner of party affairs. In such a dire situation, it is only natural that the bubble will soon burst.

    When the bubble finally burst last week, the lone casualty was Bamanga Tukur, the erstwhile chairman of the party. But he did not go down without a fight. He fought frantically to secure his position but he was overwhelmed by the array of opposition mounted against his person and his office. The President, Goodluck Jonathan, and his henchmen tried as much to shield him and ward off attacks against him, but at the end of the day, the President capitulated when he realised that it was better to sacrifice him and keep the fractured party together.

    Since Tukur took over the reign of leadership of the party in March 2012, the party has been mired in scheming and internecine war. It started like a fratricidal war among key chieftains of the party, especially the aggrieved governors, many members of the National Executive Committee, and National Working Committee, as well as some members of the Board of Trustees. For the 22 months of his turbulent reign as chairman, Tukur was perpetually placed on his toes as the groups perfected their strategy to unseat him.

    Trouble started for Tukur when the disgruntled groups within the party started clamouring for reforms in the party. The struggle for reform later snowballed into a major conflagration last August, when some party leaders, led by some state governors, staged a walkout from the party’s national convention ground in Abuja. Not only have the various reconciliation meetings even with the President in attendance failed to yield any fruitful result, there appears to be the presence of a certain clique within the party that is opposed to any form of reconciliation with aggrieved members. The reason for this is the fear that such reconciliation may pose a threat to their present comfort zone in the party. Therefore, they are hell-bent on maintaining the status quo.

    Now that the fate of Tukur as national chairman has been decided, there are other major issues involved in the simmering crises confronting the party, and several meetings, which attempted to resolve the knotty issues, have yielded no tangible result. Two of the issues are Jonathan’s candidature in the 2015 election and the control of party machinery in the states.  Going by the body language of the party’s hierarchy, the issue of Jonathan’s candidature in the 2015 election appears to be a no-go area. In order to consolidate the hawks’ hold on the party machinery, Tukur became a willing puppet that was used to perpetrate illegality and arbitrariness in the states’ party executives.

    One of the problems created for the PDP under the chairmanship of Tukur was that his leadership was particularly divisive. An example was the unilateral dissolution of the executive of the Adamawa State chapter of the party loyal to Murtala Nyako, the governor of the state which was achieved through the courts. The appointment of a new one was strongly suspected as a clear move to cripple the governor’s influence in the party and the state. In the wake of the dissolution, Tukur’s opponents had alleged that his decision to sack the Adamawa PDP executive was motivated by a selfish desire to pave the way for Mahmud Tukur, his son, who is currently on trial over his involvement in oil subsidy scandal, to become the next PDP governor of Adamawa State.

    Similarly, the executive of the party in Rivers State was wrestled from the hands of Rotimi Amaechi, the state governor, through the instrumentality of a court order and replaced by a team loyal to Jonathan and Nyesom Wike, the supervising Minister of Education. Ever since, both Rivers State and Amaechi, have known no peace as Wike has become a willing tool in the orchestrated campaign against the governor.

    In the case of the South-west, the situation is more pathetic as Tukur’s arm-twisting led to the installation of some largely unwanted leaders whose credibility has been severally called to question as interim managers of the South-west zone of the party. The takeover of the South-west machinery of the party by Tukur’s men was well planned and skillfully executed like a civilian equivalent of a military coup d’état. In early February 2013, agents of Tukur cleverly lured chieftains of the party from the South-west into Abuja for a meeting. Though the ‘family meeting’ was cloaked in the façade of a reconciliation gambit, those at the meeting were dumbfounded when they discovered that they had voluntarily walked into a booby trap set for them by Tukur and his clique. In one fell swoop, all the contending groups in South-west PDP were all deposited inside the trash can. The only man left standing was Buruji Kashamu, who, apparently, had a fore-knowledge of the tsunami that was about to happen.

    A few days to the Abuja parley, Tukur, through a top legal practitioner based in Abuja, went round the courts and withdrew all the pending cases instituted against the PDP by some of the groups jostling for control of the party machinery in the zone. The dummy that was sold was that the withdrawal of all the court cases would pave the way for genuine reconciliation. But this was not to be. As soon as the cases were withdrawn, the leadership of the zone was ceded to Buruji and his group. That was how the other contending groups were led to the slaughter slab. With power now fully in Buruji’s kitty, the businessman turned politician has been calling the shot with the tacit support of the party’s National Headquarters.

    That was not all. On Wednesday, November 6, 2013, a Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja reinstated Olagunsoye Oyinlola as the national secretary of the PDP. The three-man panel, chaired by Justice Amiru Sanusi, upturned the January 11 judgment of the Federal High Court, Abuja, which sacked Oyinlola. One would have thought that this judgement would provide a good opportunity for the party to resolve the intractable crisis that had enveloped it, but rather than find a solution, some desperate elements within the party, led by Tukur, went ahead to suspend Oyinlola and others under puerile excuses.

    The Presidency then came under heat from some stakeholders who felt that certain forces were exploiting the situation for their selfish motives. Some governors loyal to the President were also said to have made contacts among themselves and with the President to express deep concerns that the leadership of the party scuttled the opportunity for peace presented by the Appeal Court verdict. This is why Tukur may have incurred the wrath of Jonathan over his handling of the moves to resolve the crisis in the party.  Since then, Tukur’s days were numbered as the President was said to be unhappy with the unilateral decision he took to suspend the party leaders, including Oyinlola, who have been reinstated to his post by the appellate court. It was clear that instead of the party creating and getting more followers and friends, the hierarchy was busy creating more enemies for the party and the Jonathan administration.

    With the exit of the erstwhile chairman who is an ally of the President, the battle this time around, will shift to the agitation by certain elements within the PDP that Jonathan should not contest the 2015 election. But that would be against the President’s right to vote and be voted for as enshrined in the 1999 Constitution. Tukur’s tenure was characterised by intrigues and intra-party squabbles which resulted into mass exodus of prominent party leaders, five state governors, members of the National Working Committee and lawmakers in the National Assembly. Perhaps, only the President, for whom he was a cheerleader, will, most certainly, miss him.

  • Football awards: Objectivity on trial

    Football awards: Objectivity on trial

    Christiano Ronaldo and Edison Arantes do Nascimento, aka Pelé, supplied about the most poignant moments of the 2013 FIFA Ballon d’Or gala held January 13, 2013 at the Kongresshaus of the Federation of International Football Associations (FIFA) in Zurich, Switzerland. Their emotional acceptance of the Player of the Year and Player of the 20th Century awards highlighted the relationship between player recognition and the establishment’s inclination.

    More known for dominant displays on the football pitch, the pair’s quivering monologues in Zurich struck a wistful chord. Did the tears come from joy or relief? And were the individuals not the ones that harassed defenders, confused goalkeepers and mesmerised fans across the world?

    Both typify the football prodigy, the kind that influences team tactics and the exit of neutral coaches. Despite official retirement from football in 1977 after a stint with New York Cosmos in a nascent North American Soccer League, Pele is as revered today as Ronaldo is feted.

    In his pomp, Pelé or ‘O Rei’, meaning ‘The King’, was untouchable. A World Cup winner with the Selecao in 1958, he earned two more winners medals, the last at Mexico 1970. Declared a national treasure by a Brazil president, he notched 77 goals in 92 outings for Brazil and over 1, 000 goals throughout his career.

    Ronaldo is unplayable. Last year’s feat of 69 goals in 60 matches for club and country recommends the winger’s supreme athleticism and mental fortitude. Despite resistance from defenders sharpened by improved diet and scientific grooming, the Portugal skipper continues to strike with cutting edge precision. His goals, of recent, sent Portugal through to the Brazil 2014 World Cup finals from a difficult play-off with a Sweden team parading the gifted Zlatan Ibrahimovic.

    Still, the idea that Ronaldo and Pelé sobbed out of relief seems plausible, considering their records and consuming rivalries with exceptional players. Largely at Ronaldo’s expense, Lionel Messi of Barcelona claimed FIFA’s top honour from 2009 to 2012. And some, particularly the 80s and 90s generation of football followers, hold that the exploits of Argentina legend Diego Maradona supersede Pelé’s.

    An internet vote in 2000 for FIFA’s Footballer of the Century supports their position. The difference in playing era may account for the discrepancy, but Franz Beckenbauer and other icons of the game tip the scales in the Brazilian’s favour on account of greater discipline.

    Maradona struck gold in Mexico too. His extraordinary efforts landed Argentina the 1986 World Cup trophy, the second major silverware after his coming out ball at the Under-20 World Youth Championship in Japan, 1979.

    Ronaldo, on the other hand, suffers the fate of playing in the same period as Messi, thus allowing better comparison. And none but the superficial would argue that the Portuguese is the more talented player. On his day, ‘Messidona’ compares to none, as his sublime body feints and exquisite finishing validate. His performances draw comparison with Maradona, but he looks set to surpass his hero after his record 91 goals for club and country in 2012.

    Following his annex of the now-defunct 2008 FIFA World Player of the Year award, Ronaldo reined in a series of awards for club and country – enough to start a museum in his native Madeira to which the latest accolade heads for display, by his admission. But his second place finish in voting for the 2009 award – the last of the World Player of the Year prize before FIFA and France Football merged their awards – as well as the 2011 and 2012 prizes apparently haunted him.

    For footballers in the business of ego-fuelled performance, the need to be elevated by peers and managers is often a life-long pursuit. Ronaldo’s demeanour in Zurich vindicated the view as much as his words underlined the notion. “I am very happy; it is very difficult to win this award.”

    Franck Ribery, who finished third in the voting with 1, 127 votes behind Messi’s 1,205 and Ronaldo’s 1,365 couldn’t resist a dig at his triumphant adversary. “I’m not a selfish player and the FIFA Ballon d’Or was not an objective of mine. I would rather win it all again with Bayern Munich and win the world title. That is what really matters,” he said to German paper Bild afterwards.

    That is not exactly the truth. In the run-up to the ceremony, Ribery thought that winning the accolade was “now or never”.

    Messi, whose injury-blighted 2013 campaign obviously splintered his chances, conceded defeat with grace. In justifying Ronaldo’s accomplishment, he discounted his own form. “I started the season injured. I was a long time out but that has nothing to do with it. Cristiano had a great year and he won on merit.”

    Pele’s words at the occasion betrayed the anticipation of possessing the one award that eluded him partly because he never played in Europe; a feeling apparently bested by the privilege of accepting the award in person as opposed to, perhaps, posthumous honour. He said: “I got so many trophies and prizes but I was jealous because all of those guys who got the Ballon d’Or, which I couldn’t get because I didn’t play in Europe. Now I thank God that I can complete my trophies at home.”

    Watching Ronaldo and Pele mingle with others on the stage, it was hard to tell who the night belonged to more: the brash, talented youngster not exactly enamoured of the establishment or the old magician who held it spell-bound. FIFA President Joseph Blatter said the first ever FIFA Ballon d’Or Prix d’Honneur went to “the greatest footballer to grace the pitch”.

    Maradona will have a thing or two to say about that. The Argentine has lost none of his old spark as constant run-ins with authorities from his homeland to Italy and Qatar indicate. And Messi will be back. Never shy of braces and hat-tricks, he terrorises opponents across Spain and beyond once the bandages come off.

    Beside the superiority debate, which remains ever subjective, FIFA President Joseph Blatter’s pre-award put-down of Ronaldo and FIFA’s extension of voting for the Ballon d’Or following a backlash from fans were significant. Official influence apparently counts as much as the voting process. That undercuts Messi’s unprecedented quadruple, and to some extent, Ribery’s third place finish.

    If the award goes out to the player ‘considered to have performed best in the previous season by national team coaches and captains as well as journalists’, midfield dynamos Xavi Hernandez and Andres Iniesta may have been as worthy of the 2009 and 2010 prizes. They pulled the strings as Spain conquered Europe and the world between 2008 and 2010. And for registering greater effect with his national team and Real Madrid, Ronaldo may as well claim the 2011 and 2012 rewards.

    With the exception of Yaya Toure whose dominant and consistent displays for Manchester City and Ivory Coast fetched a

  • Return of Chinweizu and all that

    Return of Chinweizu and all that

    It’s good to know my good friend, poet, author, essayist, literary critic, Pan Africanist and, not least of all, newspaper columnist, Chinweizu Ibekwe, simply self-identified as Chinweizu, is alive and well(?). Not too long after his controversial 1990 book, The Anatomy of Female Power, provocatively subtitled A Masculinist Dissection of Matriarchy, the man simply vanished from the Nigerian radar.

    Appearing at a time when the late Mariam, wife of former military president, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, had elevated the state of First Ladyism in the country to an unprecedented height, Chinweizu’s Anatomy was as harsh a criticism of female power in or out of the corridors of power as you could get anywhere.

    Predictably the book provoked a huge protest from the female folk. Speculations were rife then that Mariam took its attack personal and vowed to obstruct its circulation. If this was true, the late First Lady was not alone; among others, the late celebrity journalist, May Ellen Ezekiel, vigorously campaigned in her popular column in the rested Clasique, that every woman owed it to herself and to the female gender to kill the book’s circulation.

    If MEE, as she was then popularly known, were alive today she would’ve been celebrating the success, beyond her wildest imagination, of her campaign. Today, when the book should be compulsory reading for all, given the way Patience, President Goodluck Jonathan’s wife, has transmogrified First Ladyism, it is almost impossible to find a copy. All the libraries in Kaduna, my city of residence, and all the bookstores that I have searched in Kaduna, Abuja, Lagos and Ibadan, Nigeria’s book publishing capital, have no copies. My requests for the book from mutual friends like the managing director of Guardian Newspapers limited where Chinweizu once plied his trade, Mr Emeka Izeze, drew blank. Another mutual friend, Chief Ikechi Emenike, also a journalist and magazine publisher, who had five copies lost all over time and couldn’t remember exactly to whom.

    Indeed most mutual friends didn’t know where to reach Chinweizu at to find out from him where to get a copy. Some said he was in far away America, feeling not so well and had chosen to remain somewhat incommunicado for personal reasons.

    You can then imagine my pleasant surprise the other day when I saw his half-page response in The Guardian (Thursday, December 12, 2013) to two newspaper interviews by my friend and primary school class mate, the radical Kano politician and medical doctor, Dr Junaid Mohammed – one in the Sunday Sun of December 1, 2013, the other in The PUNCH of December 6, 2013 – in which Junaid threatened bloodshed should President Jonathan run next year (Sun) and said supporters of a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) were only asking for civil war (PUNCH). Chinweizu’s article, entitled “To Junaid Mohammed and Shariyalanders”, was vintage him; pungent, precise, rigorous and highly readable, if also largely propagandistic.

    The following Thursday, December 19, the newspaper again carried another half-page article by the man, this time his intervention on the controversial 18-page letter to President Jonathan by former president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

    His main thesis in both pieces was characteristically provocative but equally propagandistic; Nigeria’s current Constitution, he said, is “a self-interested creation of Northern generals, for the parochial interest of Shariyaland,” and, as such, it must be replaced by new Constitution created through the National Dialogue/Conference and approved by the people through a referendum before the next election. The Junaids and the Chief Obasanjos of this world who raise questions about the competence and integrity of President Jonathan and about his fidelity to the deals he makes and his fairness to all sections of the country, he said, are merely trying to divert attention away from what he obviously believes is the very urgent need to do away with the current “illegitimate” constitution.

    The current constitution should go, he says, not only because it is an illegitimate imposition of Northern generals. It should go also because, by the immunity it has granted the president and state governors and their deputies and by its ouster of Chapter II on the fundamental objectives of government as justiciable, it has become “the godfather of corruption” in Nigeria.

    Chinweizu is clearly in agreement with a group of his fellow Igbo elders, led by Professor Ben Nwabueze, which recently issued a statement after a meeting in Enugu rejecting any national conference which is not sovereign and whose outcome is not subjected to a referendum. Their belief that the current constitution is an imposition of Northern generals does extreme violence to the facts of constitution making in this country and their insistence on the sovereignty of the conference and subjecting it to a referendum is simply impractical, given the one year left before our next elections. On his part, Chinweizu’s argument that the Constitution is the godfather of corruption in the country simply stands logic on its head.

    Anyone who has taken time to study the current 1999 Constitution will agree that there are only minor differences between it and the 1979 Constitution. The latter was drafted by a committee of some of Nigeria’s best lawyers and social scientists led by late Chief Rotimi (Timi the Law) Williams, a leading Yoruba and one of the country’s first Queens Counsel and Senior Advocate.

    The draft was debated by a mainly elected Constituent Assembly under the chairmanship of the late Justice Udo Udoma, one of the most respected justices of the Supreme Court and a South-Southerner who was by means a lackey of Chinweizu’s Northern generals. The CA itself comprised some of the most astute Nigerian politicians and critics of military rule.

    General Olusegun Obasanjo, whose administration finally enacted the Constitution into law, is, as far as I know, Yoruba. True, his administration was under the watchful eyes of some Northern generals. However, these generals never had any Northerner’s mandate to take the decisions they took. In any case, these Northern generals rarely took any decisions without the consent of their fellow generals from other sections of the country.

    Except, of course, if Chinweizu is saying of all the Nigerians who made the 1979 Constitution only the Northern generals have a mind of their own it is untenable for anyone to say that the Constitution was an imposition by a cabal of Northern generals.

    Give or take a few minor amendments the 1999 Constitution is the same as that of 1979.

    As for the argument that we need a brand new Constitution, one can counter it with the American saying that if it ain’t broke don’t fix it. Yes, our Constitution, like everything human, isn’t perfect and as such needs fixing every once in a while. But our problem, one must never tire of repeating, is less our Constitution than our attitude. In other words, anyone who thinks, as Chinweizu and Professor Nwabueze do, that a brand new constitution will banish our problems must be suffering from a grand delusion. Constitutions don’t implement themselves. People do. And without the right attitude which, unfortunately, is in the end not a matter for legislation, no Constitution, no matter how near-perfect, can solve anyone’s problems.

    However, assuming for argument’s sake that we do need a brand new constitution, it is truly amazing how anyone can imagine that we can get it, with referendum and all that, before the elections due in a year’s time. Or, as Professor Nwabueze and other likeminded leaders insist, we can get it based on the ethnic groups of this country as building blocks.

    First, under our Constitution the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will require a law by the National Assembly to conduct elections into a Constituent Assembly. For now Section 15 (a) of the Third Schedule gives it powers only to conduct elections into the presidency, governorship and national and state assemblies.

    Second, money is an object in these times when governments are finding it hard to pay even salaries, essentially due to government profligacy. Third, time itself is an object considering how the minimum time it takes to enact and implement laws is on the scale of months not days or even weeks. Fourth, no one knows for sure how many tribes we have in this country. Also the populations of the tribes we know have never been captured by any of our censuses to enable us decide what weight to give to each group in allocating the number of those to represent it since it makes no sense to give them equal representation in a democracy.

    In pursuing his thesis Chinweizu claimed believers of Sharia like Junaid have since been waging a war against Nigeria through Boko Haram. He also condemned Obasanjo for trying to hold President Jonathan to promises he said the president made in 2011 to serve only one term.

    As a Muslim who believes in Sharia and as someone who believes one’s word should be his honour, I can easily expose Chinweizu’s positions as mere propaganda. However, these are matters for possibly another time. For now one would only like to say welcome back Chinweizu, and if you happen to read this piece please let me know through a text to the phone number on top of this column how I can get a copy of your Anatomy of Female Power.

  • To be ‘Arrested for writing petitions against FRSC?’; Art work in building; 20,000Mw

    To be ‘Arrested for writing petitions against FRSC?’; Art work in building; 20,000Mw

    Warning: Beware of Ogere FRSC checkpoint. We were stopped there on Sunday evening by FRSC checkpoint maybe Number 242 vehicle. We were breaking no laws. We were driving in the right lane when most people drove in the left lane to avoid the FRSC who often jumped out of the way of vehicles refusing to stop. We were asked for particulars and then fire extinguisher. Another officer took a keen interest in the licence on the windscreen and scrutinised me. I did not look at him. The particulars officer asked us to go when the scrutinising officer gesticulated to others.  He said to my hearing, ‘this is the man who has been writing petitions against us.’ We were ordered us to stop again. This same officer got on his phone to announce to his superior that he has ‘arrested a man who has been writing petitions against the FRSC and is impounding his car’. My driver was ordered to hand over the keys to the car.  I was asked to get out of the car. Things were getting a little tense though most of the officers did not know what was going on, as they were attending to two other vehicles, a white pickup and navy blue Benz. Knowing that we had not broken any law and anxious not to be falsely arrested, I asked my driver to bring my FRSC file which I carry around. From it I extracted a plaque given me by FRSC and a Q&A booklet to the Highway Code written by me in 1991 after we had written the Highway Code on my dining table under Professor Wole Soyinka and Olu Agunloye for which we took no fat contract fees –just love of country. The sight of these mellowed things down and we were asked to go, but not before I advised the FRSC staff that we want to love them but they make it so difficult with their ‘uniform is God’ behaviour. I can only imagine what could have happened if the FRSC were armed. I do not write petitions. I write facts. Change the facts and I will change my writing, arrest or no arrest. I was among the first set of Special Marshals, so to be stopped is interesting. To be harassed is a crime against my human rights. I seek no revenges. Let the FRSC train and retrain its staff to ‘help’ not ‘hinder’ road users whether they ‘petition; or not! I love FRSC in which I have invested a lot of my time. I will not allow bad FRSC people to destroy my investment and the investment of good FRSC people, past and present. We must stop the corruption of the uniform –moral and monetary.   Nigeria is part of the world and cannot continue to provide no or minimum standards when Nigeria earns and squanders so much money annually. Nigeria’s aviation gurus should visit Mumbai’s ‘swanky’ new airport terminal before congratulating themselves on what they have done at MMA and elsewhere. The artwork is fantastic along all the walls you find scenes and historic events from India’s past including maps made from recycled circuit boards which is being used by many of our own artists. At least one percent and sometimes two percent of all funds expended on public buildings is allocated to iconic artwork in all civilised countries. Is such a law enforced in Nigeria? This is what the arts groups and architects associations need to fight for in all Nigeria’s public building contracts. Are Nigeria’s authorities who travel all over the world first class at Nigeria’s expense blind when they pass through the airports of other countries? How dare they make us appear as a country with no art! Our artists should google Mumbai’s new airport and protest through organised sectors. They should get to work getting entrepreneurial jobs for their members.

    This government promises just 20,000MW in five years when South Africa has 45, 000 MW now and will have 80,000MW in five years.? Rubbish.  So power is not a priority? This government is saying that there is no money to finish the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway used by millions a day. Rubbish. So this road is not a priority. Is this political punishment or economics?

    Be in no doubt about how politicians despise and hate you until a week to the elections when they need you and are forced to tolerate you as they would a necessary evil or a poor relation. How else do you explain why they seem to have a right to every good thing while you remain with nothing, chicken change even though you supposedly put them there through the manipulation of your vote? When you complain, they reply quickly that change will come slowly. Well my friends ‘Change Must Come’. Even unelected political office holders owe their positions to the electorate for voting for the employer.

    There are those seized by greed. The phone camera will force police and VIOs and FRSC to earn your respect. Let us put up posters around the country –‘There may be cameras monitoring your corruption. Beware!  We must never forget those who, by greedily seizing the political space, forcing Nigerians to bow to them and call them distinguished, honourable and representative. The political class succeeded in subjugating the people to keep Nigeria as ‘The Dark Country’ in electricity, education, health, economics, housing while devaluing our businesses, currency and lives.

     

  • APC, PDP and the religion card

    APC, PDP and the religion card

    For the last couple of months the PDP has been on the back foot, haemorraghing members who have been dissolving into a resurgent APC. Now determined to stop the bleeding, the ruling party is fighting back on all fronts. Such is its desperation that some of its rabbit punches are now landing below the belt.

    One of the major talking points last week was the back and forth between the parties over the issue of religion. I am not too clear what provoked the mud fight, but the PDP accused its main rival of being an Islamic party that wanted to divide the country along religious lines.

    Stung by the charges, APC spokespersons warned the ruling party of the dangers of playing with the fiery subject of faith. The PDP would not back down. Instead its spokesman challenged its rival to publish a list of the names of the party’s interim officers.

    These exchanges are a foretaste of what to expect come the 2015 campaign season. Just thinking of it already makes me feel sick. It is not only through rigging that politicians dupe the electorate; they achieve the same end when they can get us distracted from the things that matter to focus on those that divide us.

    What makes APC an Islamic party? Does its manifesto commit it to an Islamist agenda? If the opposition party is Islamic does that mean that PDP is a Christian party just because President Jonathan professes that faith? There are millions of Nigerians who are Christians whose lives have not in any way been transformed by the regime of this Christian president.

    Depend on it also that tremendous heat would still be generated by those whipping up sentiments that opposition to Jonathan is because he’s from the South-South zone. You would find millions in the same zone whose reality of grinding poverty remains unchanged in the nearly five years of their kinsman’s presidency.

    Nigerians – the media especially – have a choice to make. We can decide that we want to be taken for the same old ride by the usual suspects playing the tried and tested primordial tricks to force themselves on the populace. Let’s not be fooled. There are no Islamic bridges or tarred roads, neither is there Christian tap water.

    Even as we speak the Central African Republic (CAR) is engulfed in a sectarian war that has split this poverty-stricken country in two. Christians and Muslims are at each other’s throats. The hapless President Michael Djotodia has been forced to resign by African leaders.

    Speaking with journalists following their evacuation from that sorry country, returnee Nigerians warned against allowing this country to be plunged into ethnic or religious war.

    Over in South Sudan, the world’s youngest nation is in the grip of a power struggle between President Salva Kiir and his erstwhile deputy, Riek Machar. The fuel for the conflict is ethnicity; the body count so far is over one thousand.

    Dead bodies don’t have a religion; they are just dead! Nigerians must not be hoodwinked into ignoring critical issues of governance to start squabbling over who has a tribal mark or prays five times a day. In 2014 and 2015 we must demand from incumbent politicians – Christian, animist or Islamic – what they have done with our mandate.

  • Jonathan versus Sanusi

    Jonathan versus Sanusi

    Women have been a major factor in the life of French President Francois Hollande. When he first ran for President in 2007 his erstwhile lover, Segolene Royal, defeated him for the Socialist Party ticket. He finally became president in 2012. At his side in his hour of triumph was Valerie Trierweiler, his current ‘partner’ with whom he started a relationship whilst still with Royal. Now Hollande is caught in the midst of a storm after the magazine, Closer, published pictures alleging the president had been having an affair with an actress named Julie Gayet. The ‘First Partner’ Trierweiler reportedly feels ‘humiliated,’ the president is angry and threatening legal action. Watch this space!

    Cynics often blithely warn that you should not believe everything you read in the newspapers. Still, reports that President Goodluck Jonathan had demanded the resignation of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, were just too intriguing to ignore.

    Significantly, neither the Presidency – which is often quick on the draw in these sorts of matters – commented on the report, nor did the CBN Governor issue any denial. The silence of the purported antagonists only served to confer a pregnant ring of authenticity on the reports.

    By the accounts, the president had asked that Sanusi fall on his sword as the price for leaking a confidential letter to former President Olusegun Obasanjo. The missive alleged that the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) had failed to remit to the CBN funds totalling $49.8 billion.

    The exchange between the two men raises very troubling questions about the state of affairs in the country, and how the president exercises the awesome powers of his office.

    The CBN Governor is an appointee of the President. But like the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), although he’s so appointed he has tenure. That is what sets them apart from ministers whose membership of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) can be truncated if their boss wakes up on the wrong side of the bed.

    All the same, the president’s appointee serves at his pleasure. It would follow therefore that once there’s a breakdown of trust between them, the honourable thing would be for the appointee to step aside. But this is one instance where things haven’t been that straight forward.

    For starters, Sanusi’s tenure expires in June. He had long made it clear he wasn’t interested in a second term. In the last few weeks there had also been reports he intended to proceed on pre-retirement leave in March – a little over two months away. So why the sudden stampede to usher him out of the door? The only reason would be to humiliate and cut him down to size.

    This latest episode sheds further light on the mindset of the president and shows how he exercises power. Nothing that has been revealed so far should really shock anyone. According to the report in Thisday, Sanusi had asked the president why he was the one being told to resign and not those who could not account for almost $11 billion that remains ‘missing’.

    Officials of the NNPC and other defenders of the administration celebrated gleefully when it emerged that it wasn’t actually $ 49.8 billion that was not remitted but $ 10.8 billion. They called Sanusi names. But in their rush to defend the indefensible they created the impression that it okay to just toss away trillions of naira without an explanation.

    We have so far not heard reports of angry presidential phone calls to the Minister of Petroleum or Group Managing Director of the NNPC demanding to know how $10.8 billion was expended.

    This should come as no surprise. Early last year, Channels Television broadcast an expose of the disgraceful conditions at the Police College, Ikeja – one of the key training facilities of the force. The report was thoroughly embarrassing for the government. Such was its impact that President Jonathan decided to visit the school.

    But rather than concern himself with the scandalous sights he was confronted with, he was overhead asking some trembling officers how the TV station got permission to film the premises. For him, it was not about decaying facilities; his sense was that the story had been done to paint his administration in bad light!

    Little wonder he’s more concerned that someone leaked a letter to Obasanjo, and not that trillions of naira that should be in the nation’s coffers cannot be accounted for.

    A lot of the time the administration and its spokespersons are wont to claim that critics do not show enough respect to the person and office of the president. Perhaps they should take a quick peek in the mirror to see who’s to blame. In many instances it is Jonathan who through his actions and inaction diminishes his grand office. The exchange with Sanusi is a clear example.

    The president had no business calling CBN Governor to demand his resignation. That is an assignment he could have delegated to one of his minions. By doing the job himself he laid the prestige of the presidency on the line and got an embarrassing rebuff from someone he hired. His bluff has been called without consequences.

    Two weeks have passed since the ‘heated exchange’ took place and Sanusi in still in office. Jonathan could have gone ahead out of wounded pride to announce the governor’s sack, but he would have triggered a very messy political fallout from a National Assembly where the All Peoples Congress (APC) is in the ascendant.

    Contrast the president’s bungling of a high profile sacking with the way Obasanjo handled things. When he wanted to get rid of Audu Ogbeh as the then chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he simply sent emissaries. Some reports claimed the resignation was procured at gunpoint! Not an approach I recommend though! The point here is that a president doesn’t get his hands dirty doing certain things.

    It is obvious that Jonathan in his rage didn’t think through the larger implications – locally and internationally – of him forcing out the CBN Governor. The reactions of the markets would have been very negative. Even with reports of some of sort of truce questions would remain about the character of those in charge of managing this nation. But such things don’t give you pause when you are convinced the whole world is out to get you

  • Comments

    Comments

    For Olatunji Dare

     

    Without doubt, former President Obasanjo and his political son, the incumbent President Dr. Jonathan have foibles of which no quarantine could purify them. That apart, there is so much that is bad about the best of both men and so much that is good about the worst of them that it does not behove one of them to criticise the other. May God give Nigeria leaders with good morals soonest. From Adegoke O. O., Ikhin, Edo State

    Dare, Obasanjo’s letter should not be used to divert the truth. I think what Obasanjo is calling for is the abrogation of the land use decree which gave him half of Ogun State lands on a platter of gold. If he calls for adjudication on corruption let us start from there and corruption will leave Nigerian shores. Thanks! Anonymous

    Dare, one gets peeved to read about an elder politician ‘railroading’ his ‘boys’ to presidency as claimed in “December 2013: A month in missives” with Obasanjo on Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Jonathan. What does such an act make of Nigerians and the electoral process than a pack of fools electorally supervised by corrupt and inept bodies? And yet the media knew Nigerians’ votes were in Obasanjo’s personal choice, competent or otherwise, but chose to lump into the ‘fools’ pack instead of protesting against such electoral malady. And what has the scrutiny of passports at the airport got to do with OBJ’s claim that Jonathan has a watch list? That is too cheap a proof. Jonathan’s response to Obasanjo’s letter was cautious and deserves commendation and not condemnation. Sanusi Lamido’s issue is most nauseating; considering his egoistic demeanour. And Iyabo Obasanjo’s case remains blurred from truth. From Lai Ashadele

     

    For Segun Gbadegesin

     

    Some of the issues you raised in your write-up “The centennial of greed” are the issues that would have been discussed immediately after the civil war but the elders lacked the foresight. From Ogo, Delta State

    I just finished reading your essay titled “The centennial of greed”. You said it pointblank. Thank you. Anonymous

    Segun, really interesting, your “The centinnial of greed (1)”. The only problem is that you seem to have left a truly critical question. What do you think caused the civil war? Until the rest of the Nigerians wake up to this aboriginal conspiracy by Lugard and his northern cohorts to dispossess the south, and address the issue with candor and fortitude, l am afraid we may spend another centennial running around in circles. From Marizu Ogbuehi

    Great write-up on “The centennial of greed”. Britain destroyed us from the start and religion is helping to sustain that destruction. From Archibong, Calabar

    Re: The centennial of greed. Greed did not come to Nigeria with the arrival of Lord Lugard, it was an attempt to civilize us and give us a near modern governance. In the process, southern protectorate proved to be civilized and got less. North cooperated and got big. We tasted governance and began the struggle to share the headship of number one. Our not valuing the centennial celebration lies in the same number one. Remove corruption today and Nigeria will appreciate centennial celebration. In that respect, I bow to late Gani Fawehinmi and Papa Jakande. The present crops are ‘jeunjeun’. From Lanre Oseni

    Your article will be of great importance if all Nigerians will have access to it. But the problem I see is that, hatred has been planted in the heart of every individual right from birth by our forfathers, even among different groups, ethnics, religions, e.t.c. From Bamaiyi T. Kaduna

     

    For Tunji Adegboyega

    Re: ‘Missing link on Okoh’s homily’. Your comment shows how narrow you can be in your write-ups. Why do you comment on areas that you lack knowledge? You don’t know anything about salvation. Prosperity was a blessing to Adam. He lost it to Satan. It was reclaimed in salvation. Tunji, you will win our minds when you write on matters that bring peace, that encourage it; certainly not on things that take peace away and put this country on fire. There is room for improvement. Anonymous.

    The Most Revd. Nicholas Okoh should be criticised for the unbalanced ‘sermon’. It is a confirmation that we are in an age of blandness, of superficiality, of submerged vigour and of atomized thought. Today, many worshippers’ relationship to public morality has diminished to a vanishing point. May God touch the hearts of our leaders for a positive change in due course. Anonymous.

    Thanks, Tunji, some of our religious leaders have turned their churches to political platforms for the President. Anonymous.

    My understanding of your Sunday write-up is that peace without justice is peace of the graveyard. In some churches, the front pews are reserved for the rich and powerful. They don’t speak truth to the front pews. So, Okoh’s incomplete sermon is not surprising to me. More grease to your elbows for your Solomonic writings on Sundays. Anonymous.

    Your article on January, 5 was super, articulate and direct to the issue at stake. You made my day with your write-ups a la carte. You went beyond religious bigotry. From Comrade Rufus Olusesan, Lagos.

    Thanks for telling it as it is to the Rt Revd. Okoh, the head of the Anglican Church in Nigeria, “Missing link in Okoh’s homily”. I won’t forget his extremely provocative, myopic, undemocratic call for the proscription of ASUU during the varsity teachers’ strike … From Gab A. Uche, Umuahia.

    Tunji, well-done. You have said it all. Anonymous.

    Dear Tunji, to preach only what pleases our leaders is a sign that our emancipation remains a mirage. Without fear or favour, I want all the churches to stand by the truth, just as the Catholic Church stood boldly against evils like gay or same sex marriage, abortion, paedophile and inordinate lifestyles of some men of God amid the prevailing hunger, abject poverty and penury in the land. Our religious leaders have the capacity to help reverse the nation’s seemingly gloomy future at the pulpits. From Collins Obodo, Kubwa, Abuja.

    I feel you; most of our men of God shy from telling our leaders their wrongdoings in government because of what they will get from the politicians. The funniest thing with them is that they see politicians who rigged elections and engage in other vices and would grant them space for thanksgiving in their churches. What a country! From Gordon Chika Nnorom, Umukabia, Abia State.